Suchergebnisse

The article focuses on the 'suicide-martyrdom' deployed by the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) of Sri Lanka as a political strategy for self determination and liberation from the 'Sinhala hegemony'. The protagonists have given a new political-religious meaning to the historically celebrated acts of religious martyrdom, which took place in the name of faith and belief. Suicide strikers do not believe that the suicide acts they commit are lethal. They are portrayed to be valiant acts of honour and sacrifice on behalf of the family, ethnic community, and more importantly against the 'terrorising other' whose 'acts of violence' must be terminated. It is performed not as an act of violence, but a resolute sacrifice for the sake of compatriots and their freedom. The author draws some aspects from the research and writings of Peter Schalk and Michael Roberts who have addressed the same subject area on martyrdom as a form of secular resistance, and the latter, on religious aspects in the military formation of a suicide striker and in the aftermath of the mission. He argues that the reconstruction of an astute faith in suicide and its ritualisation as a well crafted political tool and as a powerful means to instil fear psychosis in the enemy for the creation of a separate state. The concept of suicide and the suicide striker within the LTTE with its primary secular political hermeneutic has now embraced a phase of expanding into a notion of patriotic heroism, in the name of statehood of Tamil Eelam bordering on religiouscultural sentiments. This altruistic suicide is linked to liberation of their compatriots from tyranny and injustice which is considered sublime and transcendental even though there is no definitive reward of a paradise as in the case of Jihadist suicide strikers. The political rhetoric behind the war slogans with religious connotations and statements is socio-political cancer, which has infected many conflict ridden localities across the globe. Sri Lanka remains one example of a majority-minority conflict zone and displays an ardent obstinacy both by the majority and the minority in the conflict, in portraying the 'other' as the sole enemy of the 'self'. They have not only been emulated by the likes of Hamas in the Palestinian campaign against Israeli occupation but also by the Al-Qaeda terror network. A suicide striker is different to a solider who goes to the battle field, and is not focused on dying but counterattacking the enemy. The suicide striker kills so that others may live through his or her act of heroism, a devotional sacrifice for the cause of Tamil Eelam. The abandonment of a Black Tiger life is not suicide, but a gift of oneself which has Christian nuances. LTTE hero is a 'secular' hero. However, it must be noted that LTTE on their part fail to obliterate the centuries old psychosocial phenomenon of religiosity, embedded in the Tamil folk psyche with the Hindu worldview. The representational death of a Black tiger enhances and pontificates the Tamil ethnic roots and heritage as brave, courageous and surpassing those of the enemy which endows the Tamil public with a sense of heroism and national pride. He/she is a hero of the Tamil Eelam and nothing more and nothing less. Schlak relentlessly tries to separate the LTTE's ideological secularity from being 'religious' but he undermines the ethnic Tamil religiosity which is very much Saivite Hindu and Catholic which determine the parameters of a new cult, within the space provided by the LTTE, where the masses have found meaning and connectedness in times of despair and loss. It is in this sense that new religious meanings have been collated around death and dying, in the name of liberation and suicide, however violent, self destructive and undesirable, within the religious world of the popular masses.

O debate teórico, desde o fim da bipolaridade e da Guerra Fria, girou em torno dos conceitos de "superpotência", "hiperpotência" ou unipolaridade. No entanto, não se tem dado bastante atenção e importância à crise que atinge o universo hobbesiano: sem dúvida, a potência é hoje atacada em sua própria essência, demonstrando-se frágil sempre que utilizada como princípio de ação internacional, isso sem considerar as vicissitudes por que passa a própria primeira potência mundial. No jogo pósbipolar, um paradoxo empírico se impõe: nunca um Estado acumulou tantos recursos caracterizadores da potência quanto os Estados-Unidos nos dias de hoje; jamais, no entanto, esta potência teve tão pouco controle sobre os problemas com os quais se confronta. Tal contradição é essencial na teoria das relações internacionais, visto que perturba os paradigmas clássicos, questionando frontalmente a própria concepção do power politics que serviu de pedra angular não somente ao realismo e ao neorealismo, mas também à teoria neoinstitucional ou ainda aos diferentes estruturalismos. Neste artigo, o autor emite a hipótese de que uma certa forma de protest politics, tomando a potência como alvo e não mais a considerando como princípio organizador da ordem mundial, ocupa doravante o lugar da noção de power politics, abalando a teoria clássica da "estabilidade hegemônica". PALAVRAS-CHAVE: relações internacionais, teoria, Pós-Guerra Fria, crises de superpotência, novos atores.THE CRISIS OF THE POWERS AND THE INTERNATIONAL DISORDER Bertrand Badie Since the end of the Cold War and the bipolarity, there has been a theoretical debate around the concepts of "superpower", "hiperpower" or unipolarity. However, not enough attention and importance has been given to the crisis that reaches the hobbesian universe: doubtlessly, the superpower is attacked today its own essence, shown as fragile whenever used as a principle of international action, without considering the which the first world power undergoes. In the post-bipolar game, an empiric paradox is imposed: never has a State accumulated so many resources peculiar to a superpower as the United States nowadays; never, however, has this superpower had so little control on the problems she faces. Such contradiction is essential to the theory of international relations, because it disturbs its classic paradigms, frontally challenging the conception of power politics that served as a cornerstone not only to the realism and the new realism, but also to the neoinstitutional theory or still to the different structuralisms. In this paper, the author hypothesizes that a certain form of protest politics, taking the superpower as target and not considering her as an organizing principle of the world order, replaces the notion of power politics from now on, affecting the classic theory of "hegemonic stability" KEYWORDS: international relations, theory, Post Cold War, superpower crises, new actors.CRISE DE PUISSANCE ET DÉSORDRE INTERNATIONAL Bertrand Badie Le débat théorique a tourné, depuis la fin de la bipolarité et de la Guerre froide, autour des concepts de "superpuissance", "d'hyper-puissance", ou d'unipolarité. On n'a cependant pas été assez attentif à la crise qui frappait l'univers hobbesien: peut-être la puissance est-elle aujourd'hui attaquée dans son évidence même, partout où elle est utilisée comme principe d'action internationale, au-delà même des vicissitudes rencontrées par la première puissance mondiale elle-même. Dans le jeu post-bipolaire, un paradoxe empirique s'impose au fil des évène-ments: jamais un État n'a accumulé autant de ressources de puissance que les Etats-Unis aujourd'hui; jamais pourtant cette puissance n'a eu si peu de prise sur les enjeux auxquels elle a été confrontée. Une telle contradiction est essentielle en théorie des relations internationales, puisqu'elle bouscule les paradigmes classiques, mettant directement en cause la conception même du "power politics" qui servait de pierre angulaire non seulement au réalisme et au néo-réalisme, mais aussi à la théorie néo-institutionnelle ou encore aux différents structuralismes. Dans cet article l'auteur fait l'hypothèse qu'une certaine forme de "protest politics", prenant la puissance comme cible et non plus comme principe d'ordre, vient désormais prendre le relais, ébranlant la théorie classique de la "stabilité hégémonique", jusqu'à lui substituer l'hypothèse d'une "instabilité hégémonique". MOTS-CLÉS: relations internationales, théorie, Post-Guerre Froide, crises de superpuissance, nouveaux acteurs.Publicação Online do Caderno CRH:http://www.cadernocrh.ufba.br

SUMMARY:
Mark von Hagen's article offers an interpretation of the changes that occurred in the study of Russian and Soviet history, and suggests the concept of "Eurasia" as an anti-paradigm facilitating the description of the region that combines the legacies of multinational empires and of Soviet-style socialism. At the same time, "Eurasia" is an anti -paradigm because it points to a variety of ways to revise many assumptions about Russian, Soviet, and Eurasian histories.

For von Hagen, three separate processes heralded the arrival of new historiographical approaches. First, there is the increasingly prominence of works interpreting the history of Russia and the USSR not as that of a national state, but rather stressing its multinational and imperial character. Second, historians are constantly paying a greater attention to borderlands in the context of the prevailing view of boundaries as porous and fluctuating. Third, diasporas – including émigrés and exiles – have been "rediscovered" and their works are now returning to their countries of origin.

Von Hagen also analyzes what he considers as "two paradigms" of the historical perception of Russia and the USSR. The first, "Russia as Orient", attempted to present the Russian-Soviet historical experience as essentially rooted in centuries long Oriental and despotic traditions of Russia. Using Edward Said's concept of Orientalism, von Hagen argues that this perception of Russia as Orient helped sustain a Western "occidental" identity. It often walked hand in hand with a belief in the unique experience of Russian history, a belief that von Hagen terms "neo-Slavophile".

The second paradigm is that equates the Soviet Union with modernization. According to von Hagen, this paradigm was partly rooted in the liberal tradition of the Russian "state school" of historiography, which saw the privileged role of the state led by an enlightened bureaucracy as the driving force of Russia's path to modernization. Opposed to attempts to "essentialize" Russian history within the "Russia as Orient" paradigm, the modernization paradigm attempted to "normalize" the Soviet experience. Assumptions of the inevitable ethnic and national homogenization of the Soviet Union became prevalent in the modernization paradigm.

Von Hagen then explores the legacy of Eurasianist thinkers, a group of Russian émigrés who offered their vision of Eurasia as a space of interaction between the Russians and the Turkic and Finnish peoples. Their vision of Eurasia also implied a positive evaluation of the Mongol presence in Russian history and a critical approach to Eurocentric assumptions. Von Hagen asserts that, in his view, the new Eurasian anti-paradigm avoids problematic apects of the Eurasianist legacy, such as the political views of the Eurasianist thinkers and their geopolitical views. The new Eurasian anti-paradigm retains their critique of "essentializing" approaches to such concepts as Europe and Asia in order to offer an opportunity to deepen our understanding of the complex pasts of Central and Eastern Europe and Northern Asia.

For von Hagen, the Eurasian anti-paradigm has been profoundly impacted by the current "decentralization" of historical narratives, which is the result of interaction between historians and linguists, anthropologists, sociologists, etc. Eurasia allows one to part with the dominance of national narratives while accepting the importance of modern nationalism in historical processes. According to von Hagen, Eurasia does not coincide with the former Russian Empire or the former Soviet Union or with any other particular state. Its chronological boundaries are also not rigidly determined. In the age of globalization, von Hagen argues, it is important to remember that the great continental empires constituted an important element of global history.

In the last part of his article, von Hagen surveys literature that he believes attests to the emergence of the Eurasian anti-paradigm in Russian-Soviet history. According to the author, the Eurasian anti-paradigm does not preclude any specific approaches to the past; even less is it meant as a judgment about the likelihood of one or another country of joining the European Union, NATO, or for that matter any of the Asian organizations. It is meant as a concept that opens up new horizons in the study of history and signifies a return of the Eurasian space into global history after almost a century of isolation.

