Suchergebnisse

Izbori su za politologiju nadasve relevantna tema. Po autorovom mišljenju, tek slobodni demokratski izbori omogućuju politologiju kao znanost. U nedemokratskim porecima politologija nema nikakve perspektive jer jednostavno nema predmeta istraživanja. Definirajući najprije osnovne pojmove izbora, izbornih sustava, birača i biračkog prava autor objašnjava proporcionalni i većinski izborni sustav, njihove prednosti i mane, ilustrirajući ih na evropskim izbornim iskustvima. Na kraju autor upozorava na suvremenu krizu parlamentarizma čije ishodište je tehnokratsko ustrojstvo suvremenog društva. Po autorovom mišljenju, tehnokratsko ustrojstvo suvremenog društva i države nastoji izbjeći demokratskoj kontroli i iako je ona zajamčena ustavom. Autor smatra da izbori u Hrvatskoj potvrđuju tezu o tehnokratizaciji društva i kao da navješćuju mogućnost buduće jasne podjele na elitu i masu kao i mogućnost latentnog ili otvorenog tehnokratskog totalitarizma. ; Elections are an extremely relevant theme to politology. According to the author, only free democrat ic elect ions render politology feasible as a science. In undemocratic orders politology has no perspective because it is deprived of its subject of research. Defining first the following basic concepts - elect ions, elect ion systems, voters and voters' rights, the author describes the election systems based on the principles of proportion and majority rule, their advantages and disadvantages, illustrating them with examples from the European experience in elections. Finally, the author calls attention to the contemporary crisis of parliamentarism whose origins are in the technocratic organization of contemporary society. According to the author, the technocratic organization of contemporary society and state tends to avoid democratic control although it is guaranteed by the constitution. The author believes that the elections in Croatia confirm the thesis of the technocratization of society and seem to announce the possibility of a clear-cut distribution into elites and masses in the future, as well as the possibility of a latent or open technocratic totalitarism.

Ovaj rad polazi od manjkave osmišljenosli uloge suvremene demokratske države sa željom da nastavi diskusiju o demokratskoj državi kao jednom idealu koji u potpunosti još nigdje nije do kraja realiziran. Autor kritizira neprikladan odnos prema državi koji je pod okriljem Marxove teorije razvijan u jednom duljem razdoblju kod nas. Ljudima koji bi htjeli olako ukinuti državu, ili je svesti na samo jednu dimenziju, po autorovu mišljenju, treba stalno obraćati pažnju na činjenicu da je život u čitavoj ovoj našoj civilizaciji vezan uz cjeline koje traže neprekidno rješavanje određenih zadataka. Država prema tome nije po sebi loša, već je loša samo u slučaju ako djeluje protivno javnim interesima. U suvremenosti je posebno interesantna uloga države u rješavanju ekološke problematike, što autor ističe kao primjer potrebe razumijevanja države kao regulator zajedničkih poslova. Po autorovom mišljenju država kao regulator zajedničkih poslova ima još mnogo zadataka i treba je stalno usavršavati i osposobljavati da ih izvrši na najbolji način. ; Having in mind a deficiently elaborated role of the contemporary democratic state, in this paper the author attempts to continue the discussion about the democratic stale as an ideal not yet fully realized anywhere. The author criticizes the inadequate relationship towards the state, developing in Yugoslavia for a long lime, under the wing of Marx's theory. According to the author those who wish to easily abolish the stale or reduce it to only on only one dimension must be constantly warned of the fact that life in our entire civilization is linked to issues requiring incessant settling. Therefore, the state is not bad in itself but only when acting against public interests. Today, an especially interesting role of the state is in solving environmental problems, which the author stresses as an example of the need to look upon the slate as a regulator of communal affairs. According to the author, the state as regulator of communal affairs has many other tasks to fulfill and should be constantly perfected as well as enabled to carry out those tasks in the best way.

