The author outlines the modern universalistic theories that assume the natural & historical unity of humankind &, using this as a starting point, predict a cosmopolitan & Eurocentric outcome of world history. Contrary to these universalistic theories, the contemporary globalist theories, the author claims, are pluralistic & multicultural & thus paradigmatically different from the panoptical theories of classic modernism. Adapted from the source document.
The author analyzes the concept of neoclassicism in contemporary political philosophy. The study begins with a description of contemporary neoclassical developments & continues with a precise delineation of Plato's & Aristotle's philosophy of politics. In the end, the author concludes that the antiquity-inspired philosophy of politics today has the corrective function to steer liberal society towards community. Adapted from the source document.
The author discusses some recent changes in the theoretical literature on globalization. He claims that the irreversibility of the globalization process is no longer taken for granted as in the enthusiastic literature on the subject during the 1990's. The globalization is no longer regarded as an untouchable structure, and for over a decade now, we are witnessing an overall questioning of the globalization process itself. Therefore, the author pays special attention to the theoretical works of Justin Rosenberg who claims that the age of globalization is over. For Rosenberg, the globalization was only an ideological construction supported by the so called globalization theory which has failed in all its aspects: as a general social theory, as a historical and sociological argument and as a basis for interpretation of actual events. As opposed to Rosebenrg, the author claims that globalization should be regarded as a 'metapolitical' concept with its semantic and political functions. Using the methodological assumptions of Reinhart Koselleck, the author shows that 'metapolitical' concepts reach their intellectual and political high point by accelerating history and by transcending the actual situation. After their revolutionary peak, they disappear or they change their meaning in order to refer to the 'new reality'. Based on the insights of Hannah Arendt, the author shows that globalization has lost its revolutionary potential, but also that the end of globalization theory would not necessarily follow. Adapted from the source document.
The author discusses some recent changes in the theoretical literature on globalization. He claims that the irreversibility of the globalization process is no longer taken for granted as in the enthusiastic literature on the subject during the 1990's. The globalization is no longer regarded as an untouchable structure, and for over a decade now, we are witnessing an overall questioning of the globalization process itself. Therefore, the author pays special attention to the theoretical works of Justin Rosenberg who claims that the age of globalization is over. For Rosenberg, the globalization was only an ideological construction supported by the so called globalization theory which has failed in all its aspects: as a general social theory, as a historical and sociological argument and as a basis for interpretation of actual events. As opposed to Rosebenrg, the author claims that globalization should be regarded as a 'metapolitical' concept with its semantic and political functions. Using the methodological assumptions of Reinhart Koselleck, the author shows that 'metapolitical' concepts reach their intellectual and political high point by accelerating history and by transcending the actual situation. After their revolutionary peak, they disappear or they change their meaning in order to refer to the 'new reality'. Based on the insights of Hannah Arendt, the author shows that globalization has lost its revolutionary potential, but also that the end of globalization theory would not necessarily follow. Adapted from the source document.
The author analyzes the Polish 2003 EU membership referendum. In the first part of the paper she looks into the factors which influenced the evolution of individual political actors in the course of the European debate in Poland. Due to the increasing interest in the significance of the EU-related issues for the consolidation of the political system in Poland, the first part of the paper focuses on the EU-membership debate & on the role of the political elite & the public support. In the second part the author analyzes the role of the referendum in that debate & its impact on the political actors' strategy. The author analyzes the mobilization of the pro-European & the anti-European camp. Tables, Graphs, References. Adapted from the source document.
This paper deals with Bhikhu Parekh's theory of intercultural evaluation. Parekh's approach to multiculturalism is based on an open dialogue between minorities & the majority on cultural practices that should be tolerated. In the first part, author criticizes Parekh's concept of operative public values, which Parekh uses as a starting point for intercultural debate. In the second part, author deals with the problem of consistency between Parekh's theoretical arguments & their application to particular cases. In the conclusion, author argues that Parekh's aspiration to avoid both claims of liberal universalism & cultural relativism is unsuccessful because he fails to provide a convincing theoretical argument on how to resolve disputes on cultural values & practices. References. Adapted from the source document.
The author shows why Gray's modus vivendi tolerance has not been particularly effective in designing stable global governance. The essay is divided into two parts. The first part describes Gray's link between globalization & tolerance, & the second presents Barry's disproof of Hobbesian justice as mutual utility, & Barry's criticism of Locke's argument for tolerance. The author uses Barry's theoretical maneuvers to show why he does not find Gray's solution particularly convincing. Although he accepts Gray's idea of pluralism derived from incommensurability, the author is of the opinion that it does not exclude a possibility of a supracultural pursuit of a consensus on how the planet ought to be governed to the benefit of all. 4 References. Adapted from the source document.
The author analyzes the interpretations by Jean-Marie Guehenno & Helmut Willke of the end of the national state in the context of contemporary debates on globalization. The author thinks that both authors have come up with similar insights, particularly those regarding assessment of the functional role that may be analytically attributed to the national state in the present & the future. Although their observations coincide with the debates on globalization going on in political economy & political science, their conclusions are not in line with the special structure of political activity. Unlike their state/theoretical "Hegelianism" (Guehenno) & system theory functional definition of government activity (Willke), the author looks into the contemporary operation of the state from the legal/philosophical perspective. Adapted from the source document.