The protests at the 1999 World Trade Organization meeting in Seattle marked a turning point in trade politics. The size and depth of the international coalition that came together to protest the WTO was striking. And then there were the television images and the stunning denouement: Teamsters marching with 'turtles,' tear gas and police charges in the darkness, the collapse of the negotiations. The author of one of the books reviewed here, Jagdish Bhagwati, was in Seattle as an adviser to the WTO's director. While trying to get to the meeting, he found himself 'confronting a tough Chinese Red Guards-style female demonstrator who was blocking my way illegally.' A colleague then 'drew me away from a confrontation that would surely have left me bloodied, saying, `You are the foremost free trader today; we cannot afford to lose you!" Bhagwati's story speaks to several things, including his considerable ego. Most important, though, it captures the embattled state in which mainstream trade economists loyal to free trade doctrines now believe they exist: 'there are not too many out there, fighting the fight for free trade,' Bhagwati worries, 'We need to change that.' Do Irwin and Bhagwati understand that this is what most of the critics believe? I'm afraid not. Both authors characterize the critics as 'anti-globalization.' Although this accurately describes some, it is not true for the majority. Both authors seem to think that the main reason critics are against globalization is that they are anticapitalist and antimarket. Irwin, for example, tells us that for many of these groups, 'Free markets and capitalism are seen as embodying and furthering environmental destruction, male dominance, class oppression, racial intolerance and colonial exploitation.' To characterize most environmental organizations, or most contemporary trade unions, as 'anticapitalist' is absurd, if that means that they are committed to the abolition of capitalism. If the term means that they are critical of the way that capitalism currently operates, the characterization is accurate, but then the authors' summary dismissal of that position becomes puzzling. The critics insist that there are better and worse forms of market economy, that the neoliberal model of regulation toward which we are currently moving (one that expands property rights while ignoring human rights) is worse than feasible alternatives, and therefore, that the current model of global economic regulation can and ought to be changed. Unfortunately, Irwin and Bhagwati, by tilting at anticapitalist windmills, fail to join the real argument. IN THEIR EFFORT to extract free trade from the wider matrix of economic globalization, the authors downplay the degree to which trade deals such as NAFTA and the WTO shape the character of the larger economic system. For example, some of the most novel and important provisions in NAFTA and the WTO--pertaining to investor property rights and the deregulation of financial services--undoubtedly increase international capital mobility. Dani Rodrik has argued that increased international capital mobility could significantly increase the 'price elasticity of the demand for labor.' That is, firms will shift production to other countries in response to smaller and smaller differences in labor costs, other things being equal. This could dampen wage growth not only in the North, but in the South as well. Bhagwati and Irwin both devote considerable effort to exploring how free trade affects wages, yet neither so much as mentions Rodrik's well-known argument. Why not? Free capital mobility is one thing, Bhagwati says, free trade is another. He favors considerably less of the former than we have today, and much more of the latter. But while conceptually distinct, the fact is that both principles are promoted in NAFTA and the WTO. If we want to assess the impacts of these international agreements, we must consider how they affect capital mobility, and how it in turn affects workers, the environment, and so on. Slippage in the way the concept of 'free trade' is employed permits Bhagwati and Irwin to evade this challenge.

In the broadest sense, cosmopolitanism can be described as a belief and action in accordance with the view that all human beings belong to a unique world political community. However, such a simplified definition overlooks the multidimensionality of the concept. The term cosmopolitanism has been present in public discourse since ancient times and has carried different connotations throughout history, which contributes to its ambiguity. The preconditions for the development of cosmopolitanism in its present sense arose in the mid-20th century, after the world wars and the onset of new globalisation processes. Within the social sciences, a significant interest in a more specific definition and conceptualisation of cosmopolitanism emerged in the second half of the 20th century. However, numerous theoretical discussions since then have not yet offered such a definition of the concept. An additional problem lies in the fact that those theoretical discussions, which defined multiple aspects and types of cosmopolitanism, are not accompanied by a corresponding number of empirical research. By considering previous theoretical and empirical research on the topic, this paper aims to offer a clearer conceptualisation and operationalisation of cosmopolitanism, with the focus on constructing a valid instrument for its measurement. While it is difficult to offer a clear and unambiguous theoretical definition of cosmopolitanism, most researchers have moved in the direction of a clearer definition of certain aspects of the concept. There were a few attempts of such conceptualisation that have been met with wider acclamation, some of which were more complex and some simpler. Vertovec and Cohen (2002) established the most sophisticated conceptualisation by defining cosmopolitanism as a sociocultural condition, a philosophy or worldview, a political project, an attitude or disposition, and a practice or competence. With the aim of capturing multiple aspects of the concept, Boucher, Aubert and de Latour (2019) defined four types of cosmopolitanism: moral, institutional, civil and cultural. Furthermore, Delanty (2009) offered a different approach by distinguishing moral, political and cultural cosmopolitanism. The various definitions agree, however, on including the political and the cultural aspects of cosmopolitanism. Therefore, this paper is based on the robust typology offered by Hannerz (2006), which distinguishes between the cultural and political faces of cosmopolitanism. The author sees the political face of the concept as the one that tries to solve macro problems of human, economic, legal, environmental and other processes that transcend nation-state borders. Hannerz (2006) defines the cultural face as an identity characteristic of individuals who enjoy new cultures, people, tastes, sounds and the like. The cultural dimension of cosmopolitanism, which arises from the awareness and practices of individuals, is the focus of this research. It is important to mention that numerous researchers define certain types (banal, patriotic, thin, ordinary) of cosmopolitanism. However, it is questionable to what extent the determination of such types contributes to a clearer understanding of the concept, especially when they are defined solely on the basis of theoretical considerations. Before establishing the framework for the empirical research, it was important to clarify the source of contemporary cosmopolitanism. Most researchers link cosmopolitanism to globalisation processes. Beck and Sznaider (2010) explain globalisation as processes that take place "out there" in the world and define cosmopolitanism as "globalization from within", a process that is closely related to globalisation but takes place within society. Such a connection becomes questionable when the terms glocalisation, which includes micro as well as macro processes, and segmented globalisation, which refers to the different dynamics by which globalisation occurs in places around the world, are introduced into the discourse. These concepts also suggest that all individuals involved in globalisation trends will express cosmopolitan views, which is not the case. On the other hand, Roudometof (2005) emphasises the link between cosmopolitanism and transnationalism, a view that is elaborated in this paper. The author defines the concept of transnationalism as a social condition that arises in the stage of internal globalisation and is not influenced by the emotions and attitudes of individuals but its most important feature is that it can stimulate individuals to develop an open attitude, that is, cosmopolitanism, or a defensive attitude towards differences. The lack of a clear theoretical definition of cosmopolitanism has influenced the disproportion between the theoretical considerations and empirical research of the concept. One part of the researchers used secondary data to examine attitudes about cosmopolitanism in a certain population. These studies have led to important insights, but they have not contributed to the creation of a valid and reliable instrument for measuring cosmopolitanism. Another problem with such research is that it is conducted using data that are focused on examining other concepts. One such example is the study by Olofsson and Öhman (2007), where the authors interpreted views contrary to nationalism as cosmopolitan views. The other part of empirical research on the subject of cosmopolitanism is focused on constructing an instrument for its measurement. While most such studies were conducted to explore a particular aspect of the concept, Saran and Kalliny (2012) offered an instrument to measure general cosmopolitan attitudes, values, and practices within a particular population. The authors first conducted interviews, the results of which were used to construct questions for the survey. After collecting survey data, the authors defined a valid and reliable, one-dimensional 14-item scale of cosmopolitanism by conducting exploratory and confirmatory factor analysis. The findings of other authors pointed to the connection between cosmopolitanism and other concepts like transnational experiences, political orientation, and sociodemographic characteristics. The empirical part of this research aimed to define a valid and reliable instrument for measuring the presence of cosmopolitanism in a given population. For this purpose, the scale offered by Saran and Kalliny (2012) was used in a slightly modified form to further test its construct validity, reliability and applicability. The instrument was tested on the student population of the University of Zadar via an online survey in October 2020. In addition to the cosmopolitanism scale, the questionnaire contained questions about the number of countries the respondents had visited, the number of foreign languages they spoke, their political orientation, their support for general human rights and certain sociodemographic characteristics, with the purpose of testing the convergent validity of the instrument. In order to determine the metrics of the cosmopolitanism scale, bivariate (correlation analysis) and multivariate statistical procedures (exploratory factor analysis, confirmatory factor analysis and multiple regression analysis) were conducted in the statistical programming language R. First, exploratory factor analysis was performed on the cosmopolitanism scale with parallel analysis as a factor retention method, which extracted one 13-item factor with a high level of reliability (α=0.93). To examine the construct validity of the scale, confirmatory factor analysis was further performed, resulting in an acceptable goodness-of-fit. In order to define a scale that shows even better psychometric properties, confirmatory factor analysis was conducted on a reduced 6-item scale that Saran and Kalliny (2012) found to show stronger construct validity. Following their results, the 6-item scale showed even better goodness-of-fit (χ²=25, df=9, SRMR=0.05, RMSEA=0.09, CFI=0.95, TLI=0.91), and its factor scores were used in further analyses. Correlation analysis was used to measure the relationship between the cosmopolitanism scale and transnational experiences and political views. It was found that respondents who express stronger cosmopolitan views speak more foreign languages, have visited a greater number of foreign countries, express stronger support for leftwing political options, and a stronger need to protect universal human rights, of which the latter correlation proved to be the highest. Lastly, multiple regression was conducted, where the cosmopolitanism scale factor scores served as the dependent variable and sociodemographic variables as predictors. The regression model confirmed the previous finding that women express stronger cosmopolitan attitudes than men. The results of the statistical analysis indicate a high level of reliability and validity of the reduced 6-item cosmopolitanism scale. On that basis, it can be stated that the scale serves as a valid instrument for measuring cosmopolitan attitudes within a population. The scope of the study is limited because it was conducted on a relatively homogeneous sample of the University of Zadar student population. In future research, the 6-item scale should be tested on a more heterogeneous sample which could indicate the applicability of the instrument to a wider population. Besides, in future research, it would be advisable to pay more attention to examining indicators and constructs related to cosmopolitanism, based on which clearer types of cosmopolitan could potentially be defined.

