Suchergebnisse

Straipsnyje, apžvelgus kai kuriuos bendruosius filosofijos ir politikos santykio klausimus, siekiama išaiškinti, kodėl Lietuvos politinio atgimimo laikotarpiu, 1988–1993 metais, jos filosofai, atstovavę disciplinai, laikytai sovietinės valdžios ideologine atrama, aktyviai įsitraukė į politinę veiklą, kurios tikslas buvo Lietuvos išlaisvinimas iš tos valdžios. Tuo tikslu analizuojama filosofijos padėtis okupuotoje Lietuvoje ir pirmiausia, Vilniaus universitete. Bandoma atsakyti į klausimą, kuo ji skyrėsi nuo filosofijos padėties kitose TSRS aukštosiose mokyklose. Nagrinėjami veiksniai, lėmę gan aukštą filosofų prestižą Lietuvoje, turėję įtakos jų įsitraukimui į politinius Atgimimo procesus ir aktyviam dalyvavimui valstybingumo atkūrime ir nepriklausomybės įtvirtinime. Glaustai aptariami kai kurie pastarųjų šešių dešimtmečių filosofijos raidos Lietuvoje periodizacijos aspektai. Pagrindiniai žodžiai: Lietuva, Atgimimas, filosofija, politika, marksizmas.Philosophy and Politics in the Epoch of RebirthEvaldas Nekrašas
SummaryAfter examining shortly some general issues concerning relation of philosophy to politics, the author of the article makes an attempt to answer the question why during the period of Lithuania's political rebirth, in the years 1988–1993, Lithuanian philosophers representing a discipline which in its Marxist form had been regarded as an ideological basis of the Soviet rule took a vigorous part in political activities aiming at liberation from that rule. With this aim in mind, analysis of the situation of philosophy in occupied Lithuania is presented. A special emphasis is put on the situation at Vilnius University. An attempt is being made to explain why and in which respect it was different from that at other universities in the Soviet Union. The factors that were responsible for a relatively high reputation of philosophers among Lithuanian reading public are examined. Exactly that high reputation and the developed sense of responsibility explains why philosophers were so eager to join the popular movement aiming at the liberation of Lithuania, were able to become its distinguished leaders and play a very important role in the political rebirth and the consolidation of the regained independence. Some issues related to the periodization of the development of Lithuanian philosophy during the last six decades are also put under scrutiny. Key words: Lithuania, Rebirth, philosophy, politics, Marxism.

La política ambiental europea es una de las más completas y coherentes que se han conformado en los últimos años en la consecución de un desarrollo sustentable. El conjunto de instrumentos, normas, estrategias y acciones está orientado a ser efectivo; cuenta con mecanismos de evaluación y corrección, e integra derechos fundamentales, la solidaridad entre regiones y la diversidad del territorio europeo.En este artículo se presenta el proceso que ha seguido desde que se estableció como una política por sí misma, y se exponen los principios que la sitúan en el camino de una gobernanza ambiental global o al menos regional. Se analizan los factores clave para el logro de objetivos ambientales en sistemas jurídicos afines al mexicano, lo que puede servir de referencia para la conformación, instrumentación y evaluación de la política ambiental mexicana (sobre todo se revisan los factores críticos, que se reflejan como debilidades en nuestro sistema). Se revisan modelos o marcos de referencia y actuación ante problemas ambientales similares, sin que ello signifique una transferencia automática de políticas públicas. AbstractEuropean environmental policy is one of the most complete and coherent to have been designed in recent years as regards achieving sustainable development. The set of instruments, norms, strategies and actions is designed to be effective: it has evaluation and correction mechanisms and includes fundamental rights, solidarity between regions and the diversity of European territory.This article describes the process it has followed ever since it was established as a policy in itself and explains the principles that place it on the path towards global or at least regional environmental governance. Key factors are analyzed for achieving environmental objectives in legal systems similar to the Mexican one, which can serve as a reference for the design, implementation and evaluation of Mexican environmental policy (particularly if one reviews the critical factors reflected as weaknesses in the Mexican system). The author reviews the models of frameworks of reference and reaction to similar environmental problems, although this does not mean an automatic transfer of public policies.

