Suchergebnisse

"Germany, The United Kingdom and the United States are countries with high numbers of
immigration and an increasing number of migrants who obtain the citizenship of the host
country. Besides controlling migration inflows strong institutions of integration are needed.
Policy makers in all three countries are discussing potential instruments for a better
understanding of the rights and responsibilities that come with naturalization, how basic
information on the political system, the state and society can be conveyed and how a
feeling of belonging to the host nation can be encouraged. These aspects are central
points of a larger complex, which could be called a culture of integration. In the United
States this culture of integration and naturalization has a long tradition: citizenship
courses and citizenship tests are to ensure that naturalization applicants receive civic
education; through "civil religion" and an almost holy significance of the American nation
for the individual, a strong patriotism and a feeling of national loyalty expressed by
symbols, celebrations and festival days Americans and immigrants are united beyond
ethnic belonging or different religious denominations. This strong patriotism is passed on
by national institutions (schools, army) and in everyday life. The significance of belonging
and identifying with the United States is also expressed in very festive naturalization
ceremonies. Even if organised as large-scale events the naturalization ceremonies still
have collective and binding effects. Naturalization in the United States is very much seen
as a step in the integration process, not as its completion. Access to American citizenship
consequently is relatively easy. In the United Kingdom policy makers are also discussing
ways of making the acquisition of citizenship more valuable. The currently applied "mail
order approach" will be reformed. Naturalization ceremonies are planned to give added
significance to naturalization. The wording of the current oath of allegiance will be
modified to a more modern citizenship pledge. Germany is also rethinking its traditional
approach to naturalization. With the reform of the Citizenship Law in 2000 it was made
easier for immigrants to acquire the German citizenship. As part of the development of a
new culture of integration, including a nation-wide integration program, the symbolic side
of naturalization is promoted by introducing naturalization ceremonies. They are meant as
a gesture of welcome and can be understood as an offer to identify as part of a new
German nation."[author´s abstract]

The study examines Jorge Semprun´s literary reflections on his experiences made in the concentration camp of Buchenwald in "Le grand voyage" (1963), "Quel beau dimanche!" (1980), "L´écriture ou la vie" (1994) and "Le mort qu´il faut" (2001) with the aim to show the development in his retrospective treatment of the past. Therefore the texts are not considered as a unified "ecriture" but as a progressing approximation to his experiences in Buchenwald.

The study deals in narratological and poetological terms with Semprun´s growing awareness of what Buchenwald means to him: While "Le grand voyage" is deeply influenced by the authors communistic view. "Quel beau dimanche!" reflects Sempruns disconcertion caused by his awareness of the parallel existence of concentration camps in Nazi-Germany and in the Soviet Union. "L´ecriture ou la vie" and "Le mort qu´il faut", for their part, are written by an author who considers himself as survivor and witness.

This process is accompanied by Semprun´s shift to literature as a universe implying sense and creating identity. This becomes vitally important after his dissociation from communism and enables him to speak extensively about his experiences with death. Therefore Semprun´s conception of "witnessship" can be described as diametrically opposed to factual documentation. It is rather intended to function within a literary field: Only the intensive use of intertextuality allowes Semprun to comprehend Buchenwald finally as the centre of his life and as the origin of his own identity as well as to communicate his "truth" to the reader. - Die Studie untersucht Jorge Sempruns literarische Gestaltung seiner Erfahrungen des Konzentrationslagers Buchenwald in "Le grand voyage (1963), "Quel beau dimanche!" (1980), "L´ecriture ou la vie" (1994) und "Le mort qu´il faut (2001). Ziel der Arbeit ist es, Entwicklungslinien und Tendenzen in der retrospektiven Auseinandersetzung und literarischen Bearbeitung des persönlich Erlebten aufzuzeigen. Demzufolge werden die Texte nicht als einheitliches Sprechen, sondern als fortschreitende erzählerische Annäherung an den miterlebten Tod von Buchenwald betrachtet.