A life-course perspective is a complex approach to researching the life of an individual or group or certain processes used in various disciplines (Börsch-Supan et al., 2013), especially in sociology, demography, psychology, and economics. The life course perspective seeks to connect the historical context that determines an individual's life with personal history (key events of his or her life) (Edmonston, 2013; Holman and Walker, 2020). The paper explains the differences among how the life-course perspective, lifecycle perspective and life-span perspective approach research topics. More specifically, this paper aims to evaluate the advantages and disadvantages of research on aging (quality of life of older people) and migration (quality of life of migrants) from the perspective of life course by reviewing some of the most important papers addressing it, both theoretically and/or practically. In the first of the five chapters of the paper, Introduction, the author explains why the perspective of life course is an interesting research approach to selected topics in Croatia. Together with the other countries of Central and Eastern Europe, Croatia has experienced a strong increase in the share of the elderly population and significant migration in the last thirty or so years. The major causes of accelerated demographic aging are an increase in life expectancy and a decrease in fertility. The main causes of migration are significant political, social and economic changes in the "old" and "new" EU countries. These are changes in the socio-political and economic systems of the former socialist countries on the one hand, and the expansion of the EU resulting in the opening of the labour market and the possibility of "new" labour migration within Europe on the other. Due to the wars in the Middle East, there is also the issue of dealing with large refugee waves. The life-course perspective is particularly applicable to research on population aging, the assessment of the quality of life and the degree of integration of immigrants in the destination country. The second chapter, Life Perspective and Aging, explains various theoretical approaches to older people (Hagestad and Dannefer, 2001). The institutional approach largely addresses the socio-economic status and roles of the elderly, for example, retirement (Blane et al., 2004; Wanka, 2019). The cultural perspective often deals with negative stereotypes related to aging and formulating different approaches to the elderly (Hagestad and Dannefer, 2001). In order to achieve a holistic approach to aging and old age, various perspectives should be integrated, and aging should be interpreted as a reflection of interrelated events during an individual's life: historical, environmental and personal. Such a more complex approach involving changes and events throughout an individual's life is a life cycle perspective (Godley and Hareven, 2001) considered within a particular historical context. Although it is widely accepted, some authors (Giele and Elder, 1998; Edmonston, 2013) explain the limitation of the term "life cycle" by advocating the phrase "life course". In doing so, they explain life course as a complex relationship between socially shaped events and the roles an individual assumes during life. According to them, this differs from the concept of a life cycle in that the events and roles that make up an individual life experience do not necessarily continue at certain stages of life, as is suggested by the word "cycle". In addition to the concept of a life cycle, researchers of aging and the quality of life of older people (Fuller-Iglesias, Smith and Antonucci, 2009) also theoretically compare the perspective of life course and the life span perspective without opposing them. Both advocate a view of aging as a long-lasting, multidimensional, continuous, and dynamic process. Life theories deal with the processes and pathways of development and aging as a lifelong process of an individual while life theories deal with differences in socially conditioned events, changes, roles and experiences in the lives of individuals (Fuller-Iglesias, Smith and Antonucci, 2009: 3–5) among certain parts of society (groups). An individual's daily life is explained by processes and relationships that determine the broader context and how others experience it. Interpersonal relationships with other members of society play a significant role in an individual's lifestyle and quality of life, regardless of his or her age or migration (in)experience. The life course perspective seeks to explain the impact of different processes on groups of people and individual experiences at each life stage but also the relationship between events from different stages of life. The third chapter, Life Perspective and Biographical Method, discusses the need to return to more significant use of qualitative and interpretative methods, as well as the interest in using a biographical perspective, due to a better understanding of aging and quality of life in old age as well as migration reasons and integration of immigrants in the country of immigration. By telling their life story, a person clarifies the personal understanding of changes in the immediate (personal circle) and the wider environment (society). They also describe how individual members of the group to which the individual feels affiliated, for example, the generation of older people in a particular environment (islands) (Podgorelec, 2008) or immigrants, experienced changes in society during life (older people) or a personal migrant experience and to what extent the changes experienced affect their lives (Amit and Litwin, 2010; Podgorelec, Gregurović and Klempić Bogadi, 2019). Biographical research is especially useful in monitoring the development of an individual's career, the impact of migration (on a personal level, but also in terms of community development), the way people face new experiences and changes during aging or migration and how they adapt (especially to various losses: employment, health and functional status, life partners, friends etc.). The fourth chapter, Life and Migration Perspective, explains certain characteristics of migration and migrants, especially when moving to the country of immigration. Thus, Jasso (2003: 334) grouped them into characteristics that affect adaptation – age, gender, country of origin, level of education (Finney and Marshall, 2018; Podgorelec, Klempić Bogadi and Gregurović, 2020); degree of success – from assimilation, acculturation and adaptation to integration into the receiving society (Berry, 1990; Amit, 2012; Amit and Bar-Lev, 2014; Podgorelec, Gregurović and Klempić Bogadi, 2019) or failure – giving up and returning to the country of origin or moving to a third country; the success of migrants in childhood or the second generation of migrants (childhood and schooling in the country of immigration) (Pivovarova and Powers, 2019); demographic and economic effects on societies of origin and immigration – studies of loss and gain (relocation of qualified migrants, artists, entrepreneurs) (Gregurović, 2019), remittances (Nzima, Duma and Moyo, 2017), etc. Migrants choose to move at various ages and are motivated by various reasons (Kennan and Walker, 2013). Migration is a process that affects both social environments – that of the origin of the migrant as well as the immigration environment, even if the migrant migrates within a certain country (Čipin, Strmota and Međimurec, 2016; Finney and Marshall, 2018) and assuming that social and cultural differences between places of resettlement are not significant (Amit, 2012; Podgorelec, Gregurović and Klempić Bogadi, 2019). Edmonston (2013: 3) relies on the work of Elder (1994, 1998) in explaining the benefits of using a life-course perspective in (im)migration research. He connects four topics that Elder considers crucial in the analysis of life course: the interconnectedness of individual lives and historical time, planning and selection of important events in an individual›s life, the connection of an individual›s life with others (family, friends, work environment) and action (effect) of social institutions during life. The connection between the general approach to the life course analysis (Elder, 1994, 1998) and the previously mentioned groups of topics in migration research is noticeable already at the first glance (Jasso, 2003). Each of the topics can be supported by various examples in Croatian society. In the last chapter, instead of a conclusion, the author states that by reviewing a part of the literature on aging and migration, it is possible to deduce that, although fundamentally separate processes, observed from a life-course perspective, they share similar trajectories, transitions, turning points and timing (Edmonston, 2013). Thus, research into the quality of life of older people must be grounded in the theoretical construction of aging and the historical context, relying on collected data on the individual's important life events (life story) and judgments of experiences by both respondents and researchers. A life-course perspective that measures the impact of social, political and economic conditions on the life of an individual and/or a group is an interesting and complex approach to researching selected dimensions of migrants quality of life, given that migration always takes place in a particular historical context by influencing the social environment – countries of origin and countries of immigration. Public policies that support the organisation of care for the elderly, facilitate adaptation and promote the integration of migrants harmonise all sections of society and affect the life satisfaction of the general population.

Verlaufsdaten des privaten und beruflichen Lebens (Erwerbsbiographie
und Partnerbiographie) sowie Einstellungsfragen.

1. Angaben zur Schulbildung: höchster Schulabschluss; Zeitpunkt des
höchsten Schulabschlusses; Schulerfolg allgemeinbildend;
Schulausbildungsverlaufstyp; Dauer aller Schulphasen; Nettoschulzeit
ohne Parallelphase; Zeitspanne der ersten Schulphase und weiterer
Schulphasen.

2. Detaillierte Angaben zur Berufsausbildung und zum Studium: Art der
Tätigkeit; Anfangszeit und Endzeit jeder Tätigkeitsphase; Grund für
Nicht-Erwerbstätigkeit; Schulart oder 1. Studienfach bzw. Branche der
Berufsausbildung; angestrebter Schulabschluss bzw. 2. Studienfach;
erreichter Schulabschluss bzw. erreichter Studienabschluss;
Referendariat; Studiennote; Zufriedenheit mit dem Studium; Art der
Studienfinanzierung und Höhe der jeweiligen Beträge; Änderung der
Studienfinanzierung, Finanzierungsart und Beträge; Verlängerung der
Studienzeit durch Arbeit; Anzahl Semester, um die sich die Studienzeit
verlängert hat; Bezug zwischen Studium und Arbeit; Berufserfahrung;
Berufskontakte und Berufsschwerpunkt im Studium; Studienschwerpunkt und
Berufseinstieg; Spaß am Studium; Erfolgsmuster Studienabschluss;
Erfolgsmuster Studienabschluss mit Parallelphase; Studiendauer
insgesamt und der Studienphasen; Studienverlaufsmuster; Erfolgsmuster
Berufsschule; Nettozeit aller Referendariatsphasen,
Berufsausbildungsphasen; Zeitspannen von Schulphasen und
Berufsschulphasen; letzte Berufsschulzeit ohne Parallelphase;
Vorstudium, Hauptstudium und Fächerkombination; Zweitstudium; erstes
bis viertes Studium; Studienzielwechsel; erster bis fünfter
Studienabschnitt und Zeitpunkt des letzten Studiums.

3. Angaben zu sonstigen Phasen: Erwerbsphasen; Zwangsphasen; Heirat
und Mutterschaft; Freiphasen; Jobphasen; Lücken; Militär- oder
Zivildienst.

4. Angaben zur Berufstätigkeit (Berufslebensrückblick):
Berufsbezeichnung und berufliche Stellung aller ausgeübten Berufe (ISCO
68, ISCO 88, SIOPS und MPS); Wochenstundenzahl; Berufszufriedenheit;
Gehaltshöhe am Anfang und am Ende; Gründe für Tätigkeitswechsel bzw.
Stellenwechsel; Stellenwechsel im selben Betrieb; Beschäftigung im
öffentlichen Dienst; Branche; Betriebsgröße; Nebentätigkeiten:
Nebentätigkeitsbezeichnung (ISCO 68, ISCO 88, SIOPS und MPS);
Bruttostundenlohn; Beginn und Ende der jeweiligen Nebentätigkeiten;
Erwerbsverlaufsbilanz; Berufserwartungen; Beurteilung des beruflichen
Erfolgs im Rückblick; Erfolg hinter oder noch vor sich; Zeit größter
beruflicher Erfolge; Beginn und Ende der größten beruflichen Erfolge;
Bedauern der Nichterwerbstätigkeit bzw. Gründe für fehlendes Bedauern;
beabsichtigte Berufstätigkeit und Vorstellung über den Zeitpunkt;
angestrebter Beruf (ISCO 68, ISCO 88, SIOPS und MPS).