PORTAL Journal of Multidisciplinary International Studies enters its fourth year with the journal's first special Chinese-language issue. Organised under the rubric of 'The Revival of Chinese Cultural Nationalism,' the issue has been guest edited by Dr Yingjie Guo of the Institute for International Studies, University of Technology Sydney, and features the work of scholars based in China and Australia. As Guo says in his introductory essay to the special issue, debates over cultural nationalism in China have been on the rise since the events in Tiananmen Square on June 4, 1989; indeed, the post-Tiananmen era in China may be witnessing what Guo calls an unparalleled cultural-political movement in the country's history. The various contributors to this special issue explore the ramifications and manifestations of that broad cultural-political movement in film production, television drama, literary texts, cultural essays, regional entrepreneurship, and contemporary debates on nationalism and liberalism. This issue of PORTAL also features four non-special issue essays: a study of feminist ethics in the work of Filipino-Australian writer and dramatist Merlinda Bobis, by Dolores Herrero (Universidad de Zaragoza, Spain); a taut critique of the discourse that regards the twentieth century as the bloodiest and most atrocious in human history, by David B. MacDonald (Otago University, New Zealand); a trenchant analysis, by Ramzi Nasser and Kamal Abouchedid (Notre Dame University, Lebanon), of what the authors call the rise of "academic apartheid" in the university sector throughout the Arab world; and a fascinating exploration of the feminism and environmentalism pioneered by the Australian author, mountaineer, solicitor and Buddhist Marie Byles (1900-1979), by Allison Cadzow (University of Technology Sydney). Finally, it is a huge pleasure to also include in PORTAL's cultural works section a selection of poems by the Chinese poet Yang Lian, translated by Mabel Lee (responsible for translating Nobel Laureate Gao Xingjian's novels Soul Mountain [2000] and One Man's Bible [2002] into English).

Paul Allatson, Chair, PORTAL Editorial Committee

This book looks at the social vulnerability of women in the Sub-Saharan region of Africa to HIV/AIDS. Based on extensive field research conducted in Kenya between 2001 and 2002, with a follow-up in 2004, the study analyses and discusses different social, cultural and economic factors in the daily lives of women that are related to sexual behaviour within the context of the AIDS epidemics. The main topics include the women's experiences with AIDS, interpretation and meaning-giving, the social discourse on AIDS, the intergeneration transfer of sexual knowledge and norms and sexual- behaviour and networking within the study community. Female sexuality and sexual behaviour form the core of the study, and different aspects of sexual behaviour have been extensively addressed. The definition of femininity is anchored in a sexuality characterised by passivity. This is partly based on perceived Christian values, and partly a cultural legacy of the control of female sexuality related to the now dying practice of female genital cutting. The social organisation of care in the study community is of particular importance. Care and care-work have often been related to HIV/AIDS with reference to the effects of the epidemic, as the burden of care that has fallen on women, rather than as a causative or vulnerability factor. The author, however, argues that, with women as the sole care-givers, the dependency of men on women increases women's vulnerability to HIV in the community. Based on the social theory of care, the practice of caregiving and the closely related capacity to put oneself in the position of the other are prerequisites in the development of an attitude of self-care and the promotion of a sense of reflection about one's own worth. Hence, the lack of male participation in care-giving is related to, or rather has resulted in a deficit in the development of an attitude of self-care in men characterised here by irresponsible sexual behaviour, to their detriment and to that of the women who care for them.

O artigo analisa as condições de implantação de dispositivos de governança urbana na cidade de Salvador (1993/1996), fundado no paradigma de "bom governo" que articula eficácia com justiça social, num contexto marcado por profunda crise de legitimidade do executivo municipal. Avalia as condições de governabilidade e a capacidade do governo local na implantação de políticas e no exercício da autonomia municipal, num quadro de profundo conflito e embate da Prefeitura com outras instâncias intergovernamentais. A partir da análise de quatro políticas locais (o Planejamento Urbano; o Orçamento Participativo; o Conselho do Carnaval e o Programa Cidade Mãe) apresenta os instrumentos de microrregulação societal implantados, que, segundo a autora, constróem um modelo de gestão assentada numa "racionalidade constrangida", que expande a cooperação na base; verticaliza e centraliza o controle dos programas no núcleo central do governo, evitando expor-se a pactos sociais mais amplos, restringindo a universalização do aprendizado e vivência democrática. PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Governança urbana; políticas sociais; pobreza; participação social e democratização. A constrained rationality: the experience of the urban governance in Salvador Anete Brito Leal Ivo This article analyzes the condition for implementing urban governance devices in the city of Salvador (1993/1996) based on the "good government paradigm", articulating effectiveness with social justice in a context stressed by profound crisis of legitimacy of the local power. It evaluates the governance conditions and local government capability in implanting the policies and in the use of the municipal autonomy, in a profound conflict, as well as the impact of the municipality on other intergovernmental instances. Based on the analysis of the four local policies (Urban planning; Participant Budget, Carnival Council and Mother City Program) it presents the implemented micro-regulation social instruments. The latter, according to the author, establish a management model based on a "constrained rationality", which expands the base cooperation, uprights and centralizes the control of the programs in the governmental central nucleus, thus preventing the exposure to more ample social pacts, restricting the learning universalization and the democratic experience. KEY WORDS: Urban governance, social politics, poverty, democratization and Social Participation. Publicação Online do Caderno CRH: http://www.cadernocrh.ufba.br