Autor razmatra promjenu uloge parlamentarizma u modernim demokratskim državama. Oslanjajući se na stavove Carla Schmitta razlaže tezu da je parlament kao politička institucija u krizi jer se odluke u njemu ne donose na temelju boljih argumenata, nego na temelju volje vladajuće stranke ili koalicije stranaka. Autor stoga smatra da je riječ o krizi parlamentarizma koju, pozivajući se na Schmitta, ocjenjuje kao odbacivanje argumentativne parlamentarne demokracije u ime demokracije koja u svom središtu ima borbu različitih stranačkih interesa. Posljedica toga je, smatra autor, da zastupnici u parlamentu više ne zastupaju narod, nego interese svojih stranaka kojima su izravno odgovorni, što Niklas Luhmann sažima ocjenom da su "stranke razvlastile svoje zastupnike". U drugom dijelu članka autor razmatra transformaciju zakonodavne funkcije parlamenta. Pritom slijedi normativni stav da se parlament mora vratiti u okvire svoje političke funkcije i preispitati svoje mjesto ekskluzivnog zakonodavca. Problem je u tome, smatra autor, što ga zakonodavni monopol autoimunizira od izvanparlamentarnih i pravosudnih zakonodavnih inicijativa. ; The author deals with the transformation of the role of parliamentarism in modern democratic countries. Drawing on the views of Carl Schmitt, the author argues that the parliament as a political institution is in a crisis because its decisions are based on the will of the party or coalition in power rather than on the most pertinent arguments. Therefore, the author suggests that there is a crisis of parliamentarism, which he, referring to Schmitt, assesses as a rejection of argumentative parliamentary democracy to the advantage of a democracy characterised by a confl ict of various party interests. According to the author, this implies that parliament members represent the interests of their parties, to which they are directly responsible, and no longer the people, as summarised by Niklas Luhmann's assessment that "parties have disempowered their members of parliament". In the second part of ...

Autor analizira sociostrukturna i političko-ideološka obilježja stranačkog sustava u Hrvatskoj na temelju rezultata ankete provedene pred parlamentarne izbore 1992. Iako se stranački sustav nije do kraja formirao i stabilizirao, autor pokazuje da je njegova temeljna struktura određena nizom rascjepa. Isprva dominantni povijesni rascjep između političkih orijentacija koje zagovaraju hrvatsku samostalnost i onih koje joj se protive biva nadopunjen suvremenim polarizacijama poput liberalizma nasuprot konzervativizmu, demokratičnosti nasuprot autoritarnosti, kozmopolitizma nasuprot etnocentrizmu, religioznosti nasuprot sekularnosti. Ti rascjepi dihotomno strukturiraju hrvatski stranački sustav na tradicionalistički desni pol te modernistički centar i ljevicu. Autor također opisuje glavne dinamičke tendencije u stranačkom sustavu Hrvatske. ; The author analyses socio-structural as well as political and ideological characteristics of the party system in Croatia, on the basis of the results of a survey conducted short time before the 1992 parliamentary elections. Although the party system has not been completely shaped and stabilized, the author shows that its basic structure is determined by a number of cleavages. The initially dominant historical cleavage between political orientations advocating Croatian independence and those opposing it has been supplemented by contemporary polarization, such as liberalism versus conservatism, democratism versus authoritarianism, cosmopolitism versus ethnocentrism, religious versus secular orientation. These cleavages determine a dichotomous structure of the Croatian party system with a traditionalist right-wing pole and a modernist center and left-wing pole. The author also describes main dynamic tendencies in the party system of Croatia.

Autor u članku upozorava na potrebu provođenja temeljitog istraživanja tvrdnje da predstavnička demokracija dovodi do snažnog političkog otuđenja i da je u završnom stadiju propadanja. U pokušaju promišljanja porijekla i budućnosti predstavničke vladavine autor ističe da je najprije potrebno staviti na dnevni red temeljna shvaćanja predstavničke demokracije, kako bi se iznova razmotrila klasična tumačenja povijesnih korijena i modernog razvoja ideala predstavničke vladavine. Drugo, u članku se ističe da je potrebno razmotriti uspješnost postojećih predstavničkih demokracija s obzirom na različite izazove i pritiske s kojima se danas suočavaju. Treće, u nastojanju da se ukaže na budućnost predstavničke demokracije autor predlaže preispitivanje poznate Tocquevilleove tvrdnje da je jedna od velikih vrlina demokracije to što ona pravi "greške koje se mogu ispraviti", pitajući se je li Tocquevilleov uvid još uvijek primjenjiv na stvarno postojeće demokracije.* ; In this paper, the author points to the need for conducting an in-depth study of the claim that representative democracy leads to intense political alienation and that it is in its final stage of decline. In an attempt to reconsider the origins and future of representative government, the author points out that the fundamental concepts of representative democracy should first be included in the agenda, so as to reconsider the classical interpretations of historical origins and modern development of the ideal of representative government. Second, the paper points out that it is necessary to examine the performance of existing representative democracies, considering the various challenges and pressures with which they are faced today. Third, in an eff ort to point at the future of representative democracy, the author suggests that we rethink Tocqueville's famous claim that one of the great virtues of democracy is that it makes "errors that can be corrected", wondering if this Tocqueville's insight applies to actually existing democracies.