5. Detaillierte Angaben zum Partner: Berufsbezeichnung und berufliche
Stellung der ausgeübten Berufe (ISCO 68, ISCO 88, SIOPS und MPS);
Wochenstundenzahl; Berufszufriedenheit; Gehaltshöhe am Anfang und am
Ende; Beschäftigung im öffentlichen Dienst; Branche; Betriebsgröße;
Berufsprestige nach Treiman und Wegener; zum Zeitpunkt der 1.
Wiederbefragung: Monatsnettoeinkommen, Berufstätigkeit, berufliche
Stellung, Beschäftigung im öffentlichen Dienst, Grund für
Nicht-Erwerbstätigkeit, Schulbildung, Berufsausbildung,
Hochschulabschluss bei und vor der 1. Wiederbefragung; Zeitpunkt
des Kennenlernens und des Zusammenzugs; Heiratszeitpunkt und
Trennungszeitpunkt; Art der Trennung; Heiratsabsicht; beabsichtigte
kirchliche Trauung; Grund für Nichtheirat; Altersunterschied zum
Partner; Schulbildung; Berufsausbildung und Art der Berufsausbildung,
Hochschulbesuch, Hochschulabschluss; jeweils zum Anfang und zum Ende
jeder Phase wurde erfragt: Berufstätigkeit, Grund für
Nichterwerbstätigkeit; Beschäftigung im öffentlichen Dienst;
Monatsnettoeinkommen und berufliche Stellung; Dauer der Partnerschaft;
Anzahl der Scheidungen und der Ehen 2010 und 1997.

6. Haushalt: Haushaltsgröße; Mitbewohner; Haushaltsgröße gesamt 2010;
Haushaltszusammensetzung 1997 und 2010; Partnerbeziehung bei der 1.
Wiederbefragung 1985; Partnerschaftsstatus 1997 und 2010; Zeitpunkt des
ersten Auszugs bei den Eltern sowie Gründung des ersten eigenen
Hausstands; Bestand des ersten eigenen Haushaltes in Monaten.

7. Angaben zu den Eltern: berufliche Selbständigkeit des Vaters;
Schulbildung des Vaters; Vater lebt bzw. Todesjahr; Mutter lebt noch
bzw. Todesjahr; Trennung bzw. Scheidung der Eltern; Jahr der Trennung
bzw. Scheidung; Vater lebte 1970 nicht mehr; Zeitraum wann nicht bei
den Eltern gewohnt (Monat und Jahr); Eltern leben 1997 noch; Monat und
Jahr der ersten Hausstandsgründung.

8. Angaben zu früheren Partnerschaften: Partnerschaft 1985: Zeitpunkt
des Kennenlernens und des Zusammenziehens mit dem Partner; Zeitpunkt
der Heirat; Zeitpunkt der Trennung; Zeitpunkt des wieder zueinander
Findens; kirchliche Heirat; Heiratsabsicht bzw. beabsichtigte
kirchliche Heirat; Grund für fehlende Heirat; Art der Trennung;
Zeitpunkt der Scheidung weiterer Partnerschaften; Beruf und berufliche
Stellung (ISCO 68, ISCO 88) und Berufsprestige nach Treiman und Wegener
des Partners 1985 sowie weiterer Partner.

9. Familienbildung: Zeitpunkt des Kennenlernens und des
Zusammenziehens mit dem Partner; kirchliche Heirat; Zeitpunkt der
Heirat und der Trennung; Art der Trennung; Zeitpunkt der Scheidung;
Elternschaft.

10. Angaben zu Kindern: Anzahl der Kinder insgesamt und im Jahr 1997;
Anzahl neuer Kinder seit der 2. Wiederbefragung; verstorbene Kinder;
Zeitpunkt der Geburt der Kinder; Alter der Kinder in Monaten zum
Zeitpunkt der 3. Wiederbefragung; Alter des Befragten zum Zeitpunkt der
Geburt der Kinder; Geschlecht der Kinder; Art der Kinderbetreuung;
Pflegeperson für nach 1985 geborene Kleinkinder; Schulbesuch und
Schulform der Kinder im Jahr 1997 und 2010; Bildungsaspiration für
Kinder; höchster Schulabschluss der Kinder; Hochschulbesuch der Kinder;
Studium im Jahr 2010; Studium beendet; Studienfächer; angefangene bzw.
beendete Ausbildung; Ausbildung in 2010; Ausbildungsart;
Erwerbstätigkeit in 2010; Gründe für Nichterwerbstätigkeit; frühere
Erwerbstätigkeit; berufliche Stellung; eigener Haushalt; Auszugsjahr;
Haushalt mit Partner; Wohnentfernung zu den Kindern; Kontakthäufigkeit;
Beurteilung der Beziehungsqualität; finanzielle Unterstützung und Höhe
des Unterstützungsbetrages; Elternschaft der Kinder und Kinderzahl

11. Angaben zu Enkeln: Großelternschaft; Anzahl der Enkel; Alter des
Befragten in Monaten bei der Geburt der Enkel; eigenes Kind ist Vater
oder Mutter des Enkels; Alter von Vater bzw. Mutter in Monaten bei der
Geburt des Enkels; Geburtsdatum der Enkel in Monaten; Alter der Enkel
in Monaten zum Zeitpunkt der dritten Wiederbefragung; Geschlecht;
Wohnentfernung; Kontakthäufigkeit; Beurteilung der Beziehungsqualität
zu den Enkeln; Betreuung der Enkel und Betreuungshäufigkeit.

12. Vorbereitung auf den Ruhestand: Altersteilzeit, Vorruhestand oder
Erwerbstätigkeit; Altersteilzeit in 2010; Altersteilzeit möglich;
Altersteilzeit genutzt; Arbeitsumfang reduziert; Wochenstunden;
gewähltes Arbeitszeitmodell (Teilzeit- oder Blockmodell); Regelung für
den Übergang in den Ruhestand; festgelegtes bzw. selbst bestimmtes
Ruhestandsalter; richtige Entscheidung für vorzeitigen Ruhestand;
Wunsch nach Berufsausstieg; Wichtigkeit der Erwerbstätigkeit bis 65;
beabsichtigte Altersteilzeit und Wunschalter bei Beginn der
Altersteilzeit; konkrete berufliche Pläne für die restliche
Erwerbszeit; betriebliche oder persönliche Gründe für den Vorruhestand
und konkrete Angabe der Gründe; Häufigkeit der Planung für den
Ruhestand; Möglichkeit der Weiterarbeit an der Arbeitsstelle im
Ruhestand und beabsichtigte Nutzung dieser Möglichkeit; Möglichkeit zur
Weiterarbeit im Beruf im Ruhestand und beabsichtigte Nutzung dieser
Möglichkeit; Arbeitstage im früheren Beruf; Alter bei Ende der
Tätigkeit im früheren Beruf; beabsichtigte Erwerbstätigkeit in einem
anderen Beruf (ISCO 68, ISCO 88 und Berufsprestige nach Treiman und
Wegener); Umfang der beabsichtigten Erwerbstätigkeit in diesem Beruf;
Ziele für den Ruhestand; frühere Beschäftigung mit dem Ziel; Zusammenhang
zwischen Ziel und Erwerbstätigkeit; private Vorsorge für den Ruhestand und
Art der getroffenen Vorkehrungen; Veränderung des Lebensstandards und des
Privatlebens; Wohnortwechsel im Ruhestand und Gründe dafür (z.B. Nähe
zum Wohnort der Kinder, altersbedingt usw.); gewünschte Kinderzahl
insgesamt; eigene Sicherheit in der Erziehung; Bestätigung des eigenen
Erziehungskonzepts; Wichtigkeit einer höheren gesellschaftlichen Stellung
der Kinder; Enttäuschung über gesellschaftlichen Abstieg der Kinder;
Einstellung zur Familie; Einstellung zur Heirat; Legitimation der Ehe;
Selbsteinstufung als Jugendlicher bzw. Erwachsener im Alter von 30 Jahren;
Zufriedenheit mit der Kinderzahl bzw. Bedauern über Kinderlosigkeit.

13. Biographische Selbstreflexion: Beurteilung des bisherigen
Lebensverlaufs und biographische Fehlentscheidungen; bedeutende
Ereignisse und Entwicklungen im Leben (1984 und 1997); biographische
Mentoren 1984 und 1997; Erfolgsattribuierung 1984 und 1997: Wichtigkeit
von Fleiß, Glück, Herkunftsfamilie und Begabung allgemein sowie bezogen
auf die eigene Person; Personen, die beim Erreichten geholfen haben.

14. Soziale Selbstverortung: Selbsteinschätzung der
Schichtzugehörigkeit und des Lebensstils; Lebensstilgruppe; soziale
Gruppe; Beurteilung der Bildungschancen und Chancengleichheit in Deutschland;
Einschätzung gerechter Verteilung; Einschätzung der eigenen Elitezugehörigkeit;
Einstellung zur Arbeit; Beziehung zur Gesellschaft: Zuhausefühlen in der Gesellschaft;

15. Religiöse Einstellungen: Religionsfragen und Fragen nach dem Sinn
des Lebens 1984, 1997 und 2010; Konfession 1984 und 1997; Jahr des
Kirchenaustritts; frühere Konfession; Wechsel der Konfession; Jahr des
Konfessionswechsels; Kirchgangshäufigkeit 1984 und 1997.

16. Wichtigkeit von Lebensbereichen 1984, 1997 und 2010 (Skala);
allgemeine, private und berufliche Zufriedenheit.

17. Politik: Wertansprüche an die Gesellschaft; Postmaterialismus
1984/85, 1997 und 2010; Politikinteresse 1984/85 und 1997;
Wahlverhalten bei den Bundestagswahlen 1972 – 1994;
Demonstrationsteilnahme 1984; Parteipräferenz der Eltern 1984;
wichtigste politische Ziele; Zweitstimme 1998, 2001, 2005 und 2009.

18. Zielverfolgung: Hartnäckige Zielverfolgung versus flexible
Zielanpassung.

19. Freizeitaktivitäten: Stundenzahl zur freien Verfügung an einem
Werktag sowie Wochenendtag; präferierte Freizeitaktivitäten und
Aktivitätshäufigkeit; Bereitschaft mehr Zeit in diese Beschäftigung zu
investieren; Fernsehdauer werktags insgesamt und vor 18 Uhr; Anzahl
Urlaubswochen in 2010; ehrenamtliche Tätigkeit; Bereich und Aktivität
des Ehrenamtes; Wochenstundenzahl für Ehrenamt in 2010; geleistete
unentgeltliche Hilfe außerhalb der Familie; Bereich, Aktivität und
Wochenstundenzahl der unentgeltlichen Hilfe.