Este artigo analisa a literatura sobre o negro e o poder no Brasil, mostrando que apesar de a sociedade brasileira ser multirracial e multiétnica, historicamente, as ciências sociais brasileiras têm dedicado pouca atenção aos estudos sobre a participação do negro na arena política nacional. O autor sustenta que os pesquisadores têm negligenciado o tema "negro e política ", sobretudo os determinantes da sub-representação deste grupo nos cargos do Legislativo e Executivo. Conclui sugerindo a necessidade da realização de pesquisas sobre o comportamento dos negros enquanto eleitores, grupos de pressão e candidatos, e o desenvolvimento de estudos comparativos de campanhas eleitorais que envolvam candidaturas de negros a cargos majoritários e proporcionais. Também é destacada a importância da realização de estudos na área de mídia e política, para compreender as estratégias de comunicação dos políticos negros e a influência da propaganda política nos processos eleitorais. PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Eleição, participação política, políticos negros, agenda de pesquisa. BLACKS AND POWER IN BRAZIL: proposal of an agenda for the survey Cloves Luiz Pereira Oliveira This article analyses literature on black people and power in Brazil, showing that although the Brazilian society is multiracial and multi-ethnical, historically the Brazilian social sciences have not paid much attention to the studies on the blacks' participation in the national political arena. The author states that the surveyors have neglected the "blacks and politics" topic, especially the determinants of the subrepresentation of this group in the legislative and executive positions. It ends up suggesting the need of carrying out researches on blacks' behavior as voters, pressure groups and candidates, as well as the development of comparative studies of the political campaigns involving the election of blacks to higher rank positions. The importance of the development of studies in the media and political scenario is also highlighted to understand the strategies of communication of the black politicians and the influence of the political propaganda on the election processes. KEY WORDS: Election, political participation, black politicians and agenda of the survey Publicação Online do Caderno CRH: http://www.cadernocrh.ufba.br

O autor procede a uma crítica à hegemonia do Homo oeconomicus e do cálculo utilitário, a partir da antropologia, tomando por base o paradigma da dádiva de Mauss, que entende a dádiva como fato total, através do qual se articulam os quatro princípios da ação humana: interesse e gratuidade, obrigação e liberdade. Recupera os principais argumentos desse paradigma, na relação contraditória entre o interesse e a solidariedade, tentando entender as bases que sustentam a questão da proteção social, concluindo com a análise sobre a renda de cidadania.PALAVRAS-CHAVE: paradigma da dádiva, Mauss, proteção social, renda de cidadania, política social. BEYOND THE DOMAIN OF INTEREST? GIFT, SOCIAL PROTECTION AND CITIZENSHIP INCOME The author criticizes the hegemony of the Homo oeconomicus and the utility calculation of anthropology, based on Mauss's gift paradigm. The referred paradigm sees gift as a total fact, through which the four principles of human action are combined: interest and gratuity, obligation and freedom. It restores the paradigm's main arguments, in the contradictory relationship between interest and solidarity, to understand the basis that support the social protection issue, summing up with the analysis on citizenship income. KEY WORDS: paradigm of gift, Mauss, social protection, citizenship income, social politics AU-DELÀ DU RÈGNE DE L'INTERÊT? DON, PROTECTION SOCIALE ET REVENU DE CITOYENNETEL'auteur fait une critique de l'hégémonie de l'Homo oeconomicus et du calcul utilitaire à partir de l'anthropologie et en se basant sur le paradigme du don de Mauss qui considère le don comme un fait total où se mêlent les quatre principes de l'action humaine: l'intérêt et le désin-téressement, l'obligation et la liberté. Les principaux arguments de ce paradigme sont récupérés, dans la relation contradictoire entre l'intérêt et la solidarité, pour essayer de comprendre les bases qui soutiennent la question de la protection sociale et en arriver à l'analyse concernant le revenu de citoyenneté.MOTS-CLÉS: paradigme du don, mauss, protection sociale, revenu de citoyenneté, politique sociale.Publicação Online do Caderno CRH: http://www.cadernocrh.ufba.br

