Suchergebnisse

In this article, the author evaluates the impact of the implementation of the e-government, notably in Quebec, on the citizen-State relationship. If the discourse put forward by governments to legitimize their action aims not only at modernizing services, but also at developing an e-democracy -- the latter being supposed to contribute to make up the democratic deficit, it is allowed to wonder what the impact of such a phenomenon really is. Along this line, the author suggests two dimensions to analyze the e-government, which translate into a process of individualization & instrumentalization likely to transform the citizen-State relationship. Adapted from the source document.

The author examines what he refers to as the "valence" of different spaces in Turkana life. A valence is a psychological concept developed by & expressed by the Turkana themselves & is something like the anthropological concept of mana: Valence is the power that flows between a space (or an object in a particular space) & a person. The author describes the ways in which different types of rituals create strong valences for certain areas & how ritual valence interacts with the more common but less explicitly potent valences created in both different & overlapping spaces by everyday activities. 3 Figures, 10 Photographs, 19 References. D. Knaff

Du rôle des flux de capitaux – et de leur absence – dans les arrêts brutaux Nous étudions les relations entre les flux de capitaux et le cycle économique sur un panel de 22 pays émergents, de 1979 à 2001. Nous comparons ces relations durant les épisodes d'arrêts soudains et en dehors de ces crises. Notre interrogation est la suivante : le comportement des flux de capitaux durant ces crises relève t-il d'un phénomène conjoncturel traditionnel mais d'une ampleur inhabituelle, ou d'un régime complètement différent? Nous montrons que la relation empirique entre flux de capitaux et cycle est non-linéaire. Le manque de capitaux a eu des conséquences plus graves durant les arrêts soudains que durant les périodes de notre échantillon qui présentent seulement soit une chute importante des entrées nettes de capitaux, soit une dépréciation réelle importante soit une récession sévère.

After having reviewed the genesis of economic intelligence, the author regrets the ambiguity of the term & any confusion about the concept itself because this ambiguity & the resulting confusion have caused a number of people to reject the concept. At least some people have rejected it not because they dislike the idea but because they are unclear about it. The concept should be clarified so that it is more generally useful since it is in fact vital to business & the national economy. The author calls on himself & others to create a clearer working model of this idea - of a French & European economic patriotism within the context of globalization. D. Knaff

Aficionados and Opponents to the Tauromachy. The Plural Forms of Civilization
Christophe Traïni
The opposition to the Spanish tauromachy constitutes an emblematic case of involvement aiming to build up the animal cause. Starting from Norbert Elias theory concerning the civilisation processes, the author attempts to point out the emotional economies which underlie both aficionados' passion and the denunciations of the opponents to the corrida. The author refers here to the comparative vocation of Elias theory to make intelligible the incomprehension which may resuit from the different ways of investing the civilisation values. This perspective aliows explicating why and how the bull takes on different virtues and statutes.

Assuming that the synoptic reading of partial theories is of use in the building of cumulative theories, the author seeks to establish common points between theories of the decision-making process in foreign policy and theories of power and egotiation at the international level. This paper seeks as well to complement these latter two types of theory with the findings of decision theory. After having justified his undertaking by the relations existing between observed phenomena - that is, decision, power and negotiation - and by the absence of a theory taking these three phenomena into account, the' author sets out the plan of his reflection in function of the distinctions between the approaches and factors emphasized by the various decision theories. The text considers the defining elements of the most important contributions of the specialists on the question. To conclude, the author provides a synoptic table of the main observations of his analysis. This table, which in the author's opinion is able to account for specific situations that are not explicitly described therein, demonstrates that the paradigms of theories of power and negotiation may only be established by reference to the decision paradigm.

The author identifies the variations in Peking's foreign policy since 1949 as the variable outcome of an equation involving stable principles and changing contexts. First, she identifies those principles that from the Chinese perspective are the guidelines of their foreign policy. Second, she attempts to demonstrate by reference to practice that these principles, far from constituting restrictive norms, are adapted to situations in a manner to ensure the perpetuity of China. Informed by an ages-old diplomatic tradition, the essentially pragmatic Chinese leadership interpret changes in the international context in the light of long-term objectives. These may be summarized by two concepts : the safeguarding of peace and the emancipation of humanity.
By taking these considerations into account the author studies the foreign policies of the Chinese People's Republic that would appear to be the most susceptible of demonstrating the conceptions of its leaders with respect to international relations. In particular, the strategic position of the China of the 80s is commented upon within this analytical framework. The author concludes from her observations that Chinese behaviour on the international scène may be better understood by considering the goals pursued rather than the statements of principles put forward.

