Objavljen u zajedničkom izdanju Hrvatskoga kanonističkog društva i Glasa Koncila, zbornik donosi radove s V. međunarodnog znanstvenog simpozija crkvenih pravnika, koji je održan u Zadru, od 21. do 22. listopada 2011. godine. U tome petom zborniku biblioteke "Studia Canonica croatica" sabrano je devet radova sa simpozija koji obrađuju strukturne pretpostavke različitih stupnjeva i različitih vrsta crkvenih sudova: sudovi prvoga stupnja, sudovi drugoga stupnja i sudovi Apostolske Stolice; biskupijski i međubiskupijski sudovi; redovnički sudovi; sudac pojedinac i sudsko vijeće (zborni sud) Radovi stavljaju naglasak na parnice za proglašenje ništavosti ženidbe, koje su uvijek imale posebnu važnost i sačinjavaju najveći dio suđenja u crkvenim sudovima.
In this paper the author analyses the possibility of 'creating' a European political people and forming a European political identity and a European political community. In the first, theoretical part of the paper, the author defines two concepts of people -- demos and ethnos -- and describes problems in identity building on purely political grounds of people as demos. By examining the references on a European political people in the EU legal foundations, the author illustrates dual premises of legitimacy for the Union and the Union's identity referents which are generally of a universalist nature. In the second, empirical part of the paper, the author presents how the European identity is formed, in line with classic distinction between 'civic' and 'ethnic' identity. Since the Eurobarometer survey showed a low level of European identification of EU member states' citizens, the author presents concepts which aim to overcome the low level of European affiliation. In the final part of the paper the question which is examined is whether the existence of a European political people is necessary for the future of the European integration. To this end, the author uses various theoretical approaches to the 'creation' of a European political people: economic/market approach, communitarian/statist approach, 'constitutional patriotism' of Habermas, Weiler's 'multiple demoi' and pluralism/particularism. Adapted from the source document.
In this paper the author analyses the possibility of 'creating' a European political people and forming a European political identity and a European political community. In the first, theoretical part of the paper, the author defines two concepts of people -- demos and ethnos -- and describes problems in identity building on purely political grounds of people as demos. By examining the references on a European political people in the EU legal foundations, the author illustrates dual premises of legitimacy for the Union and the Union's identity referents which are generally of a universalist nature. In the second, empirical part of the paper, the author presents how the European identity is formed, in line with classic distinction between 'civic' and 'ethnic' identity. Since the Eurobarometer survey showed a low level of European identification of EU member states' citizens, the author presents concepts which aim to overcome the low level of European affiliation. In the final part of the paper the question which is examined is whether the existence of a European political people is necessary for the future of the European integration. To this end, the author uses various theoretical approaches to the 'creation' of a European political people: economic/market approach, communitarian/statist approach, 'constitutional patriotism' of Habermas, Weiler's 'multiple demoi' and pluralism/particularism. Adapted from the source document.
The author discusses some recent changes in the theoretical literature on globalization. He claims that the irreversibility of the globalization process is no longer taken for granted as in the enthusiastic literature on the subject during the 1990's. The globalization is no longer regarded as an untouchable structure, and for over a decade now, we are witnessing an overall questioning of the globalization process itself. Therefore, the author pays special attention to the theoretical works of Justin Rosenberg who claims that the age of globalization is over. For Rosenberg, the globalization was only an ideological construction supported by the so called globalization theory which has failed in all its aspects: as a general social theory, as a historical and sociological argument and as a basis for interpretation of actual events. As opposed to Rosebenrg, the author claims that globalization should be regarded as a 'metapolitical' concept with its semantic and political functions. Using the methodological assumptions of Reinhart Koselleck, the author shows that 'metapolitical' concepts reach their intellectual and political high point by accelerating history and by transcending the actual situation. After their revolutionary peak, they disappear or they change their meaning in order to refer to the 'new reality'. Based on the insights of Hannah Arendt, the author shows that globalization has lost its revolutionary potential, but also that the end of globalization theory would not necessarily follow. Adapted from the source document.
The author discusses some recent changes in the theoretical literature on globalization. He claims that the irreversibility of the globalization process is no longer taken for granted as in the enthusiastic literature on the subject during the 1990's. The globalization is no longer regarded as an untouchable structure, and for over a decade now, we are witnessing an overall questioning of the globalization process itself. Therefore, the author pays special attention to the theoretical works of Justin Rosenberg who claims that the age of globalization is over. For Rosenberg, the globalization was only an ideological construction supported by the so called globalization theory which has failed in all its aspects: as a general social theory, as a historical and sociological argument and as a basis for interpretation of actual events. As opposed to Rosebenrg, the author claims that globalization should be regarded as a 'metapolitical' concept with its semantic and political functions. Using the methodological assumptions of Reinhart Koselleck, the author shows that 'metapolitical' concepts reach their intellectual and political high point by accelerating history and by transcending the actual situation. After their revolutionary peak, they disappear or they change their meaning in order to refer to the 'new reality'. Based on the insights of Hannah Arendt, the author shows that globalization has lost its revolutionary potential, but also that the end of globalization theory would not necessarily follow. Adapted from the source document.
The author describes the political situation in Columbia from its independence to the present. In the first & the second part of the article the author shows the roots of Columbia's political problems & conflicts in the period 1830-1986. In the third part of the article, the author analyses the political situation in Columbia from 1986-2008, & presents the main argument of the article. It is argued that a new category of deficient democracies should be created -- named narcodemocracies. Columbia's deficient democracy could then be placed in that new category since all non-institutional actors influencing Columbia's deficient democracy are financed by narco-money, & the main institutional (constitutional) actor, the state of Columbia, is a recipient of a substantial financial help for fighting the narco industry. Adapted from the source document.