PurposeThis paper aims to critically appraise the representation of women through photo‐essays used immediately following the December 26, 2004 tsunami disaster. Through analysis of photo‐essay images published online, the author argues that women were largely represented in the samples as helpless victims who are passive, prone and inhabiting domestic or quasi‐domestic settings. The paper argues that a "disaster genre" has emerged, and that disaster images matter. The disaster community needs to care about the "ethics of seeing", so that the viewer can "see" women, not simply as domesticated, vulnerable, passive and prone but in their diverse and complex lives and roles.Design/methodology/approachThis paper utilizes methodology developed within the emerging discipline of visual sociology, as applied to a sample of photo‐essays published online by international aid agencies in the weeks following the tsunami disaster. Data sorting of the four visual essays was done in response to three interpretative questions. In total, 65 images were interpreted across four visual essays.FindingsA total of 26 images included women, and in these "the look" of the women suggested passivity, distress, and being in a state of being "cared for". Relationally, women were represented in terms of domestic or quasi‐domestic locales. About 60 percent of the images included men, whereas 35.5 percent included women. There were no images in the 65 surveyed showing women actively involved in the physical labor of disaster response. In comparison, 35 percent of the images showed men involved in physical labor associated with disaster recovery.Practical implicationsThe participation of women in pre‐ and post‐disaster planning and recovery is complex, and this complexity should not be made invisible by the visual representation of their lived experience. Agencies should actively develop policies and practices to ensure that women's diverse participation in disaster recovery is reflected in their choice of photographic materials published online.Originality/valueHigh originality. The gendered nature of visual representation following a disaster is explored through the interpretation of four photo‐essays published online. An argument is put that disaster images matter, and that aid agencies have a responsibility to ensure that the complexity and diversity of women's disaster experiences are represented.

Straipsnyje nagrinėjama, kokią įtaką filosofijos raidai turėjo XVII a. mokslo revoliucija, daugiausia dėmesio skiriant jos padariniams reinterpretuojant filosofijos ir mokslo santykį. Argumentuojama, kad filosofijos, visų pirma metafizikos ir mokslo santykį transformavo aristoteliškosios mokslo plėtotės programos pakeitimas pitagoriškąja – matematizuotos eksperimentinės gamtotyros atsiradimas leido griežčiau atskirti fiziką nuo metafizikos. Specialiųjų mokslų ir metafizikos tikslų, metodų ir nagrinėjamų problemų pobūdžio supriešinimas sudarė pagrindą atsirasti pozityvistiniams filosofijos pertvarkymo į specialųjį mokslą projektams. Straipsnis baigiamas išvada, kad mokslas, jau XVII amžiuje ėmęs virsti intelektualine jėga, pranokstančia filosofiją pagal reikšmę ir įtaką, privertė filosofiją ir filosofus užimti vienokią ar kitokią poziciją savo atžvilgiu. Ši pozicija iš esmės nulemia tiek filosofavimo būdų spektrą, tiek skirtingų filosofavimo būdų santykį. Patys filosofai nebūtinai šią poziciją aiškiai reflektuoja ir fiksuoja, bet ji visada yra tam tikro filosofavimo būdo pasirinkimo pagrindas.Pagrindiniai žodžiai: Newtonas, Hume'as, metafizika, pozityvizmas.

PHILOSOPHY AND THE 17TH CENTURY SCIENTIFIC REVOLUTIONEvaldas Nekrašas
Summary The paper deals with the issue of the impact of the 17th century scientific revolution upon the development of philosophy. The main focus is relation between science and philosophy and effects of the revolution on the interpretation of that relation. The author argues that the relation between metaphysics and science has been transformed due to the replacement of the Aristotelian programme of the development of science by the Pythagorean one. The contraposition of aims, methods and problems characteristic of special science to those typical of metaphysics created preconditions for bringing forward the positivist schemes of the transformation of philosophy into one or another special science. The paper ends with the conclusion that science which already in the 17th century became an intellectual power excelling philosophy in significance and influence forced philosophy and philosophers to take a specific stance on it. This stance determines the spectrum of different ways of doing philosophy and their relation to each other. Some philosophers do not reflect the stance on science taken by them. But this stance always affects the choice of ways of doing philosophy.Keywords: Newton, Hume, metaphysics, positivism.