20. Gesundheit und Altersvorsorge: Selbsteinschätzung des
Gesundheitszustandes; körperliche gesundheitliche Einschränkungen;
seelische oder emotionale Probleme; Pflegefall in der Familie und
Beziehung zu dieser Person; aktive Pflegebeteiligung; weiter
Pflegeversicherung zusätzlich zur gesetzlichen Pflegeversicherung;
Überlegung zu anderer Wohnform im Alter; Art der Wohnform; Vorliegen
einer Patientenverfügung, Vorsorgevollmacht bzw. Betreuungsverfügung;
Überlegung zu Testament und Anfertigung eines Testaments.

21. Finanzen: Erhalt von Erbschaften oder Schenkungen und Betrag
dieser Erbschaften oder Schenkungen; Einnahmen aus Vermietung oder
Verpachtung und Höhe der Gesamteinnahmen im letzten Jahr; Einnahmen aus
Geldanlagen und Höhe der Gesamteinnahmen; Erhalt und Art von
Transferleistungen.

22. Erinnerung an die Einstellungsfragen: Selbsteinschätzung der
Erinnerung an die Einstellungsfragen der letzten Befragung;
Wiederbefragungsbereitschaft und Einverständnis mit der
Adressaufbewahrung.

23. Demographie: Alter (Geburtstag, Geburtsmonat und Geburtsjahr);
Geschlecht;

Interviewerrating: Anwesenheit Dritter beim Interview; Beurteilung
der Zuverlässigkeit der Antworten.

Zusätzlich verkodet wurde: Interviewdauer; Sicherheit des globalen,
beruflichen und privaten Lebenslaufs 2010; Kooperationsbereitschaft des
Befragten bei den Einstellungsfragen; Unterbrechungen des Interviews
durch Dritte; besondere Vorkommnisse während des Interviews und
konkrete Angabe dieser Vorkommnisse; Wunsch nach Informationsmaterial
über die Untersuchung; Zeitpunkt der ersten, zweiten und dritten
Wiederbefragung; Monatsnettoeinkommen mit 30, 43 und 56 Jahren;
fünfstufige Bildungsvariable; Ortsgröße; Wohnort im Ausland;
Einwohnerzahl des Wohnortes (kategorisiert); jeweils mit 30, 43 und 56
Jahren: aktuelles und höchstes Prestige (MPS); Einkommen; letzte und
höchste Jobzufriedenheit; letzte und höchste Wochenarbeitsstunden;
Erwerbstätigkeit.

Mit dem vorliegenden Datenmaterial werden erstmalig für die DDR statistische Angaben über den Arbeitsmarkt veröffentlicht, die bisher in diesem Umfang und in dieser Vielfalt nicht verfügbar waren.
Die Zusammenstellung konzentriert sich im wesentlichen auf Angaben über Bevölkerung, Berufstätige, Qualifikation und Bildungswesen.
Es handelt sich dabei in vielen Fällen um Daten, die in der Vergangenheit vertraulich behandelt wurden und daher der Öffentlichkeit nicht zugänglich waren.
Eine Reihe von Tabellen beruht auch auf eigenen Berechnungen, bei denen amtliche Statistiken als Grundlage verwendet wurden. Die Verfasser haben sich bemüht, möglichst lange Zeitreihen zusammenzustellen, um damit einen längerfristigen Überblick über die Arbeitsmarktentwicklung in der DDR zu ermöglichen. Zusätzlich wurden einige gesamtwirtschaftliche Kennziffern aufgenommen, die als Bezugsgröße zu Arbeitsmarktdaten dienen können.
Die vorliegende Datensammlung soll allen an Arbeitsmarktproblemen Interessierten ein Arbeitsmaterial in die Hand geben, das eine Analyse von ökonomischen und sozialen Prozessen auf dem Gebiet der DDR ermöglicht und das eine Hilfe bei zu treffenden wirtschaftspolitischen Entscheidungen sein kann.
Auf einen detaillierten Quellennachweis wurde verzichtet. Die Angaben beruhen im wesentlichen auf Angaben der offiziellen statistischen Jahrbücher der DDR, auf ehemals vertraulichen und nichtvertraulichen Berichterstattungen der früheren Staatlichen Zentralverwaltung für Statistik der DDR, auf Daten aus statistischen Jahrbüchern des Hoch- und Fachschulwesens, herausgegeben vom ehemaligen Ministerium für Hoch- und Fachschulwesen der DDR, sowie auf eigenen Berechnungen.

Verzeichnis der Tabellen in HISTAT:
01. Wohnbevölkerung, Lebendgeborene und Sterbefälle (Personen) (1946-1989)
02. Wohnbevölkerung im arbeitsfähigen und nichtarbeitsfähigen Alter (Personen und Anteil in Prozent) (1950-1989)
03. Beschäftigungsgrad der Bevölkerung im arbeitsfähigen Alter (1000 Personen und Anteil in Prozent) (1966-1989)
04. Beschäftigungsgrad der Männer im arbeitsfähigen Alter (1000 Personen und Anteil in Prozent) (1966-1989)
05. Beschäftigungsgrad der Frauen im arbeitsfähigen Alter (1000 Personen und Anteil in Prozent) (1966-1989)
06. Beschäftigungsgrad der Bevölkerung im Rentenalter im arbeitsfähigen Alter (1000 Personen und Anteil in Prozent) (1966-1989)
07. Lehrlinge sowie Berufstätige einschließlich Lehrlinge in 1000 (1955-1989)
08. Berufstätige nach Wirtschaftsbereichen in 1000 Personen (1949-1989)
09. Anteil der Wirtschaftsbereiche an der Zahl der Berufstätigen in Prozent (1949-1989)
10. Ständig Berufstätige nach Wirtschaftssektoren in 1000 Personen (1967-1989)
11. Anteil der Wirtschaftssektoren an der Zahl der ständig Berufstätige in Prozent (1967-1989)
12. Berufstätige im Bildungswesen, in Kultur und Kunst, im Gesundheits- und Sozialwesen in 1000 Personen (1967-1989)
13. Berufstätige im Bildungswesen in 1000 Personen (1967-1989)
14. Arbeiter und Angestellte der sozialistischen Wirtschaft nach Qualifikationsstufen - sozialistische Wirtschaft insgesamt (1971-1989)
15. Arbeiter und Angestellte der sozialistischen Wirtschaft nach Qualifikationsstufen - Wirtschaftsbereich 1: Industrie (1971-1989)
16. Arbeiter und Angestellte der sozialistischen Wirtschaft nach Qualifikationsstufen - Wirtschaftsbereich 2: Bauwirtschaft (1971-1989)
17. Arbeiter und Angestellte der sozialistischen Wirtschaft nach Qualifikationsstufen - Wirtschaftsbereich 3: Land- und Forstwirtschaft (1971-1989)
18. Arbeiter und Angestellte der sozialistischen Wirtschaft nach Qualifikationsstufen - Wirtschaftsbereich 4: Verkehr, Post- und Fernmeldewesen (1971-1989)
19. Arbeiter und Angestellte der sozialistischen Wirtschaft nach Qualifikationsstufen - Wirtschaftsbereich 5: Handel (1971-1989)
20. Arbeiter und Angestellte der sozialistischen Wirtschaft nach Qualifikationsstufen - Wirtschaftsbereich 6: Sonstige produzierende Bereiche (1976-1989)
21. Arbeiter und Angestellte der sozialistischen Wirtschaft nach Qualifikationsstufen - Wirtschaftsbereich 7: Dienstleistende Wirtschaft (1976-1989)
22. Arbeiter und Angestellte der sozialistischen Wirtschaft nach Qualifikationsstufen - Wirtschaftsbereich 8: Kulturelle und Soziale Einrichtungen (1976-1989)
23. Arbeiter und Angestellte der sozialistischen Wirtschaft nach Qualifikationsstufen - Wirtschaftsbereich 9: Staatliche Verwaltungen/ Gesellschaftliche Organisationen (1976-1989)
24. Qualifikationsstruktur der Arbeiter und Angestellten - sozialistische Wirtschaft insgesamt, Anteile in Prozent (1960-1989)
25. Qualifikationsstruktur der Arbeiter und Angestellten - Industrie, Anteile in Prozent (1960-1989)
26. Qualifikationsstruktur der Arbeiter und Angestellten - Bauwirtschaft, Anteile in Prozent (1960-1989)
27. Qualifikationsstruktur der Arbeiter und Angestellten - Land- und Forstwirtschaft, Anteile in Prozent (1960-1989)
28. Qualifikationsstruktur der Arbeiter und Angestellten - Verkehr, Post- und Fernmeldewesen, Anteile in Prozent (1960-1989)
29. Qualifikationsstruktur der Arbeiter und Angestellten - Handel, Anteile in Prozent (1960-1989)
30. Qualifikationsstruktur der Arbeiter und Angestellten - Sonstige produzierende Zweige, Anteile in Prozent (1976-1989)
31. Qualifikationsstruktur der Arbeiter und Angestellten - Dienstleistende Wirtschaft, Anteile in Prozent (1976-1989)
32. Qualifikationsstruktur der Arbeiter und Angestellten - Kulturelle und Soziale Einrichtungen, Anteile in Prozent (1976-1989)
33. Qualifikationsstruktur der Arbeiter und Angestellten - Staatliche Verwaltung und Gesellschaftliche Organisationen, Anteile in Prozent (1976-1989)
34. Facharbeiter im erlernten oder artverwandten Beruf, Personen und Anteil in Prozent (1971-1983)
35. Berufstätige mit Fachschulabschluss in der sozialistischen Wirtschaft nach Wirtschaftsbereichen (1961-1989)
36. Anteil der Wirtschaftsbereiche an der Gesamtzahl der Berufstätigen mit Fachschulabschluss, Anteile in Prozent (1961-1989)
37. Berufstätige mit Hochschulabschluss in der sozialistischen Wirtschaft nach Wirtschaftsbereichen (1961-1989)
38. Anteil der Wirtschaftsbereiche an der Gesamtzahl der Berufstätigen mit Hochschulabschluss, Anteile in Prozent (1961-1989)
39. Verhältnis der Zahl der Beschäftigten mit Fachschulabschluss zur Zahl der Beschäftigten mit Hochschulabschluss nach Wirtschaftsbereichen (1961-1989)
40. Besetzung der Planstellen für Hochschulabsolventen (1967-1988)
41. Besetzung der Planstellen für Fachschulabsolventen (1967-1988)
42. Besetzung der Meisterplanstellen (1967-1988)
43. Besetzung der Facharbeiterarbeitsplätze (1971-1988)
44. Besetzung der Arbeitsplätze für Arbeitskräfte mit Teilberufsausbildung und ohne Berufsausbildung (1971-1988)
45. Besetzung der Planstellen für Hochschulabsolventen, Anteile in Prozent (1967-1988)
46. Besetzung der Planstellen für Fachschulabsolventen, Anteile in Prozent (1967-1988)
47. Besetzung der Meisterplanstellen, Anteile in Prozent (1967-1988)
48. Besetzung der Facharbeiterarbeitsplätze, Anteile in Prozent (1971-1988)
49. Besetzung der Arbeitsplätze für Arbeitskräfte mit Teilberufsausbildung und ohne Berufsausbildung, Anteile in Prozent (1971-1988)
50. Einsatz der Hochschulabsolventen auf den jeweiligen Planstellen, Personen und Anteile in Prozent (1971-1988)
51. Einsatz der Fachschulabsolventen auf den jeweiligen Planstellen, Personen und Anteile in Prozent (1971-1988)
52. Einsatz der Meister auf den jeweiligen Planstellen, Personen und Anteile in Prozent (1971-1988)
53. Einsatz der Facharbeiter auf den jeweiligen Planstellen, Personen und Anteile in Prozent (1971-1988)
54. Einsatz der Arbeitskräfte mit Teilberufsausbildung oder ohne abgeschlossene Berufsausbildung auf den jeweiligen Planstellen, Personen und Anteile in Prozent (1971-1988)
55. Berufstätige nach Ländern in Tausend und ihr Anteil an der Gesamtzahl der Berufstätigen in Prozent (1955-1989)
56. Berufstätige nach Ländern und Wirtschaftsbereichen, Anteile in Prozent (1955-1989)
57. Arbeiter und Angestellte nach Arbeitsbereichen im Bereich der Industrieministerien, Anteile in Prozent (1975-1989)
58a. Ständig Berufstätige nach Altersgruppen und Wirtschaftsbereichen, Anteile in Prozent - Gesamte Volkswirtschaft (1969-1989)
58b. Ständig Berufstätige nach Altersgruppen und Wirtschaftsbereichen, Anteile in Prozent - Industrie (1969-1989)
58c. Ständig Berufstätige nach Altersgruppen und Wirtschaftsbereichen, Anteile in Prozent - Produzierendes Handwerk (1969-1989)
58d. Ständig Berufstätige nach Altersgruppen und Wirtschaftsbereichen, Anteile in Prozent - Bauwirtschaft (1969-1989)
58e. Ständig Berufstätige nach Altersgruppen und Wirtschaftsbereichen, Anteile in Prozent - Land- und Forstwirtschaft (1969-1989)
58f. Ständig Berufstätige nach Altersgruppen und Wirtschaftsbereichen, Anteile in Prozent - Verkehr, Post- und Fernmeldewesen (1969-1989)
58g. Ständig Berufstätige nach Altersgruppen und Wirtschaftsbereichen, Anteile in Prozent - Handel (1969-1989)
58h. Ständig Berufstätige nach Altersgruppen und Wirtschaftsbereichen, Anteile in Prozent - Sonstige produzierende Zweige (1969-1989)
58i. Ständig Berufstätige nach Altersgruppen und Wirtschaftsbereichen, Anteile in Prozent - Nicht produzierende Bereiche (1969-1989)
59. Arbeiter und Angestellte nach Geschlecht und Dauer der wöchentlichen Arbeitszeit, Anteile in Prozent (1970-1983)
60. Anteil der laut Arbeitsvertrag verkürzt Arbeitenden an den Arbeitern und Angestellten nach Wirtschaftsbereichen in Prozent (1967-1989)
61. Durchschnittliches monatliches Bruttoarbeitseinkommen der vollbeschäftigten Arbeiter und Angestellten in der sozialistischen Wirtschaft in Mark (1950-1989)
62. Durchschnittliche monatliche Altersrenten der Sozialversicherung, Arbeiter und Angestellte beim FDGB, Betrag je Rente im Monat Dezember in Mark (1960-1989)
63. Mechanisierungsgrad der Arbeit in der Industrie in Prozent (1970-1989)
64. Anzahl der Kinder in Kindergärten und -wochenheimen (1955-1989)
65. Anzahl der Schüler in allgemeinbildenden polytechnischen Oberschulen, Sonderschulen und erweiterten Oberschulen (1955-1989)
66. Anzahl der Schüler in Berufsschulen (1955-1989)
67. Studierende im Fachschulstudium nach Studienformen, Absolut- und Relativzahlen (1950-1989)
68. Studierende im Hochschulstudium nach Studienformen, Absolut- und Relativzahlen (1950-1989)
69. Absolventen des Hochschulstudiums nach Wissenschaftszweigen, Absolutzahlen und Anteile in Prozent (1960-1989)
70. Anteil der Neuzulassungen von Hochschuldirektstudenten an den jeweiligen typischen Altersjahrgängen in Prozent (1965-1989)
71. Absolventen des Hochschulstudiums, des Fachschulstudiums und der Facharbeiterausbildung (1960-1989)
72. Abgeschlossene Promotionen A und B, Absolutwert und Frauenanteil (1971-1989)
73. Abgeschlossene Promotionen A nach Wissenschaftszweigen (1971-1989)
74. Aus- und Weiterbildung der Arbeiter und Angestellten in der sozialistischen Wirtschaft (1971-1989)
75. Aus- und Weiterbildung der Arbeiter und Angestellten in der sozialistischen Wirtschaft nach Qualifikationsstufen (1977-1989)
76.-80. Staatshaushaltsangaben für Bildungseinrichtungen in 1000 Mark (1955-1989)
81. Stipendien für Fach- und Hochschulen in 1000 Mark (1978-1989)
82. Staatsausgaben je Lernender/ Studierender in Mark (1960-1989)
83. Staatshaushaltsausgaben je Lernender/ Studierender pro Jahr und Bildungsstufe in Mark (1960-1989)
84. Bildungsfonds (human capital) je Absolvent in Mark (1960-1989)
85. Bildungsfonds (human capital) der Volkswirtschaft zu laufenden Kosten in Millionen Mark (1960-1989)
86. Produziertes Nationaleinkommen und Bruttoinlandsprodukt zu vergleichbaren Preisen in Millionen Mark - Basis 1985(1949-1989)
87. Grundmittel (Anlagevermögen) in Millionen Mark - Preisbasis 1986 (1949-1989)