Having reflected on the concept of direct democracy & the possibility of its implementation, the author focuses on Germany & Austria. It is not possible to hold a federal referendum in Germany, although the Basic law explicitly states that the people exercise their power also through referenda. After analyzing the Weimar experience with direct democracy, the author argues that the reasons why there are no direct democracy mechanisms at the federal level do not lie in the "bitter experience of the Weimar Republic." Having considered the implementation of direct democracy mechanisms in the German provinces & in Austria, the author concludes that Germany & Austria are not the leading countries in employing direct democracy but they are surely not at the very back of the list. Adapted from the source document.
Knjiga je nastala na temelju rukopisa njezina zapovjednika kapetana bojnog broda Andre Vrkljana. Vrkljanov "ratni dnevnik" nastao je tijekom 70-ih i 80-ih godina 20. stoljeća na temelju sjećanja, zabilješki, istraživanja i dopisivanja s nekadašnjim legionarima. Poslije napada nacističke Njemačke na Sovjetski Savez 22. lipnja 1941, u borbe na Istoku uključila se i Nezavisna Država Hrvatska. Iako nije službeno navijestio rat Sovjetskom Savezu, poglavnik NDH Ante Pavelić na istočno je bojište uputio dobrovoljačke postrojbe okupljene pod zajedničkim imenom Hrvatska legija. Time su se priključili brojnim postrojbama koje su njemački saveznici ili okupirane europske zemlje slale kao pomoć u Hitlerovom pohodu protiv boljševizma, kako ga je tumačila nacistička propaganda
The author's starting point in this article is a presupposition that the laissez faire tradition in economy and politics is legitimate. Still, the globalization processes point out the weaknesses of that presupposition. The author shows that the politicians (and theorists) of the most powerful countries have joined the antiglobalization camp. They no longer hold to the spirit of unity and humanity, and they spread capitalism with unpopular means: political and military might. In that sense the author points out to evidence that leads to a conclusion that the chances for a liberal political and economic philosophy are very weak. In fact, it is only an ideal. That is the sad result of the globalization process to date after the promise of Fukuyama's 'End of History'. Still, the author believes that not everything is lost. Adapted from the source document.
The author's starting point in this article is a presupposition that the laissez faire tradition in economy and politics is legitimate. Still, the globalization processes point out the weaknesses of that presupposition. The author shows that the politicians (and theorists) of the most powerful countries have joined the antiglobalization camp. They no longer hold to the spirit of unity and humanity, and they spread capitalism with unpopular means: political and military might. In that sense the author points out to evidence that leads to a conclusion that the chances for a liberal political and economic philosophy are very weak. In fact, it is only an ideal. That is the sad result of the globalization process to date after the promise of Fukuyama's 'End of History'. Still, the author believes that not everything is lost. Adapted from the source document.
The text begins with Richard Rorty's assessment that Kuhn's Structure of Scientific Revolutions, along with Rawls's A Theory of Justice, is the most important philosophical book written in the English language in the twentieth century. The author endorses this assessment, for it is impossible to think of a work in the fields of philosophy or scientific history which had such a dramatic agitating & inspiring impact on the public for which it was originally not intended. Namely, although Kuhn addressed in his work primarily philosophers & scientists engaged with natural sciences, the work was a source of major & fruitful discussion which involved, or could not be overseen by, anthropologists, sociologists, culturologists, political scientists, philosophers of morality, linguists, legal experts & many others. The author puts forward some of Kuhn's epistemological ideas which were creatively elaborated, reworked & recontextualized by non-epistemologists. The text is divided in two parts. In the first part, the author briefly sketches Kuhn's key concepts expounded in Structure... (paradigm, normal science, revolution). In the second part, he sets forth Richard Bernstein's interpretation of Kuhn's epistemology. The author opts for this interpretation because Bernstein, in his judgment, demonstrated better than any other philosopher that precisely the concept of incommensurability is to be given credit for Kuhn's enormous influence even beyond the boundaries of philosophy & scientific history. Together with Bernstein, the author concludes that incommensurability becomes a first-rate category of political thought due to the fact that it stresses in a conceptually adequate & analytically rigorous fashion the phenomenon of mutual understanding which overrides the imperative of choosing some unique superior scientific theory. Adapted from the source document.
The author describes the stages of creation of fragments of which the text on constitution is composed, & points to the historical events which directly influenced Hegel's work on the text. He further clarifies the criteria of selection of fragments for the Croatian translation & the manner in which they have been connected, i.e., in which the text has been organized. Finally, the author sets forth the characteristics of the Croatian translation. Adapted from the source document.
The author argues that cosmopolitism has become a sign that we need a new -- cosmopolitan view to understand the cosmopolitan world. He, thus, welcomes cosmopolitanism in the social sciences and demands that they dispense with the old categories build around the nation state. According to the author, it is especially important to think Europe in a cosmopolitan way so that the member states could be freed from the fear that with the enlargement of Europe they are committing a cultural suicide. The further integration should not be oriented towards the inherited vision of a unity of one European 'federal state', but the starting point should be the irreducible many sidedness of Europe. Only in this way, claims the author, is it possible to connect two, at a first glance, contradictory demands -- the recognition of difference and the integration of the different. Adapted from the source document.