PurposeThis paper aims to map the critical changes in the history of trade unionism in the countires which until the late 80s early 90s formed the USSR, and spans a period from 1905 to 2005.Design/methodology/approachThe author has chosen to assess the role of trade unions in the former Soviet states by placing them into their historical context. The diversity of their development in the various states is discussed and the painful transition journey they made in the aftermath of the collapse of the Soviet Union is described as a means of explaining the structure and role they play in the newly created democracies within the region.FindingsThe paper emphasizes the powerful and influential role that trade unions enjoyed under the old regime when they were very much – de facto – an arm of the state machine. Their role as overseers of social and welfare benefits and enforcers of health and safety regulations and guardians of the Labour Code is compared with that in the post‐communist period when the new governments throughout the region quickly transferred those functions back to the state and in most cases consciously set out to marginalize the unions. The paper summarizes the state of play of the trade unions in the region as they seek to adapt to the new conditions and establish a new raison detra.Research limitations/implicationsThe existing literature contains few accounts of trade union activity and how it changed as a result of the collapse of communism in the former Soviet territories. This study of the Cultural Workers Union provides a sound base from which to launch further research into the development of free trade unions in other sectors of the region in the post‐communist period.Originality/valueThis paper's primary value is that it starts to fill a gap in our understanding of employee relations in the new democracies of what was the USSR and in particular the form that trade unions have taken, the role they play and the challenges that they face.

En este artículo se analizan varios elementos de la obra de Thomas Malthus sobre población, en particular la recepción de su teoría y su posición política. Se resumen las críticas políticas, ideológicas y científicas que ha recibido, y se examinan asuntos hasta ahora no tratados por otros comentaristas, como es el caso de las excepciones admitidas por Malthus respecto al papel de las relaciones sociales feudales en la agricultura de Polonia y Rusia. Se sugiere que pese a que su teoría tendía a reforzar la pesada represión social y sexual existente, Malthus no fue apoyado por la burguesía británica (contrariamente a la apreciación de Marx). Se deduce que Malthus no percibió cabalmente los avances de la agricultura, y se refuta la tesis de Donald Winch de que habría sido un liberal de izquierda en política pues si bien en algunos aspectos se le puede considerar progresista, en otros, esenciales, conservador extremadamente represivo o protofascista, incluso precursor de la teoría de los golpes de Estado. AbstractThis article analyzes several elements of the work of Thomas Malthus on the population, particularly as regards the reception of his theory and political position. It summarizes the political, ideological and scientific criticisms he received and examines issues that have hitherto not been dealt with by other commentators, such as the exceptions admitted by Malthus regarding the role of feudal social relations in the agriculture of Poland and Russia. The author suggests that although his theory tended to reinforce the harsh social and sexual repression that existed at the time, Malthus was not supported by the British bourgeoisie (as opposed to what Marx thought). He also suggests that Malthus failed to grasp the extent of the advances in agriculture and refutes Donald Winch's theory that he was a leftist liberal in politics, since although he can be considered progressive in some respects, in other essential aspects he is an extremely repressive, proto-fascist conservative, and even a forerunner of the theory of coups d'état.

Phillip Andrews-Speed has written a timely book. China's rapid economic growth has generated an enormous appetite for energy. Over the past decade, China has become an increasingly important factor in global energy markets. China was responsible for about one third of the increase in daily world oil consumption in 2003, and China's demand for oil and coal has contributed to the recent higher prices for both of these commodities. Consequently, the decisions Beijing makes – and does not make – about energy will have an increasing impact not only on China but also on the rest of the world.Energy Policy and Regulation in the People's Republic of China surveys energy policy formulation, implementation and regulation in China. The book is primarily based on research previously published by the author, and reads more like a collection of parts than an organic whole. Nonetheless, two themes loosely bind the chapters together. First, China lacks a coherent energy policy. Secondly, China's powerful state-owned energy companies exert considerable influence over energy decision-making.Andrews-Speed argues that China's energy policy incoherence can be explained, in part, by the fragmented institutional structure of energy decision-making. China does not have a Ministry of Energy to oversee the formulation and implementation of policy. Currently, this responsibility nominally falls to the Energy Bureau within the National Development Reform Commission (NDRC). Yet, the Energy Bureau lacks both the manpower and the authority to play a major role in policy making. Both the Chinese and Western media indicate that the Energy Bureau's small staff of 30 is so overwhelmed with projects in need of approval that it has little time to devise and co-ordinate broader policy objectives. The Energy Bureau's ability to shape policy is also limited by the fact that it is only one of many actors involved in energy matters. Energy decisions, according to Andrews-Speed, are the result of bargaining and consensus-building among the stakeholders in any given initiative and do not reflect an overarching strategy for energy.