Die narratologisch und poetologisch ausgerichtete Studie fokussiert den Bewusstwerdungsprozess, der in den Texten zum Ausdruck gelangt: Während "Le grand voyage" noch deutlich vom kommunistischen Weltbild des Autors geprägt ist, spiegelt sich in "Quel beau dimanche!" - geschrieben im Bewusstsein über die gleichzeitige Existenz nationalsozialistischer und stalinistischer Lager - die existentielle Verunsicherung Sempruns, wohingegen in "L´ecriture ou la vie" und "Le mort qu´il faut" die Selbstdefinierung als Überlebender und Zeuge dominiert.

Paralell zu dieser Entwicklung vollzieht sich Sempruns Hinwendung zur Literatur als identitäts- und sinnstiftendem Universum, das, insbesondere nach der Lossage vom Kommunismus, verstärkt in den Vordergrund rückt und erst die umfassende Sagbarkeit der Erfahrung ermöglicht. Sempruns Konzeption von Zeugenschaft steht folglich in direkter Opposition zu einem dokumentarischen Bezeugen und bewegt sich stattdessen innerhalb eines genuin literarischen Feldes. Nur durch den intensiven Einsatz intertextueller Bezugnahmen gelingt es dem Autor, die Erfahrung von Buchenwald als Zentrum seines Lebens sowie als Ursprung seines Ichs zu begreifen und diese "Wahrheit" dem Leser mitzuteilen.

Globalization, commercialization and Americanization are changing the lives of almost everybody on the planet. The uniqueness of this book is that it tackles these trends together, and head-on. The balance of knowledge and feeling makes it an important book in a field plagued by one-sided pro- and anti- pieces.-David Arnold, author of The Mirage of Global Markets Millions of people around the world have come to despise the United States. One of the biggest reasons is American "in-your-face" marketing, which treats people everywhere as 24 × 7 consumers, drives U.S. free market materialism at the expense of local values, and seeks to "McDonaldize" the entire globe. In this book, one of the world's leading experts on global marketing steps back to see its true impact. Johny K. Johansson looks at American marketing from the perspective of the non-U.S. consumer: as the first wave of a cultural assault by an arrogant, wasteful society of overfed, gas-guzzling, SUV-driving bullies. Johansson considers the Bush administration's "repositioning" of America and the post-9/11 collapse of American popularity from the perspective of a professional global marketer. He then offers practical guidance for marketers who wish to succeed in global markets without becoming "ugly Americans." Meet the new "ugly American"-American marketers abroad: loud, short-sighted, and ineffective Live by the brand, die by the brand-Why American brands are the #1 targets of the anti-globalization movement One size does not fit all-No matter how much global marketers say it does After 9/11: The disastrous "repositioning" of America-Bush unilateralism versus traditional American values Toward a more humane global marketing-Local awareness and respect and the long-term route to sustainable profit The new global rebellion against American marketing "In-your-face" American marketing-the not-so-hidden cause of global anti-Americanism. The "repositioning" of America and why American popularity overseas has collapsed How to profitably market internationally, without promoting anti-Americanism A desperately needed wake-up call for American companies in global markets In Your Face reveals the new worldwide rebellion that's brewing against American marketing. Renowned international marketing expert Johny K. Johansson explains why global customers will no longer put up with the traditional tactics of western companies. Most important, he offers a new path to sustainable profits-a path based o...