This guide accompanies the following article: Nikki Khanna, 'Multiracial Americans: Racial Identity Choices and Implications for the Collection of Race Data', Sociology Compass 6/4 (2012): 316–331, 10.1111/j.1751‐9020.2011.00454.x.Author's introductionIn 2010, approximately nine million Americans self‐identified with two or more races on the United States Census – a 32 percent increase in the last decade. President Barack Obama, the son of a white Kansas‐born mother and Kenyan father, was not one of these self‐identified multiracial Americans. In fact, Obama chose only to check the 'black' box, illustrating that multiracial ancestry does not always translate to multiracial identity. Since the 1990s, there has been a growing body of research examining the multiracial population and key questions have included: How do multiracial Americans identify themselves? And why? This paper reviews this research, with a focus on the factors shaping racial identity and the implications regarding the collection of race data in the US Census.Author recommendsKhanna, Nikki. 2011. Biracial in America: Forming and Performing Race. Lanham, MD: Lexington Books.Looking at black‐white biracial Americans, this book examines the influencing factors and underlying social psychological processes shaping their multidimensional racial identities. This book also investigates the ways in which biracial Americans perform race in their day‐to‐day lives.Korgen, Kathleen. 1998. From Black to Biracial: Transforming Racial Identity among Biracial Americans. New York: Praeger.This book looks at the transformation in racial identity among black‐white biracial Americans over the last several decades. She finds that those born before the Civil Rights Era are likely to identify as black, while those born in the post‐Civil Rights Era identify as biracial, black, and sometimes white. She describes the declining influence of the one drop rule on shaping black identities, and the increasing importance of other factors, such as physical appearance.Perlmann, Joel and Mary Waters (eds). 2005. The New Race Question: How the Census Counts Multiracial Individuals. New York: Russell Sage Foundation.This edited volume examines how changes to the race question in the US Census affect how people are counted and the implications for public policy, enforcement of anti‐discrimination laws, and reporting of health, education, and income statistics.Rockquemore, Kerry Ann and David Brunsma. 2008. Beyond Black: Biracial Identity in America. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield.Drawing on interview and survey data, this groundbreaking book examines racial identity among black‐white biracial adults. The authors describe a myriad of ways in which biracial Americans understand themselves racially, while also examining why people identify the way they do.Online materialsRace: Are We So Different?http://understandingrace.org/This website explores the common misconceptions about race through several interactive activities.Race: The Power of an Illusionhttp://www.pbs.org/race/000_General/000_00‐Home.htmThis website explores the question 'What is Race?' through several interactive activities.Mixed‐Race Studieshttp://www.mixedracestudies.org/This website is a useful resource for anyone interested in mixed‐race studies. Included here is information about articles, books, dissertations, videos, multimedia, and other resources related to multiracial people.Mixed Folks.comhttp://www.mixedfolks.comThis site provides information about multiracial historical figures and celebrities, as well as links to books, websites, and comics featuring biracial characters.Mixed Chicks Chathttp://www.mixedchickschat.com/This site features an award‐winning weekly podcast about the multiracial experience. Included are approximately 200 episodes of interviews with scholars, activists, journalists, celebrities, and artists.Sample syllabusPart I: IntroductionWeek 1: Defining conceptsRace & Multiraciality as Social Constructs.Spickard, Paul R. 1992. 'The Illogic of American Racial Categories.' Pp. 12–23 in Racially Mixed People in America, edited by Maria P. P. Root. Newbury Park, CA: Sage Publications.Khanna, Nikki. 2011. 'A Note on Terminology.' Pp. ix–xiii in Biracial in America: Forming and Performing Racial Identity. Lanham, MD: Lexington Books.Angier, Natalie. 2000. 'Does Race Differ? Not Really, Genes Show.'New York Times, August 22. http://www.nytimes.com/2000/08/22/science/do‐races‐differ‐not‐really‐genes‐show.html?pagewanted=all&src=pm.American Anthropological Association's Statement on Race (1998): http://www.aaanet.org/stmts/racepp.htm.Part II: Historical backgroundWeek 2: Curbing 'Miscegenation' (Part 1)Interracial Mixing in Early America.Anti‐Miscegenation Laws.Zabel, William D. 2000. 'Interracial Marriage and the Law.' Pp. 54–61 in Interracialism: Black‐White Intermarriage in American History, Literature, and Law, edited by Werner Sollors. Oxford University Press.Kennedy, Randall. 2000. 'The Enforcement of Anti‐Miscegenation Laws.' Pp. 140–160 in Interracialism: Black‐White Intermarriage in American History, Literature, and Law, edited by Werner Sollors. Oxford University Press.Kennedy, Stetson. 1990. 'Who May Marry Whom.' Pp. 58–71 in Jim Crow Guide: The Way It Was. Boca Raton, FL: Florida Atlantic University Press.Week 3: Curbing 'Miscegenation' (Part 2)Biological, Religious, Social Arguments.The Role of Eugenics.Tucker, William H. 'Inharmoniously Adapted to Each Other: Science and Racial Crosses.' Pp. 109–33 in Defining Difference: Race and Racism in the History of Psychology, edited by Andrew S. Winston. American Psychological Association.Nakashima, Cynthia L. 1992. 'An Invisible Monster: The Creation and Denial of Mixed‐Race People in America.' Pp. 162–72 in Racially Mixed People in America, edited by Maria P. P. Root. Newbury Park, CA: Sage Publications.Visit the Jim Crow Museum of Racist Memorabilia & read about the 'Tragic Mulatto Myth': http://www.ferris.edu/jimcrow/mulatto/.Week 4: The politics of racial definitionCounting 'Mixed‐Bloods' and 'Mulattoes'.Williams, Gregory Howard. 1995. Life on the Color Line: The True Story of a White Boy Who Discovered He Was Black. New York: Plume.Morning, Ann. 2003. 'New Faces, Old Faces: Counting the Multiracial Population Past and Present.' Pp. 41–67 in New Faces in a Changing America: Multiracial Identity in the 21st Century, edited by Loretta I. Winters and Herman L. DeBose. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications.Davis, F. James. 1991. Who is Black? One Nation's Definition. (Excerpt). http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline/shows/jefferson/mixed/onedrop.html.Week 5: Resistance and subversion to the American binaryIndividual & Collective Strategies.Daniel, G. Reginald. 1992. 'Passers and Pluralists: Subverting the Racial Divide.' Pp. 91–107 in Racially Mixed People in America, edited by Maria P. P. Root. Newbury Park, CA: Sage Publications.Valdez, Norberto and Janice Valdez. 1998. 'The Pot that Called the Kettle White: Changing Racial Identities and US Social Construction of Race.'Identities 5: 379–413.Maillard, Kevin. 2000. 'We are Black Indians.' Pp. 81–86 in What Are You? Voices of Mixed‐Race Young People, edited by Pearl Fuyo Gaskins. New York: Henry Holt and Company.Read first‐hand narratives of people who 'passed' as white during the Jim Crow Era: http://www.jimcrowhistory.org/resources/lessonplans/hs_es_passing_narratives.htm.Week 6: The 'Biracial Baby Boom'Explanations.The Loving Myth?LISTEN: 'Loving Decision: 40 Years of Interracial Unions.' National Public Radio. http://www.npr.org/templates/story/story.php?storyId=10889047.Spencer, Rainier. 2006. 'White Mothers, the Loving Legend, and Manufacturing of a Biracial Baby Boom' in Challenging Multiracial Identity. Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner.Week 7: The multiracial movementPlayers and Agendas.Public Policy Issues.White, Jack E. 1997. 'I'm Just Who I Am.'Time.http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,986278,00.html.Graham, Susan. 1995. 'Grassroots Advocacy.' Pp. 185–9 in American Mixed Race: The Culture of Microdiversity, edited by Naomi Zack. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield.Spencer, Rainier. 1999. 'The Multiracial Category Initiative.' Pp. 125–60 in Spurious Issues: Race and Multiracial Identity Politics in the United States. Boulder, CO: Westview Press.Wright, Lawrence. 1999. 'One Drop of Blood.'The New Yorker, July 24, 1994. http://www.afn.org/~dks/race/wright.html.Week 8: Critiquing multiracialitySpencer, Rainier. 1999. 'Thinking About Transcending Race.' Pp. 192–9 in Spurious Issues: Race and Multiracial Identity Politics in the United States. Boulder, CO: Westview Press.Spencer, Rainier. 2006. Challenging Multiracial Identity. Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner.Week 9: Mixed‐race people abroadConceptualizations & Status of Multiracial People.South Africa, Brazil, Australia, Vietnam, Japan, India.Davis, F. James. 2006. 'Defining Race: Comparative Perspectives.' Pp. 15–31 in Mixed Messages: Multiracial Identities in the 'Color‐Blind' Era, edited by David L. Brunsma. Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner.Daniel, G. Reginald. 2003. 'Multiracial Identity in Global Perspective: The United States, Brazil, and South Africa.' Pp. 247–86 in New Faces in a Changing America: Multiracial Identity in the 21st Century, edited by Loretta I. Winters and Herman L. DeBose. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications.Murphy‐Shigematsu, Stephen. 2001. 'Multiethnic Lives and Monoethnic Myths: American‐Japanese Amerasians in Japan.' Pp. 207–16 in The Sum of Our Parts: Mixed‐Heritage Asian Americans, edited by Teresa Williams‐Leon and Cynthia L. Nakashima. Philadelphia: Temple University Press.Week 10: Intermarriage, multiracial people, and the future of race relations in the USCensus Trends.Future of Race in America?Humes, Karen R., Nicholas A. Jones, and Roberto R. Ramirez. (2011). 'Overview of race and Hispanic origin: 2010.' 2010 Census Briefs. http://www.census.gov/prod/cen2010/briefs/c2010br‐02.pdf.Bonilla‐Silva, Eduardo and David G. Embrick. 2006. 'Black, Honorary White, White: The Future of Race in the United States?' Pp. 33–48 in Mixed Messages: Multiracial Identities in the 'Color‐Blind' Era, edited by David L. Brunsma. Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner.Lind, Michael. 1998. 'The Beige and the Black.'New York Times.http://www.nytimes.com/1998/08/16/magazine/the‐beige‐and‐the‐black.html?pagewanted=all.Part III: Scholarly researchWeek 11: Identities (Part 1)Methodological Issues in Research.Typology of Identities.Racial Fluidity.Root, Maria P. P. 1992. 'Back to the Drawing Board: Methodological Issues in Research on Multiracial People.' Pp. 181–9 in Racially Mixed People in America. Newbury Park, CA: Sage Publications.Tashiro, Cathy J. 2002. 'Considering the Significance of Ancestry through the Prism of Mixed Race Identity.'Journal of Advanced Nursing Science 25: 1–21.Harris, David R. and Jeremiah Joseph Sim. 2002. 'Who is Multiracial? Assessing the Complexity of Lived Race.'American Sociological Review 67: 614–27.Week 12: Identities (Part 2)Factors Shaping Identity.Implications for Census Statistics.Morning, Ann. 2000. 'Who is Multiracial? Definitions and Decisions'. Sociological Imagination 37: 209–29.Khanna, Nikki. 2004. 'The Role of Reflected Appraisals in Racial Identity: The Case of Asian‐White Adults.'Social Psychology Quarterly 67: 115–31.*Khanna, Nikki. 2012. 'Multiracial Americans: Racial Identity Choices and Implications for the Collection of Race Data.'Sociology Compass 6(4): 316–31.Week 13: Psychological and social well‐beingThe 'Tragic Mulatto' & Other Stereotypes (revisited).Campbell, Mary E. & Jennifer Eggerling‐Boeck. 2006. 'What about the Children? The Psychological and Social Well‐Being of Multiracial Adolescents'. The Sociological Quarterly 47: 147–73.Suzuki‐Crumly, J. and L. L. Hyers. 2004. 'The Relationship among Ethnic Identity, Psychological Well‐being, and Intergroup Competence: An Investigation of Two Biracial Groups'. Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Minority Psychology 10: 137–50.Phillips, Layli. 2004. 'Fitting in and Feeling Good: Patterns of Self‐evaluation and Psychological Stress among Biracial Adolescent Girls.'Women & Therapy 27: 217–36.Seminar/Project ideasCensus Exercise and Discussion: Have students visit the webpage: http://racebox.org/, which shows what the race question looked like in the U.S. Census from 1790 to 2010. Next, they should visit http://understandingrace.org/lived/global_census.html to see how different countries collect census information about race. After students view both sites, they should answer the following questions: In what years in the US were multiracial Americans counted as multiracial? What types of categories were used? What other countries use multiracial categories and what categories are used? Finally, after reading Lawrence Wright's 'One Drop of Blood' and Rainier Spencer's 'The Multiracial Category Initiative' (see above), pose the following question for class discussion: What are the pros and cons of including a multiracial category in the Census (or allowing Americans to check multiple boxes)? Then ask: Should we even ask Americans their race in the US Census? While some students will emphatically answer 'no!' because they believe the Census categories only serve to reify racial categories and racial divisions, this question should open up an informed debate about the function of the Census and race question.Examining the Politics of Race in Comic Strips: To provide context for this assignment, student should first read the following on‐line excerpt from F. James Davis'Who Is Black: One Nation's Definition: http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline/shows/jefferson/mixed/onedrop.html. Next, have students visit the site: http://www.mixedfolks.com/comics.htm, which features The Boondocks comic strip with a biracial character (Jazmine). Have students read and analyze the 17 posted comic strips and answer the following questions (via class discussion or an out‐of‐class assignment): How is Jazmine's character portrayed? How is blackness portrayed? What message does the artist convey in these comic strips regarding biraciality and internal and external perceptions of Jazmine's race and racial identity?Film and Discussion: Show students the movie, Guess Who's Coming to Dinner– a 1967 film starring Spencer Tracy, Sidney Poitier and Katharine Hepburn, which looks at the controversy surrounding interracial marriage. In the year that the film was released, 16 states still prohibited interracial marriage in the US (although the Supreme Court would abolish these laws in the same year with their landmark ruling in Loving v. Virginia). This film is useful to discuss the controversy surrounding interracial marriage, and how the same scenario might play out in the present‐day.Small Group Activity: Analyzing Anti‐Miscegenation Laws: Before coming to class, have students listen to the following NPR story: 'Loving Decision: 40 Years of Interracial Unions' (http://www.npr.org/templates/story/story.php?storyId=10889047) – it describes the case Loving v. Virginia (1967). Next, using an interactive map of the United States (see http://www.lovingday.org/legal‐map), have students, in small groups, examine and analyze anti‐miscegenation laws in the US prior to the Loving decision. Some questions to have them consider: Which states were the first to make interracial marriage illegal? Which racial groups were targeted in those early laws? By 1913, how many of the then 48 states had anti‐miscegenation laws? Which states made interracial marriage legal? How many states had anti‐miscegenation laws in the year preceding Loving? Students can also click on individual states to see an example of its laws. Looking at the laws, ask students: What was criminalized (e.g. interracial marriage, sex, performing the wedding, cohabitation)? What types of punishments did those who violated the law receive? What racial groups are targeted in these laws? How are racial categories (e.g. black, white) defined in these laws? What do these laws reveal about the social construction of race?