In this paper an attempt is made by the author to assess whether the Self-management Industrial Relations System defined institutionally as a non-conflict pattern has the potentiality to regulate the industrial conflict undoubtedly existing in Yugoslav enterprises; and whether it is in its potentiality for conflict management matched to the American system of industrial relations based on the collective bargaining. Comparative theoretical analysis of the two systems on a number of major dimensions leads to the conclusion that the self-management system is inferior in regard to the potentialities for conflict management than Collective bargaining. This conclusion is even more valid if the great discrepancies between the real self-management organizations and the self-management pattern are taken into consideration. But, the available evidence on strikes in Yugoslavia during the last decade lends no support to such theoretical expectations. It is evident that some forms of conflict management do exist, although the institutional pattern has no built-in mechanisms of regulations at the level of manifest functions. In an attempt to explain the variance between the real course of the industrial conflicts and the theoretical expectations, the author formulates the main hypothesis: the self-management institutional pattern regulates the conflict on the level of latent functions. This central hypothesis is further elaborated into six particular hypotheses issuing form the specific properties of the self-management institutional pattern. These properties are: lack of legitimacy of managerial power and insecurity of managers' status, »political management«, insufficient revindicative orientation of syndicate, co-option of the potential worker leaders into management and the horizontal principle of organization. Examining the efficiency of conflict management at the level of latent functions the author points out some important qualifications: (1) possibility of the omission of catharsis effects after the strike, (2) such a "type of regulation does not lead to the systematic resolving of problems which are at the root of the conflict, (3) conflict management at the level of latent functions does not involve conflict resolving directly at the Working places. In accordance with these qualifications the author does not perceive such a type of regulation of conflict as a possible alternative to the institutionalization of conflict in modern industrial society. Nevertheless it has a great significance for the stability and survival of the global social system such as the one existing in Yugoslavia.

The author considers the attmept at the poli ti cal disqualification of the fifth edition of the Croatian Orthography by Babić, Finka and Moguš. She points out a tendency on a part of the Croatian political circles to diminish its linguistic quality and to direct the development of the Croatian language and orthography towards the positions of the imposed Novi Sad Orthography.

U članku se razmatraju značajke e-upravljanja i e-komuniciranja, kao važnih elemenata novog upravljanja javnim sektorom. Autor ističe da je jedno od najvažnijih načela novog upravljanja javnim usmjerenost prema korisniku. Tim se načelom osigurava pomak od Weberovog tipa birokratske uprave, ograničene na hijerarhijske postupke, k fl eksibilnoj, i korisnicima (građanima) bliskoj i susretljivoj javnoj upravi. Nakon toga autor razmatra rezultate istraživanja e-komuniciranja slovenske javne uprave s građanima, promatrajući slanje elektronskih poruka (pitanja) građana na opću elektronsku adresu upravne institucije. U samom istraživanju, elektronska poruka bila je poslana najvažnijim institucijama javne uprave i državnim institucijama. Na osnovi rezultata istraživanja autor zaključuje da je Slovenija uspjela postići neke osnovne elemente neophodne za razvoj elektronskog upravljanja, te elektronske komunikacije između građana i državne uprave. No, autor zaključuje da je u Sloveniji neophodna dodatna reforma javne uprave u smislu njezine informatizacije, koja će stimulirati promjene u upravnoj kulturi službenika i povećanje njihove spremnosti za rad u fl eksibilnoj radnoj okolini. ; The article deals with features of e-governance and e-communication, as important elements of new management of the public sector. The author points out that one of the most important principles of new management is customer orientation. This principle ensures a move from the Weberian type of bureaucratic administration, limited to hierarchical procedures, towards a fl exible and user (citizen) friendly public administration. The author considers the results of a study of e-communication of the Slovenian civil service with citizens; he observes the sending of e-mail messages (questions) by citizens to the general e-mail address of an administrative institution. In the study, messages have been sent to the most important institutions of civil service and government institutions. Based on the results of the study, the author concludes that ...