The author points out that in postcommunist countries, there is a genuine danger of postfascism, which is identical neither to classical fascism nor to neofascism, but shares certain fundamental common traits. Like in classical fascism, expansionism is particularly dangerous in postfascism. The author shows that the project of Greater Serbia is the very roots of the war in the entire territory of former Yugoslavia. Based on the tradition of Croatian antifascism, the author claims that the response to postfascism can only be democratic politics. Globally, it means that democratic countries cannot be morally neutral or passive toward manifestations of postfascism. The historical experience with fascism shows that diplomatic means are insufficient to thwart postfascist projects. Adapted from the source document.
Taking as his starting point the fact that without opposition there is no democracy, the author lists essential & sufficient conditions for the establishment of democracy in Croatia. Instead of the definition that democracy means decision making by the majority, the author proposes the definition of democracy as decision making by the majority, which takes into consideration the opinion of the minority. Such a type of democracy is called "consensual" & is particularly significant in a multinational & socially polarized society. The author distinguishes three ideal types of democracy: political, social, & economic. On the basis of such theoretical observations, he proposes measures for overcoming the conflicts & for increasing the efficacy of the functioning of the Croatian Parliament. Adapted from the source document.
The author compares two political parties, one from Eastern/Central Europe, and the other from Western Europe - Hungarian Jobbik and Dutch Party for Freedom of Geert Wilders - to portray some of the similarities, as well as the differences, between radical right parties in Western and Eastern European countries. The article is divided into three parts. In the first part, the author presents the contemporary radical right. Contemporary radical right, in comparison to the interwar radical right, is not necessary anti-systemic, but mainly ultra-nationalistic, xenophobic and homophobic. Although the term radical right describes one party family, this party family has significant internal differences. Therefore, there are many definitions, which are trying to grasp this political phenomenon. The second part of the article analyses the Hungarian Jobbik. The author concludes that Jobbik satisfies all the characteristics of the radical right, and therefore represents a truly radical right party. The third part of the article is devoted to the Dutch Party for Freedom. The author concludes that this party can also be regarded as a radical right party. Adapted from the source document.
The paper analyses the increasingly acute problem of low voter turnout for the elections for the European Parliament. The author identifies the key determinants of electoral participation, & focuses on how election campaigns affect the electorates' mobilization. By analyzing the results of various polls & by applying Sinnott's model of voter participation to the Slovenian institutional context, the author outlines the key circumstances leading to the disturbingly low voter turnout. The author points out the weaknesses of the institutional preconditions -- in the form of certain awkward electoral institutions, primarily regarding the institutional mobilization marked by half-baked electoral strategies of political parties & the unremarkable & dull campaigns -- that are supposed to increase voter participation. The low level of institutional mobilization has evidently affected the electorate's perceptions of power & trust in political institutions. This is why the institutional incentives for taking a vote have not been sufficient. By way of conclusion the author offers some recommendations concerning how to alter & improve the electoral institutions & the practice of the ED political parties, states & institutions. Tables, Appendixes, References. Adapted from the source document.
The author describes the political & geopolitical genesis of the Kosovo crisis & offers a polemically intoned criticism of the great powers regarding their policies in the entire territory of the former Yugoslavia, particularly Kosovo. The author advocates the continuation of the military struggle of the Kosovo Albanians until they have achieved their total political independence. 5 Appendixes. Adapted from the source document.
The author analyzes the classical postulate of Hobbes' political theory, starting from the negation of man's social character, with which Hobbes broke from the Aristotelian tradition. The author also shows through Hobbes' theory that the category of fear is a crucial notion in modern political science. During the later development of political thought, however, the category of fear remained outside the main scope of interest of political theory, it was pushed on the margins of theoretical study & was thrown out of the field of politics. The author stresses that power, & the desire for it is Hobbes' political constant, seeing the thesis on power as one Hobbes' most significant politico-sociological or even anthropological theses. It could also be said that in Hobbes' model, fear produces power, namely, that power, to use the contemporary language of psychoanalysis, is a compensation for fear & insecurity. The author also shows that Hobbes built his entire political theory on conclusions which he drew from the analysis of an extreme situation, the situation of civil war, i.e. war of all against all. His doctrine of the natural state is based one the experience of civil war. People want the same things, of which there is not enough to go around, & so they become enemies. The author draws the conclusion that the superior sovereignty of Leviathan came about in the following categorical way: instinct for self-preservation -- fear of violent death -- distrust -- a conflict of all against all -- social contract -- sovereign power of the state of Leviathan. References. Adapted from the source document.
The author describes the political situation in Columbia from its independence to the present. In the first & the second part of the article the author shows the roots of Columbia's political problems & conflicts in the period 1830-1986. In the third part of the article, the author analyses the political situation in Columbia from 1986-2008, & presents the main argument of the article. It is argued that a new category of deficient democracies should be created -- named narcodemocracies. Columbia's deficient democracy could then be placed in that new category since all non-institutional actors influencing Columbia's deficient democracy are financed by narco-money, & the main institutional (constitutional) actor, the state of Columbia, is a recipient of a substantial financial help for fighting the narco industry. Adapted from the source document.