Se analiza la necesidad de mantener la figura de los Patrimonios Municipales de Suelo, como «patrimonio separado» y con destino básicamente a la construcción de viviendas de protección pública. El autor defiende que la figura no sólo no ha perdido vigencia, sino que resulta de absoluta actualidad, porque la adquisición y disponibilidad pública de suelo es imprescindible para que los poderes públicos y, en concreto, los Ayuntamientos, puedan llevar adelante una política decidida de renovación urbana, de nuevas dotaciones, de reserva de espacios naturales y de promoción de vivienda protegida y, sobre todo, en alquiler. Pero sugiere determinados cambios legislativos, principalmente en la regulación autonómica, tanto en relación con los recursos que deben adscribirse obligatoriamente al PMS como en sus destinos, que deberían tener como fin, ante todo, la construcción, mantenimiento y mejora de la ciudad.
Udalaren Lurzoru-Ondarea (ULO) izeneko figura gordetzeko beharrizana aztertzen da, «ondare bereizi» moduan eta batez ere babes publikoko etxebizitzak eraikitzera bideratutako ondare moduan. Egileak aldezten du figura horrek ez duela indarrik galdu; aitzitik, aldezten du erabateko gaurkotasunekoa dela. Izan ere, lurzoruaren eskurapena eta erabilgarritasuna ezinbestekoa da aginte publikoek ¿eta, zehazki, udalek¿ etxebizitzako
politika bat aurrera eraman ahal izan dezaten, batik bat arlo hauetan: hiri-berriztapena, zuzkidura berriak, gune naturalen erreserba eta etxebizitza babestuaren ¿eta batez ere, errentako etxebizitzaren¿ sustapena. Baina legegintza-aldaketa jakin batzuk iradokitzen ditu, batez ere araupetze autonomikoan, bai ULOri nahitaez atxiki behar zaizkion baliabideen inguruan, bai ondare horren zertarakoetan ere. Zertarako horiek xedetzat izango beharko lukete, batez ere, hiria eraikitzea, iraunaraztea eta hobetzea.
It is analyzed the need of keeping the institution of city council propiertorship of land, as a «separate patrimony» and basically with the purpose of building social housing. The author argues that the institution is not only valid but also absolutely relevant because the public purchase and availability of land is essential for public authorities, and to be precise, for city councils in order to carry out a resolute policy of urban reorganisation, of new equipments, of reservation of open spaces and of promotion of subsidized housing and, above all, of social housing to rent. But he suggests specific legislative changes, mainly in the Autonomous regulation, both in relation to resources that should be attached to cities council propiertoship of land and in relation to its purposes, which should have as purpose, above all, the building, maintenance and improvement of the city.

El autor, desde la experiencia de haber participado en la elaboración de la legislación estatal de suelo, sitúa la ordenación territorial y urbanística sobre cimientos bien ajustados al orden constitucional, de tal suerte que huye de confiar la definición de la convivencia sobre el territorio al mero resultado del libre juego de las fuerzas que operan en el mercado. La regulación del derecho de iniciativa para la actividad de ejecución de la urbanización, en ejercicio del derecho de libre empresa ¿cuando la actividad no deba o vaya a ser realizada por la Administración¿ se debe llevar a cabo mediante un procedimiento con publicidad y concurrencia y con criterios que salvaguarden una adecuada participación de la comunidad en las plusvalías derivadas de las actuaciones urbanísticas. Asimismo, destaca el nuevo régimen de valoración del suelo de conformidad con el régimen básico de la propiedad aplicable al suelo rural o urbanizado.
Egileak, lurzoruari buruzko legeria estatalean prestaketan parte hartu izanaren esperientziatik, lurralde- eta hirigintza-antolamendua ordena konstituzionalari ongi doituriko zimenduen gainean kokatzen du, halako eran non, ihes egiten duen lurraldearen gaineko lankidetzaren definizioa merkatuan jarduten duten indarren joko askearen emaitza hutsean fidatzetik. Urbanizatze-lana betearazteko jarduerarako ekimeneko eskubidea araupetzea, enpresa libreko eskubideaz baliatuz ¿jarduera hori Administrazioak egin behar ez duenean edo egin behar ez duenean¿ publikotasun eta konkurrentziako prozedura baten bidez burutu behar da, bai eta hirigintzako jarduketetatik ondorioztatutako plusbalioetan komunitatearen parte-hartze egokia zaintzen duten irizpideen bidez ere. Era berean, aipatzekoa da landa-lurzoruari edo lurzoru urbanizagarriari aplikagarri zaion jabetzaren oinarrizko araubidearen arabera lurzorua balioesteko araubide berria.
The author, with the experience of having participated in the drafting of the State legislation on land, places the rules on zoning and development on pillars clearly adjusted to the constitutional order and therefore avoids the definition of the management of the soil to the mere result of the free competition of market forces. The regulation of the right of initiative for the execution of urban development, within the exercise of freedom of
enterprise ¿when action must not or is not to be executed by the Administration¿ has to be carried out by means of a public and competitive procedure following criteria that protect an appropriate participation of the community in the capital gain derived from that same urban development. Likewise, he underlies the new regime of land valuation in conformity with the basic provisions on property applicable to rural and developed land.