Autor u članku analizira Europski kvalifi kacijski okvir kao važan komunikacijski i regulatorni instrument usklađivanja obrazovnih politika, te odnos hrvatske obrazovne politike prema ovoj inicijativi. Autor ovaj proces smješta unutar Lisabonske strategije s posebnim naglaskom na policy prostor, proces i glavne aktere. Pri tome polazi od različitih određenja europeizacije i važnosti policy mreža. Uvođenje Europskog kvalifi kacijskog okvira analizira kao dio procesa europeizacije nacionalne obrazovne politike. Na kraju daje prikaz osnovnih obilježja kvalifi kacijskog okvira i osnovna obilježja hrvatske obrazovne politike koja se očituju tijekom provedbe ove inicijative. ; In the article, the author analyses the European Qualifi cation Framework as an important communication and regulatory instrument of harmonising education policies, and the relation of Croatian education policy to this initiative. He places this process within the Lisbon Strategy with a special emphasis on the policy area, process and main actors. In doing so, the author proceeds from diff erent defi nitions of Europeanisation and the importance of policy networks. The introduction of the European Qualifi cation Framework is analysed as part of the Europeanisation process of national education policy. Finally, he outlines some fundamental characteristics of the Qualifi cation Framework and the basic features of Croatian education policy manifested during the implementation of this initiative.

Global mapping is an international collaborative initiative through voluntary participation of national mapping organizations of the world, aiming to develop a globally homogeneous geographic data set at the ground resolution of 1 km, and to establish concrete partnership among governments, NGOs, private sectors, data providers and users to share information and knowledge for sound decision-making. The primary objective of Global Map project is to contribute to the sustainable development through the provision of base framework geographic dataset, which is necessary to understand the current situation and changes of environment of the world. The purpose of the Global Map is to accurately describe the present status of the global environment in international cooperation with respective National Mapping Organizations (NMOs) of the world. International Steering Committee for Global Mapping (ISCGM) has been playing a central role in the development of the Global Map data sets. It was established in February 13th 1996 in Tsukuba Japan by the participants of the Preparatory Meeting of the ISCGM, and its First Meeting was held on February 14th, 1996. The Global Map data sets produced by converting existing geographic information into Global Map Specifications and country-specific data sets for 22 countries developed by respective NMOs are currently distributed to the public through the internet web site www.iscgm.org. The Global Map data of Macedonia as a first European country was published at the web page of the International Steering Committee for Global Mapping on March 8th 2006. This data is open for all governmental institutions, private sector and other users, only for non-commercial uses. ; Global Mapping je međunarodna inicijativa suradnje kroz dobrovoljno sudjelovanje nacionalnih kartografskih organizacija iz cijeloga svijeta u svrhu razvoja globalnoga homogenoga skupa geopodataka s razlučivošću od 1 km na Zemljinoj površini i osnivanja konkretnih partnerstava između vlada, nevladinih organizacija, privatnoga sektora, dobavljača podataka i korisnika kako bi razmijenili informacije i znanje za dobro donošenje odluka. Glavni je cilj projekta Global Map pridonijeti održivom razvoju stvaranjem osnovne mreže skupa geopodataka, koja je nužna za razumijevanje trenutačne situacije i promjena okoliša u svijetu. Svrha je Global Mapa točno opisivanje trenutačnoga stanja globalnog okoliša u međunarodnoj suradnji s odgovarajućim nacionalnim kartografskim organizacijama (National Mapping Organizations - NMOs) iz svijeta. Međunarodno nadzorno povjerenstvo za globalnu kartografiju (International Steering Committee for Global Mapping - ISCGM) igralo je središnju ulogu u razvoju skupova podataka Global Mapa. Osnovali su ga 13. veljače 1996. u Tsukubi (Japan) sudionici Pripremnog sastanka ISCGM-a (Preparatory Meeting of the ISCGM), a prvi je sastanak održan 14. veljače 1996. Skupovi podataka Global Mapa proizvedeni su pretvaranjem postojećih geoinformacija prema tehničkim uputama Global Mapa (Global Map Specifications) iz skupova podataka, specifičnih za određenu zemlju, za 22 zemlje. Ti podaci, što su ih proizvele odgovarajuće nacionalne kartografske ogranizacije, javno se objavljuju putem interneta, na adresi www.iscgm.org. Dana 8. ožujka 2006. na web stranici ISCGM-a objavljeni su podaci Global Mapa za Makedoniju kao prvu europsku zemlju. Ti su podaci dostupni svim vladinim institucijama, privatnom sektoru i drugim korisnicima za nekomercijalnu upotrebu.