Статья посвящена рассмотрению дискуссии между А.Я. Гуревичем и Л.М. Баткиным, которая внесла значительный вклад в становление «несоветской» медиевистики. Цель исследования состоит в определении характерных черт полемики между А.Я. Гуревичем и Л.М. Баткиным, ее значения в процессе трансформации эпистемологического поля отечественной исторической науки. Теоретической основой статьи стали принципы интеллектуальной истории. Исследование осуществлено на основе сравнительно-исторического и историко-генетического методов. В настоящей работе проанализированы взгляды А.Я. Гуревича и Л.М. Баткина на ряд методологических вопросов, которые оказались в центре прений между учеными. В публикации делается вывод о том, что рассматриваемый диспут затрагивал вопросы о культурной и социальной сущности личности, о реализации личностью функций внутри общественных структур, о причинах и механизмах изменения культурных ценностей и доминант. Трактовка понятия «личность» определяла выбор подхода к изучению общества. Если для А.Я. Гуревича личность является порождением социально-культурной системы конкретной эпохи, а особенность личности заключается в оригинальном соединении общих черт культуры, то для Л.М. Баткина личностью является индивид, который, руководствуясь общими нормами и установлениями, пропускает их через свое сознание и словно вновь порождает нормы и ценности. Согласно Л.М. Баткину, «осознающая личность» – начало преодоления стереотипов и матриц общественного сознания. В этой связи подход А.Я. Гуревича был нацелен на реконструкцию общественных стереотипов и матриц, определявших поведение людей. Л.М. Баткин анализировал выдающиеся литературные произведения, которые, по мысли ученого, открывают в исследуемой культуре ее изменение и трансформацию. Ряд тезисов, высказанных Л.М. Баткиным в ходе полемики, был воспринят и интерпретирован Ю.Л. Бессмертным, А.Л. Юргановым, А.В. Каравашкиным, И.Н. Данилевским и оказал влияние на формирование их научно-исследовательских программ. Ученые сошлись во мнении, что средневековую культуру необходимо изучать исходя из особенностей развития самой культуры, следует уделять внимание пониманию специфики культурного языка, особенностей мышления и самовыражения исследуемой эпохи, надлежит учитывать уникальные черты культуры и использовать принципы герменевтики в качестве методологической основы интерпретации письменных источников.
he article is devoted to the discussion between A. Gurevich and L. Batkin, who made a significant contribution to the development of "non-Soviet" medieval studies. The purpose of the study is to determine the characteristic features of the controversy between A. Gurevich and L. Batkin and its significance in the process of transformation of the epistemological field of Russian historical science. The principles of intellectual history constitute the theoretical foundation of the article. The study was carried out on the basis of comparative historical and historical genetic methods. The present work analyzes the views of A. Gurevich and L. Batkin on a number of methodological issues that were at the center of the debate between the scholars. The author concludes that the dispute under consideration raised questions about the cultural and social essence of the individual, about the implementation by the individual of his functions within social structures, and about the causes and mechanisms for changing cultural values and dominants. The interpretation of the concept of personality determined the choice of approach to the study of society. While for A. Gurevich, the personality is a product of the socio-cultural system of a particular era and the peculiarity of the personality lies in the original combination of common features of culture, L. Batkin views the personality as an individual who, being guided by general norms and regulations, lets them go through his consciousness and as if generates norms and values again. According to L. Batkin, "the conscious personality" is the beginning of overcoming stereotypes and matrices of social consciousness. In this regard, the approach of A. Gurevich was aimed at reconstructing social stereotypes and matrices that determined people's behavior. L. Batkin analyzed outstanding literary works, which, according to the scholar, reveal change and transformation in the culture under study. A number of points made by L. Batkin during the polemic were perceived and interpreted by Yu. Bessmertnyi, A. Yurganov, A. Karavashkin, and I. Danilevskii and influenced the formation of their research agenda. The scholars agreed that medieval culture should be studied proceeding from the peculiarities of the development of the culture itself; attention should be paid to understanding the specifics of the language of culture, features of thinking and self-expression of the era under study; unique features of culture should be taken into account; it is required to use the principles of hermeneutics as a methodological basis for the interpretation of written sources.

