Report on the risk assessment of 2C-I, 2C-T-2 and 2C-T-7 in the framework of the joint action on new synthetic drugs
In: EMCDDA risk assessments 6
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In: EMCDDA risk assessments 6
In: Handbooks in economics 9
In: Social research: an international quarterly, Band 72, Heft 1, S. 63-76
ISSN: 0037-783X
In: Perspectives on political science, Band 32, Heft 4, S. 212-213
ISSN: 1045-7097
A response to Alan Ryan's, James Miller's (2003), Charles L. Griswold, Jr.'s, & Eduardo A. Velasquez's critiques (all, 2003) of the author's (2001) study of the emergence of "philotyrannical" thought among modern European philosophers. Ryan's discussion of the author's delineation of Alexander Kojeve as a supporter of philotyranny is addressed. Griswold's objections to the portrayal of Jacques Derrida as intellectually reckless & assertion that none of the studied modern European philosophers correspond with Plato's engagement with tyrannical eros are then discussed. Miller's contention that Plato exhibits similarities with Michel Foucault's thought, which is portrayed as an ongoing philosophical experiment, is questioned. Velasquez's critique is welcomed for raising issues concerning whether philosophers are obligated to contemplate moral & political questions & are required to adhere to the rules of moral decency; brief responses to both concerns are presented. J. W. Parker
In: The Harry Camp lectures at Stanford University
In: Central Asian survey, Band 26, Heft 1, S. 141-154
ISSN: 0263-4937
Enthält Rezension von: Naumkin, Vitaly: Radical Islam in Central Asia : between pen and rifle. - Oxford : Rowman and Littlefield, 2005
World Affairs Online
In: Telos, Heft 141, S. 92-100
ISSN: 0040-2842, 0090-6514
Presents a translation of the Law of 22 Prairial adopted by France's National Convention in 1794, including the introduction by Couthon of the Committee of Public Safety who claimed that the reign of despotism was opposed to both ethical & natural truth. Couthon maintained that the revolutionary tribunal had become paralyzed & justice had become a "false religion that consisted entirely of dogmas, rites, & mysteries, from which moral doctrine was banned." He stated that the time has come to bring the tyrants to justice & then read all of the Articles of the law, including the revised composition of the revolutionary tribunal & a detailed description of enemies of the people "who seek to annihilate public liberty, either by force or by cunning." The penalty for all crimes handled by the revolutionary tribunal was death & proof for condemnation could include any verbal, written, or moral document that could "naturally persuade a fair & reasonable mind." Other articles of the law are described. Translation by Dan Edelstein & Christy Wampole. J. Lindroth
In: Telos, Heft 141, S. 92-100
ISSN: 0040-2842, 0090-6514
Presents a translation of the Law of 22 Prairial adopted by France's National Convention in 1794, including the introduction by Couthon of the Committee of Public Safety who claimed that the reign of despotism was opposed to both ethical & natural truth. Couthon maintained that the revolutionary tribunal had become paralyzed & justice had become a "false religion that consisted entirely of dogmas, rites, & mysteries, from which moral doctrine was banned." He stated that the time has come to bring the tyrants to justice & then read all of the Articles of the law, including the revised composition of the revolutionary tribunal & a detailed description of enemies of the people "who seek to annihilate public liberty, either by force or by cunning." The penalty for all crimes handled by the revolutionary tribunal was death & proof for condemnation could include any verbal, written, or moral document that could "naturally persuade a fair & reasonable mind." Other articles of the law are described. Translation by Dan Edelstein & Christy Wampole. J. Lindroth
Questionnaire data derived from the 1995 module of the International Social Survey Program are drawn on to examine two dimensions of nationalist attitudes -- chauvinism & patriotism -- in 22 countries. Patriotism is the feeling of pride in one's people & country but with a critical understanding that can allow for other viewpoints & other peoples. Chauvinism, on the other hand, denotes blind acceptance of one's country & people as unique & superior. This latter, negative form of nationalism is likely to promote rejection of ethnic outgroups. Varying degrees of these two nationalist attitudes were found among the 22 countries, theorized to be mediated by ethnic competition, localistic orientation, contextual characteristics, & perceived ethnic threat. Cross-national analyses indicate a distinction between a country's patriotic vs chauvinistic nationalist attitudes in determining acceptance of ethnic outgroups. Tables, Figures. J. Stanton
In: Selected works of Jawaharlal Nehru Ser. 2, Vol. 37
In: Canadian journal of political science: CJPS = Revue canadienne de science politique : RCSP, Band 37, Heft 4, S. 1059-1060
ISSN: 0008-4239
In: History of political thought, Band 25, Heft 2, S. 357-359
ISSN: 0143-781X
In: Dissent: a journal devoted to radical ideas and the values of socialism and democracy, Band 52, Heft 4, S. 54-61
ISSN: 0012-3846
Although the George W. Bush administration has utilized religion to support its foreign policy agenda & advocacy of global democracy, it is stressed that previous administrations have utilized religious rhetoric & metaphors to advance the international spread of liberty. Three religious features of US religious rhetoric are identified: the US is a chosen nation; the US possesses a mission to transform the world; & the US represents the forces of good in the struggle against evil. The origins of US religious rhetoric in national politics & foreign policy are traced back to 17th century Protestant millennialism imported from Western Europe; even though Protestant millennialism is grounded upon an apocalyptic religious mentality, scrutiny of historical US foreign policy demonstrated that success in international relations & foreign policy was frequently predicated on an non-cataclysmic understanding of the US's position within the global order. It is subsequently asserted that the Bush administrations foreign policy agenda has embraced a millennialist mentality but that this perspective has failed to achieve democratization via apocalyptic confrontation throughout the Middle East. The consequences of the Bush administrations inability to recognize its foreign policy failures are also pondered. J. W. Parker