The paper describes the permeation of the Croatian language with adjacent languages that were frequently used as languages of political domination or great prestige. The author speaks about the language power of the Croatian South and the Croatian North. In Europe, more precisely in West and Central Europe, there is hardly any other nation on whose territory so many languages were spoken as it is the case with Croatia, especially in its South. However, this fact did not prevent the Croats to become one united nation in the 19th century. The only language with which Croatian was in actual conflict was Hungarian

Slijedom odluke Europskog vijeća iz lipnja 2004. kojom je Republika Hrvatska dobila status države kandidata, Europska komisija već treću godinu za redom u svom godišnjem izvješću o napretku RH ocjenjuje ispunjenje političkih i ekonomskih kriterija za njezino punopravno članstvo kao i sposobnost da preuzme pravnu stečevinu Europske unije (acquis). Hrvatsku, na njezinu putu u Europu, očekuju sveobuhvatne reforme političkog i gospodarskog sustava i temeljita prilagodba standardima EU, a od osobite je važnosti provedba reformskih mjera u sustavu javne uprave, ističe Komisija. Članak se osvrće na još neke značajne dokumente kojima se ispituje spremnost hrvatske javne uprave da postane dijelom »europske obitelji« i zaključuje da će tek postiaznjem jasnog političkog konsenzusa Hrvatska pokazati zrelost za članstvo. ; Following the decision of the Council of Europe (June 2004), Croatia acquired the status of a candidate country. In its annual report, the European Commission has been assessing the progress of the Republic of Croatia in meeting the political and economic criteria for full membership and the country's ability to implement the EU acquis communautaire for the past three years. On its way to full membership, Croatia is faced with comprehensive reforms of its political and economic systems and a thorough adaptation to the EU standards. The Commission stresses that the reforms of the public administration system are of particular importance. The author discusses some other important documents that assess readiness of the Croatian public administration to become part of the »European family«. The author concludes that Croatia will show maturity required for the EU accession only after it has achieved a clear political consensus.

Višestruke krizne pojave u jugoslavenskom društvu zahvatile su i međunacionalne odnose i utječu na jačanje »regresivnih nacionalizma«. Polazeći od pretpostavke da jedan oblik »regresivnog nacionalizma« (partikularizam) izaziva reakciju drugog (unitarizam), autor opširno analizira rezultate istraživanja slovenskog javnog mnijenja 1982. godine povodom događaja na Kosovu, kako se ti događaji reflektiraju na etničku distancu u Sloveniji, stavove i informiranost o međunacionalnim odnosima. Oslanjajući se na te rezultate i na opservacije drugih autora o jugoslavenskoj krizi, autor zaključuje da je potrebno jačati netradicionalne mehanizme integracije; reorganizirati zatvorene i neadaptivne ekonomske sisteme bez konkurentskih sposobnosti, provesti složenu operacionalizaciju samoupravnih načela i integracijsku ulogu SK što više razvijati mimo administrativne sile. ; Multi-fold crises in the Yugoslav society have encompassed inter-ethnic relations and they have an impact on the strengthening of »regressive nationalisms«. Starting from the assumption of a form of »regressive nationalism« (particularism) provoking the reaction in the form of another (unitarism), the author attempts a detailed analysis of the results of public opinion survey in Slovenia of 1982 with respect to the events in Kosovo, emphasizing the reflection of those events on the ethnical distance in Slovenia, on attitudes and information with respect to inter-ethnic relations. On the basis of those results and observations of other authors in relation to the Yugoslav crisis, the author concludes that non-traditional mechanisms of integration have to be strengthened; closed and inadaptive economic systems :— having no competitive abilities — have to be reorganized; the complex operationalization of the self-management principles yet has to be implemented and the integrative role of the League of Communists has to be developed exempt from administrative powers.