Este artigo analisa de uma perspectiva histórica os diferentes meios jurídicos e administrativos bem como as resoluções de órgãos internacionais na regulação de uma área de disputa entre judeus e palestinos – a faixa de Gaza. A partir de consulta à imprensa e em revistas acadêmicas especializadas a autora revela as dificuldades vividas pelos palestinos na organização da vida e do trabalho, pelos bloqueios de circulação, que os transformam em refugiados em sua própria terra. Ela conclui que esses dispositivos regulatórios sobre o território acabaram fundamentando a desigualdade desses povos perante a lei, negando aos palestinos a aplicação do direito internacional dos povos disporem de si mesmos. PALAVRAS-CHAVE: geografia, organização de território, política internacional, Oriente-médio árabe, conflito.LIVING AND WORKING IN OCCUPIED TERRITORY: Palestine and her people Ana Maria Maciel Montenegro This paper analyzes, from a historical perspective, the different juridical and administrative means as well as the resolutions of international organs in the regulation of a disputed area among Jews and Palestinians – the Gaza strip. Beginning from reading the press and specialized academic magazines the author reveals the difficulties lived by the Palestinians in their organization of life and work, for the restrictions of movement within the Gaza Strip territory, that transform them in refugees in their own land. She concludes that those land regulatory devices ended up fundamenting the inequality of those people before the law, denying the Palestinians the application of the international law according to which people are the owners of their own destinies. KEYWORDS: geography, territory organization, international politics, Arab Middle-East, conflict.VIVRE ET TRAVAILLER EN TERRITOIRE OCCUPE: la Palestine et son peuple Ana Maria Maciel Montenegro Cet article analyse dans une perspective historique les différents moyens juridiques et administratifs ainsi que les résolutions d'organes internationaux pour la régulation d'une zone de conflit entre Juifs et Palestiniens – la bande de Gaza. Une recherche faite dans la presse et dans des revues scientifiques spécialisées permet de montrer les difficultés vécues par les Palestiniens pour l'organisation de leur vie quotidienne et de leur travail, à cause des blocages de la circulation qui les transforment en réfugiés sur leur propre territoire. La conclusion à laquelle on arrive est que ces dispositifs régulateurs sur le territoire ont fini par créer l'inégalité de ces peuples face à la loi, ne permettant pas aux Palestiniens d'avoir recours au droit international qui garantit aux peuples de disposer d'eux-mêmes. MOTS-CLÉS: géographie, organisation du territoire, politique internationale, Moyen Orient arabe, conflit.Publicação Online do Caderno CRH:http://www.cadernocrh.ufba.br

Este texto tem por objetivo analisar o pensamento de um intérprete do "americanismo à brasileira", Vicente Licínio Cardoso. Intelectual de destaque na Primeira República, Vicente Licínio deixou diversos escritos em que elabora uma versão original do americanismo nos anos 20. Eu sugiro que essa versão, que articula arielismo e fordismo e mobiliza a categoria euclidiana "terra", evita as polarizações que tanto seduzem intérpretes dedicados ao tema "América". Pretendo, com isso, mostrar como a investigação de um autor esquecido pelos estudos contemporâneos dedicados ao pensamento social brasileiro pode iluminar novas dimensões de um tema que ainda hoje mobiliza nossa imaginação intelectual. Palavras-chave:pensamento social, intelectuais, americanismo, Primeira República, Vicente Licínio Cardoso. Between HENRY FORD and ARIEL. Americanism Paths in VICENTE LICíNIO CARDOSO This paper aims at analyzing Vicente Licínio Cardoso's thought. An interpreter of the "Brazilian Ameri-canism", an outstanding intellectual of the First Republic, Vicente Licínio Cardoso left several writings in which he elaborated an original version of the Americanism of the twenties. This version, which articulated Arielism and Fordism, puts in motion Euclides da Cunha's category of "land", thus avoiding the polarizations that exert a strong attraction on the interpreters dedicated to the "America" topic. The intention is to show how the investigations of an author, who had been neglected by the contemporary studies that concentrated on the Brazilian social thought, can shed light on a topic that still puts our intellectual imagination into motion. Key words: social thought, intellectuals, Americanism, First Republic, and Vicente Licínio Cardoso. ENTRE HENRY FORD ET ARIEL. LES CHEMINS DE L'AMERICANISME DANS L'OEUVRE DE VICENTE LICÍNIO CARDOSO Ce texte a pour objectif analyser la pensée d'un interprète de l'americanis-me à la brésilienne, Vicente Licínio Cardoso. Important intellectuel dans la Première République, Vicente Licínio a laissé comme legs plusieurs écrits dans lesquels il élabore une version originale de l'americanisme dans les annés 20. Je suggère que cette version, qui articule "arielisme" et "fordisme" et qui mobilise aussi la catégorie "terre" de Euclides da Cunha, évite les polarisations tellement séduisantes aux yeux des interprètes qui se dédient au sujet "Amérique". Ceci dit, je souhaite montrer comment la recherche d'un auteur oublié par les études contemporaines dediés à la pensée sociale brésilienne peut ouvrir des nouvelles dimensions d'un sujet qui mobilise notre imagination intellectuelle encore aujourd' hui. Mot-clés: pensée sociale, intellectuels, "americanisme", Première Republique, Vicente Licínio Cardoso. Publicação Online do Caderno CRH: http://www.cadernocrh.ufba.br