At the center of this work is the analysis of the consequences of implementing the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (also known as - the Iran nuclear deal) on divergent foreign policy approaches as the main indicators of the mismatch in relations between the United States and the European Union during the administration of the 45th US President Donald Trump. While the US unilaterally withdrew from this agreement, EU member states remained in it. The United States and the European Union, on the one hand, and Iran, on the other, had completely different definitions of their own national security, insisting on their unilateral security, while failing to redefine the problem in the direction of mutual security. However, in addition, the US and EU member states, although both concerned about their own security due to the possible emergence of a nuclear-armed Iran, instead of a complementary approach to the issue had a mutually competing one. Using the case study method, as well as the analytical-deductive method and the content analysis method, the author explains the difference in this approach through the concept of the strategic culture of the US and the EU and concludes that they are a consequence of the different understanding of international relations, but also due to the different identity characters of these two actors. The main thesis of the paper is that the US administration of Donald Trump, with its more realistic and Hobbesian view of international relations, and a different understanding of the US national interest in the Middle East, adopted a different approach to curbing Iran's nuclear armament ambitions compared to the approach of the European Union, which is conditioned by a more liberal and Kantian nature of its view on international relations. With unilateral foreign policy actions, Trump's administration risked causing damage and shaking its own credibility in relations with the European Union. On the other hand, the European Union remains committed to multilateralism and the preservation of the Iran nuclear deal. The subject of this research is the direction of the foreign policy actions of the United States and the European Union, in the period from the unilateral withdrawal of Trump's cabinet from the Iran nuclear agreement on May 8th, 2018, until the assassination of Qasem Soleimani, a general of the Iranian Revolutionary Guard on January 3rd, 2020 in the Republic of Iraq. The current state and perspective of contemporary transatlantic political relations in the context of unilateral withdrawal will be taken into consideration. In accordance with its new foreign policy agenda and strategy, and more inclined to a realistic view of international relations, the Trump administration risked deeper conflicts and divergence with the European Union over regional security issues. Thus, there was a threat to limit the further deepening and strengthening of the transatlantic partnership with the leading member states of the European Union, especially with the government of the Federal Republic of Germany and the government of the Republic of France. Additionally, the subject of research will be the patterns of behavior, embodied in speeches and foreign policy actions, which are consistent with the different approaches of the US and the EU to the problem of preventing the theocratic regime in Iran from developing its nuclear program. Accordingly, the focus will be on the period of the Trump administration, which, with its political will to break off with the legacy of the Obama administration, began to perceive Iran as a factor causing instability in the Middle East region. The Trump administration did not ratify the Iran nuclear agreement and continued to act under its obligations, solely because of the unfavorable benefits and a large number of shortcomings for the US. Thus, the paper will analyze whether the US administration of Donald Trump had a concrete foreign policy strategy in relations with the European Union and Iran. Also, the paper will try to answer the question of whether a unilateral or multilateral approach to regional security problems is more fruitful, taking into consideration the question of whether the unilateral approach of the only superpower in the world is more effective or, on the other hand, an international coalition of states is needed to suppress the Tehran's nuclear ambitions.

Purpose
This paper aims to suggest that gender inequality plays a significant role in explaining the prevailing magnitudes of food insecurity in the countries of Sub-Saharan Africa. It provides empirical evidence for the underlying hypothesis that removing discrimination against women, particularly, with respect to their reproductive health and rights, depicted in high adolescent fertility rates and maternal deaths, will be an important pre-condition for addressing the hunger and undernourishment challenge in the region. A theoretical linkage has been conceptualised and supported through findings from panel data analysis of a set of 20 countries in the region, over a period of 16 years (from 1999 to 2015). The key result is that the relative impact of health inequality on food insecurity is higher and significant, in comparison to disparities in education and economic participation of women. A unit increase in adolescent fertility rate leads to an increase in undernourishment by 19.4 per cent, depth of food deficit by 1.15 per cent and a decline in average dietary energy adequacy by 0.21 per cent.


Design/methodology/approach
In the paper, time series data set for 20 countries of Sub-Saharan Africa is generated by using world development indicators (World Bank) of gender inequality and food security statistics of Food and Agriculture Organisation (FAO). Data set involves trends in variables over a period of 16 years (1999 to 2015). A panel regression analysis with fixed effects is undertaken for testing the underlying hypothesis. To capture the linkage in a detailed manner, the author has fitted four models for each of the three measures of food security. First model captures the specific impact of gender differences in secondary school enrolment on food security in the region. Second model assesses the impact of gender inequality in labour force participation, and the third model explores the impact of health inequality in terms of adolescent fertility and maternal mortality on food security indicators. In the final model, the relative impact of all the four gender inequality indicators on magnitude of food insecurity in the study region is assessed.


Findings
The findings from panel data analysis provide empirical support to our hypothesis that gender disparities prevailing in Sub-Saharan Africa have an adverse impact on the level of food security in the region. Individually, increase in both, gender parity in secondary education and ratio of female to male labour force participation rate, has a negative influence on prevalence of undernourishment and depth of food deficit in the region. But, when the relative impact of gender inequality in education, economic participation and health are considered together in a single model, adolescent fertility rate, followed by maternal mortality ratio became the two most important indicators negatively influencing the magnitude of food security in SSA. A unit increase in adolescent fertility rate, leads to an increase in undernourishment by 19.4 per cent, depth of food deficit by 1.15 per cent and a decline in average dietary energy adequacy by 0.21 per cent.


Research limitations/implications
Scarcity of continuous time series data for the countries of Sub-Saharan Africa limits the scope of analysis.


Social implications
Government policies and programmes in Sub-Saharan Africa must focus on successful implementation of sexual and reproductive health and rights of women, as underlined in Goal 3 of sustainable development goals (SDGs). This would require deeper levels of interventions aimed at transforming gender roles and relations through involvement of men and boys as partners. Elimination of sexual and gender-based violence against women and girls, and ensuring easy and affordable access to sexual and reproductive health services, particularly in fragile and conflict affected areas, are some of the important measures which may facilitate movement of the countries in the region, towards the target set by SDG 3.


Originality/value
Indisputably, women play a key role in a nation's food economy, not only as food producers and income earners but also as food distributors and consumers. Nevertheless, they face discrimination in every dimension and phase of life, which hampers their ability to successfully fulfill this responsibility. The paper provides a theoretical linkage and empirical evidence on the underlying hypothesis that targeting various forms of gender disparities in the African sub-continent, particularly those relating to reproductive health and rights of women will pave the way for reducing the magnitude of hunger and food insecurity in the region of Sub-Saharan Africa. Few papers in my knowledge have explored the linkage between gender inequality and food insecurity, but none have empirically emphasised the reproductive health dimension of this association.