Autor polemizira s nekoć utjecajnim teorijama transformacije – najistaknutiji predstavnici kojih su Jon Elster i Claus Off e – koje su se temeljile na teoremu o tome kako je nemoguća istodobna uspješna privredna i politička – a negdje i državna – transformacija u Istočnoj Europi. Suprotno tim teorijama, u većini postkomunističkih država Istočne Europe demokracija se konsolidirala brzo. Tu postavku autor dokazuje mjereći konsolidiranost novih demokracija Bertelsmannovim indeksom transformacije (BTI) na četiri razine: na ustavnoj i predstavničkoj razini, te na razinama ponašanja aktera i političke kulture. Promašaje u analizi transformacijskih procesa pripisuje teorijama djelovanja koje su "tranzicijsku paradigmu" iz Južne Europe i Latinske Amerike naprosto presadile u Istočnu Europu. Teorije aktera su, pak, nastojale krajnje kompleksne promjene sustava u toj regiji izvesti iz vrlo formaliziranih i pojednostavnjenih konstelacija aktera, zanemarujući vrlo različite demokratizacijske potencijale pojedinih zemalja. U "teorijskom mraku" tako su ostale tri varijable – modernost, državnost i vanjski akteri – koje teorije modernizacije, teorije sustava i strukturalističke teorije stavljaju u središte svojih razmatranja, a koje su se pokazale iznimno važnima za razumijevanje transformacijskih procesa u Istočnoj Europi. ; The author polemises with once infl uential theories of transformation – whose greats are Jon Elster and Claus Off e – which were based on the theorem that a simultaneous successful economic and political – and, somewhere, state – transformation in Eastern Europe is not possible. Contrary to these theories, in most post-communist countries of Eastern Europe democracy has consolidated rather quickly. The author demonstrates this proposition by measuring the consolidation of new democracies according to Bertelsmann's transformation index (BTI) at four levels: the constitutional and representative level, and the levels of behaviour of actors and political culture. Failures in the analysis of transformation ...

Polazeći od postmodernih teorija diferencije (Luhman, Derrida, Castells) autor ustvrđuje da se pitanje europske budućnosti i demokracije ne može razumjeti preko bilo koje vrste projekta višeg jedinstva, već kao proces političkog djelovanja uz koji se ne može vezati perspektiva unaprijed određenog ustrojstva Europe. Ishodište takve ocjene autor pronalazi u oprečnosti dvaju nesumjerljivih pluralizama: povijesno proizvedenog, koji se očituje u specifi čnim nacionalnim ili religijskim svojstvima i onog koji je određen demokratskom procedurom, koji ne polazi od specifi čnih svojstava pripadnika neke zajednice nego od načela pravne jednakosti. Upravo zbog spomenute razlike, demokracija, pravo, politika ili pak religija su naprosto auotopoietični sustavi, koji se ne integriraju u viša jedinstva, već funkcioniraju kao funkcionalno limitirane cjeline, koje uključuju i isključuju iz sustava različite segmente okoline. Ako nema tog višeg cilja prema kojem Europa treba ići, čemu treba težiti Europa, pa onda i europska demokracija? Odgovor je, smatra autor, u dekonstrukciji europskih vizija, iluzija i projekata, pri čemu kritički potencijal teorija diferencije nije u njihovoj praktičkoj primjeni, nego u njihovom drugačijem razumijevanju stanja stvari. ; Proceeding from postmodern theories of diff erence (Luhman, Derrida, Castells), the author concludes that the issue of the European future and democracy cannot be understood through any kind of project of higher unity, but as a process of political action which cannot be tied with a perspective of a predetermined structure of Europe. The author fi nds the origin of such an assessment in the oppositeness of two incommensurate pluralisms: a historically produced one, manifested in specifi c national or religious properties, and the one determined by a democratic procedure, which does not proceed from specifi c properties of members of a community, but from a principle of legal equality. It is because of the mentioned diff erence that democracy, law, politics or religion are ...