Ladislas Löb's superb translation of Otto Weininger's highly controversial but enormously influential book is a most welcome contribution to understanding Vienna circa 1900 for readers who, for whatever reason, must approach Weininger via an English edition. It replaces what Wittgenstein termed a "beastly" anonymous translation published by Heinemann in England and G. P. Putnam's Sons in 1906 in the United States; the latter was reissued in 1975 by AMS Press and again as recently as 2003 by Howard Fertig. Approaching Weininger from that translation, one has the sense of being confronted with the work of a madman, who spins thoughts off the top of his head in a way that can only be described as absurd, so absurd that their very implausibility and contrariness have a way of making it into a fascinosum. To be sure, there is enough in Weininger's original to encourage that impression. It also helps to explain his appeal to half-educated fanatics like Dietrich Eckhart. Such a seriously defective edition, expurgated, bereft of one hundred thirty-five pages of notes and references and notoriously inaccurate, made it even more difficult than it otherwise might have been to understand how Weininger attracted the attention of brilliant thinkers and writers like Karl Kraus, Elias Canetti, Ludwig Wittgenstein, and even James Joyce (whose Ulysses, improbable as it seems, is deeply indebted to Weininger). In his Translator's Note, Löb provides numerous examples of absolutely grotesque mistranslations—in one place "es ist klar" is rendered as "it does not follow"—which more than corroborate the judgment Wittgenstein passed on the 1906 English edition. Löb neglects to mention, however, that English prudery seems to have dictated that all explicit references to orgasm be deleted. The expurgated version gives the impression of being a kind of misogynistic, anti-Semitic version of Peter Pan. Only a naïve, sensitive "boy genius" could have written such nonsense. In the end, camps formed on both sides about whether the author was a genius or a madman. Nobody, however, paid much attention to the argument—or the state of the text itself. This state of affairs has persisted until recently. Only in 1982 did it become known that there were two slightly different German editions of the work, and this only became widely known in the mid-1990s thanks to the assiduous research of Waltraud Hirsch (who is currently preparing an electronic critical edition of Weininger's complete works that should finally clear up the matter of the authoritative German text). Little wonder that there has been so much confusion surrounding Weininger.

Straipsnyje, remiantis moksline ir menine medžiaga, aptariama humanistikos metodų problema. Keliama mintis, kad vaisingiausi metodai yra susiję su bendresniu mąstymu, su teorija. Jei metodas tik perimamas, jis virsta įrankiu, metodologijos dažnai, ypač disertacijose, tik imituojamos. Pasiremiama A. J. Greimo mintimi apie "apglėbiantį mąstymo būdą". Trumpai aptariant pirmą kartą lietuviškai pasirodžiusias E. Husserlio "Karteziškąsias meditacijas", ieškoma ir fenomenologinio tako humanistikoje, ypač literatūros moksle. Pabrėžiamas filosofijos ir literatūros ryšys. Keliama mintis, kad humanistikos metodologinės nuostatos turėtų labiau remtis pačia kūryba.Reikšminiai žodžiai: metodas, teorija, mąstymas, filosofija, poezija, fenomenologija.