Résumé Pour la troisième fois consécutive, la gauche vient de perdre l'élection présidentielle. À partir de deux enquêtes du Panel électoral français 2007 du Cevipof (pré- et post-présidentielles), cet article défend la thèse selon laquelle la défaite de la gauche s'est jouée dès le premier tour en raison des fragilités de l'électorat de la candidate socialiste. Ségolène Royal a réussi dès le 22 avril un redéploiement social réel, mais limité de l'électorat socialiste de 2002. Elle a réuni sur son nom des électeurs unis par une forte identité politique de gauche, mais manifestant par ailleurs une relative tiédeur vis-à-vis des propositions concrètes de campagne de leur candidate, un désenchantement à l'égard de la politique et une confiance limitée dans les chances de victoire de la gauche. Ces fragilités ont bridé la mobilisation de second tour face à un adversaire UMP soutenu par des électeurs plus confiants.

Une analyse juridique de la configuration des « rapports de force » entre autorités compétentes que prévoit une règle de droit est naturellement liée à la problématique de la gouvernance. Lorsque cette règle est d'origine européenne et qu'elle prend la forme d'une directive créant le cadre de réalisation du service universel dans le secteur des télécommunications dans les États membres de la Communauté européenne, une lecture approfondie de celle-ci permet de révéler un certain de nombre de questions toutes particulières relatives à la gouvernance européenne. Parmi celles-ci, l'analyse de la directive 2002/22 dite de service universel dans le domaine des télécommunications fait ainsi apparaître qu'en cette matière, la configuration des pouvoirs respectifs de la Communauté européenne et des États membres est faite à la fois d'autonomie et de contrainte, selon qu'il s'agisse de la définition du contenu des obligations de service universel ou des modes de prestation de celles-ci.

The developing countries' inroads into the traditional strongholds of the developed countries are seen by some industrialized countries as a threat. In any event, the situation is forcing them to make structural adjustments, with the inherent costs this imposes on business and labour.
The primary goal of this article is to determine whether these changes threaten to « deindustrialize » Canada. Using an analysis of Canadian industry's trade performance in 150 categories and sub-categories of manufactured goods, the author concludes that Canadian business is indeed adapting to greater international competition and that the threat of deindustrialization has not yet materialized.
The article's second objective is to discover the process by which this adjustment occurs. Concerning the business sector, the author found that businesses have adjusted to these changes primarily through a decline in the number of new firms or new plants, rather than through an increase in the number of closures.
For labour, the results of a specially developed survey tend to indicate that the adjustment process also is not quite as harsh as might normally be expected. The author therefore sees little likelihood of major upheavals or massive worker displacement. He cautions, however, that we are still faced with transitional problems whose potential impact should not be underestimated.

Starting from the contributions of the ethnologist / story teller Praline Gay Para, the author explores the similarities and differences between the ethnolinguist's approach to collecting stories from the oral tradition, and the approach of the story teller.

For the third consecutive time, the left-wing has just lost the presidential election. Based on two surveys of the Panel electoral francais 2007 of Cevipof (pre-and post-presidential), this article defends the thesis according to which the defeat of the left-wing deceived from the first ballot because of the weakness of the socialist candidate's electorate. This April 22, Segolene Royal made a success of a real, but limited social redeployment of the socialist electorate of 2002. She joined together on its name of the voters linked by a strong left-wing policy identity, but in addition expressing a relative half-heartedness with respect to the specific proposals of their candidate, a disenchantment with regard to the politics & a limited confidence in the chances of the left's victory. This weakness restrained the mobilization of second ballot, opposite an UMP adversary supported by more trustful voters. Tables. Adapted from the source document.

The Security Council adopted Resolution 808 on February 22, 1993. This resolution created an international tribunal to judge people presumed responsible for grave breaches of humanitarian law committed on the territory of the former Yugoslavia since 1991. The tribunal's status is defined by Resolution 827, whereby its jurisdiction covers all serious violations committed by individuals in the former Yugoslavia. The principle nullum crimen, nulla poena sine lege is fully respected. The tribunal's effectiveness, however, depends on the rulings the judges will hand down and on support from all states.
Creating the ICT has been deemed a very important step. By judging criminals, the tribunal not only hopes to introduce the idea of justice into a sphere of international life dominated by power relationships, but also wishes especially to dampen the victors' feeling of impunity. AU of this requires one thing : the goodwill of the states so that this tribunal may carry out its task.