THE EMBRACING MODE OF THINKING Viktorija Daujotytė-Pakerienė
Summary The author sets out to reconsider the problem of humanistic methods. It expresses the doubt as to the application of the methods which are detached from theories and a more general mode of thought. The title of the article is taken from the Lithuanian edition of the preface to "Semiotics" (1989) written by A. J. Greimas. The mode of thought, embracing the multifarious worlds of meaning, is considered as a humanistic universal, it is also perceived as a bridge of thought to prevailing phenomenology. The concept of embrace encompasses the dimension of the body and the full mental participation of the individual. A brief review of the first translation of Edmund Husserl's "Cartesian Meditations" into Lithuanian by Tomas Sodeika (2005) are presented. Meditation is viewed as the common ground-substratum shared by philosophy and poetry. "Meditations" (1997) of Donaldas Kajokas are introduced. Algis Mickūnas and Arūnas Sverdiolas's dialogues "The All-Embracing Present" (2004) are referred to as a personal testimony of the inner participation in the theories. The significance of A. Ðliogeris's study "Thing and Art" (1988), which discusses the creative work of P. Cezanne and R. M. Rilke, is reflected within the framework of the tradition of phenomenological thought; here the concept of theoretical point of view was first formulated in Lithuanian humanistics. The article suggests that in approaching the problems of method in humanistics, and especially in literary criticism, the participation of creation itself is very important, and particularly the experiences that open up in original texts (like in the writings of Marcel Proust, Jorge Luis Borges). It is important to reveal the equivalents, to reflect them, to extract the method from the texts. The article arrives at the conclusion that the recognition of the organizing inner text system is the essential principle of humanistic methodology, which is in close connection with the embracing mode of thought.Keywords: method, theory, thought, philosophy, poetry, phenomenology.

In this essay we are going to closely analyze the importance of Allyn A. Young's theory of increasing returns. In truth, we could also discuss his position on economies of scale, in that the analytical definitions suggested by the theory, as we shall shortly see, are not that helpful in understanding exactly what this writer meant by (the principle of) increasing returns: in fact, the latter are always linked to the more general, all-pervasive concept of economic progress, as is evident from the title of his most famous work. Young's contribution to the debate (one only has to think of the cost controversy of the 1920s) over returns and economies (and diseconomies) of scale, was in truth somewhat marginal. His only work that dealt with these questions, besides his 1928 celebrated paper (Young 1928), dates back to 1913, when in an important critical note (Young 1913), which we shall briefly analyze in section 2, he criticized a number of economic policy rules deriving from Arthur C. Pigou's (1912) famous work. To put it more precisely, Young did not have any substantial role to play in the construction and perfection of the neoclassical theoretical paradigm; in fact, as we argue in section 3, there is significant evidence to suggest that he was probably moving increasingly further away from such a position. The essence of Young's work, summarized in the article written in 1928, would seem to consist in the request for a theoretical redirection, in the analysis of the dynamics of capitalist economies, along the lines of some of the classical economists, thus carrying the various suggestions on this matter already present in Alfred Marshall's theoretical contribution to extremes. In sections 4 and 5, dedicated to the discussion of this article and of its appendix respectively, we maintain that the logic of Young's analysis is based on a multi-sectoral model subject to qualitative and quantitative transformations, i.e., to structural change. Such a view enables us to understand: (1) the author's emphasis on the proportionality among different productive branches needed in order to ensure balanced economic expansion; (2) the attempt (made by the author in the appendix to his 1928 article) to explain the dynamics of the economic system in the presence of different intersectoral growth rates. In the concluding section we maintain that it is the alternative nature of his position compared with the "standard theory"—the reference here is particularly to Pigou's transcription of Marshall's economics—that represents the main feature of Young's work.

SUMMARY:
The article presents the problem of the cultural rebirth of the nations on the western fringes of the Russian Empire in the historical, philosophical, and political conceptions of the Slavophiles and the prominent linguist Aleksander Hilferding. Prior to the January Uprising of 1863, Hilferding called (in a more consistent way than other Slavophiles, such as the hesitant Ivan Aksakow) for Russia to use the rising ethnic nationalisms. He also encouraged support for the development of the Byelorussian and Ukrainian languages. He saw in the Byelorussian and Ukrainian national revival movements not separatisms but regionalisms within the "triune" Russian nation, i.e., supporters of the program for a Russian nation revival and the Russification of the Empire. They were supposed to serve as a transitional stage in implanting Russian national consciousness in the peasants of the Western Province and in protecting them from Polonization. Hilferding was the author of educational reform programmes that aimed at the Slavic "re-education" of the Poles, especially by inculcating a Slavic and Russian model of culture in the peasants. This was to be accomplished by teaching them in their native language but using textbooks printed in the Russian alphabet. Attempts to introduce the Russian alphabet, especially in the primary education of the peasants, are examples of activities connected with that program. The Slavophile periodical Den' promoted extending such activities to the Estonians and Latvians.

Hilferding's projects on the Polish matter, however, became the basis for a complete program concerning the Western provinces. Thanks to the "liberal bureaucrats", Hilferding was able to present his program for all the western provinces in the periodical Russkii Invalid . He suggested supporting the autochthonous distinctiveness of the peasantry on ethnic and cultural levels. Hilferding wanted Russia to take over the function of the awakening and protecting force in the revival and national liberation of Eastern Europe and the Balkans. In his view, a pan-Slavism that was limited to the Slavic nations could not successfully compete with other pan-nationalisms, which, like pan-Germanism and pan-Scandinavism also tried to influence the nations of the Russian Empire.

Hilferding did not foresee the consequences of the national awakening and the natural evolution of ethno-nationalisms from cultural and linguistic distinctiveness to a national movement expressing political demands. He assumed those processes would be stopped under Russian control at the cultural distinctiveness stage. Hilferding's complete program, however, was not realized by the Russian administration. It was treated as utilitarian.

SUMMARY:
Serhy Yekelchyk's article proceeds from the assumption that an imperial state creates room for the articulation of ethnic difference rather than pursues some kind of an assimilationist project. Moreover, the imperial rule necessitates the development of homogenizing and essentializing devices such as "India" or "Ukraine" that are useful both for the imperial definitions of what or who is being ruled and for the indigenous elites. The author argues that understanding Stalinist historical memory as a subspecies of an imperial discourse allows us to make sense of the hierarchy of many national pasts within it. Moreover, such an approach also throws some new light on the question of agency in the Stalinist cultural production. In the article, bureaucrats and intellectuals in the republics who interpreted the vague yet powerful signals from the Kremlin emerge as major players in the shaping of the Stalinist historical imagination. In his assessment of the role of this social group, Yekelchyk relies on the insights from post-colonial theory, which, in his view, is particularly helpful for making sense of the limits and possibilities in the promotion of non-Russian historical memory under Stalinism. Yekelchyk shows that the Stalinist project of memory was disadvantaged from the beginning by the state's inability to control individual interpretations of historical narratives. But this was not its only problem. When in the 1930s the Stalinist USSR became the self-conscious successor of the Russian Empire, it had to incorporate into its narrative the story of tsarist conquests and territorial acquisitions. However, it never quite reconciled this narrative with the previous notion of "class history" or with the separate historical mythologies of the non-Russian peoples. In addition, residual counter-memories of the pre-Bolshevik nationalist historical narratives survived in Ukraine well after World War II. The German occupation further undermined the Soviet authorities' control over public memory. The Kremlin sought to prescribe and homogenize social memory, but internal tensions within the Stalinist historical narrative and their inability to prescribe only one possible reading of cultural products undermined their efforts. The authorities could not fix the meaning of the past, from which the Soviet nations supposedly got their sense of orientation for the future. In the end, the Stalinist empire of memory was kept together by state intimidation – and began disintegrating as soon as the threat of political violence was removed. Yekelchyk develops these arguments in the sections of the article dedicated to the post-war pantheon of "Ukrainian classics", Sovietization of Ukranian museums and the mnemo-projects of monuments and memorials.