Trust in Troubled Times is an important addition to the still relatively small body of literature on banking and finance in Republican China. In this careful and thoughtful study of the development of banking and paper money in Tianjin from late Qing to the eve of the Sino-Japanese War in 1937, Brett Sheehan analyses the rise of modern banks and the growth of social trust in such financial institutions, and examines their relations to the process of state-building. The work is solidly based on a wealth of primary sources including newspapers published in Tianjin, Beijing and Shanghai, archival materials in China, Taiwan and the United States, as well as interviews with individuals who had worked in Tianjin banks in the 1920s and 1930s. Indeed, one of the main contributions of this book is the tremendous amount of data amassed by the author that illuminates the complexity of the problems associated with banking and finance in the pre-1949 period.Drawing on Western theories on banking and social trust, Sheehan begins his study with a discussion of a theoretical framework which provides not only a foundation for the analysis of developments in Tianjin, but also the basis for comparative studies of institution and state-building in different political, social and economic milieus. He then examines a series of financial crises, from the moratorium on exchange in 1916, the bank runs under the warlord governments, the financial instability created by the Japanese attack on Shanghai in 1932, and the monetary reforms of the Nationalist government in 1935. The responses of government officials, bankers and the local elites to the crises, the strategies they used to establish and promote impersonal trust in Tianjin banks, and the impact of these crises on the elites, the banking profession and state-society relations constitute the main body of the study. The story is both encouraging and disheartening: encouraging because by 1937, trust in Chinese-owned and operated banks was indeed established; disheartening because the banks failed to gain the autonomy that could have shielded them from the abuses of the government.

In this paper the author has a critical standpoint toward the most known theories on joint family communities. The works of the up-to-now called Yugoslav authors were put in the foreground. The works of foreign authors were placed after. They were classified by a general criterion, by how the authors saw the origins of this form of family. The comprehension of the basic characteristics depends, as a rule, on that, as well as the elements structure, changing processes, adjustment to new conditions and extinction of the joint family community. The first part of this article is devoted to theories about family communities as an institution of the Slavs. In this way its origin is connected with elements of a certain ethnic community. The range and consequences of such beliefs are suggested. The second part is reserved to explaining the family community as an institution which appeared in feudalism. It is a consequence of the tax system role. With its termination, the communities fell apart. This kind of social development determination and this type of family is proven to be ahistorical. It is predominantly stressed that the authors neglected that feudalism was a class society and overemphasized the force factor significance. The third part deals with theories which believe joint-family communities as an institution which arose in the transition from tribal to class society. These researchers stress that it is a general, historically determined conditioned form, which originated before class society and terminated with its development. Elements of its structure are especially important, as well as methods of its transformation in new conditions and termination processes. The essence of this belief is the following: a joint-family is a general historical form of family organization which arose in the transition from tribal to class society. The most important characteristics are: 1) blood relationship among men members; 2) common property; 3) undeveloped division of labor, and plain peoples work is the most important for its survival; 4) democratic control; and 5) it is not just mere gathering of simple families it is based on kinship, origin and precedes monogrammed families.

The article examines hegemonic and subordinated forms of masculinity in contemporary Lithuania. Using the opinion survey "The Crisis of Male Roles in Lithuania" (2002) and a wide array of literature theorizing men and masculinities, it attempts to answer the following questions: how can we assess the influence of different masculinities to men themselves and gender policies in Lithuania? What kind of masculinity policy can support a feminist project of social transformation?
The survey "The Crisis of Male Roles in Lithuania" allows us to conclude that both Lithuanian men and women largely support traditional norms of hegemonic masculinity. This masculinity is based on heterosexuality, economic autonomy, being able to provide for one's family, being rational, being successful, keeping one's emotions in check and not doing anything considered feminine.
The dominant form of masculinity in Lithuania is constructed not only in relation to femininities but also in relation to subordinated and marginalized masculinities, particularly homosexual masculinities. Homosexuality is the repository of everything that is symbolically expelled from hegemonic masculinity. As the survey demonstrates, homophobia is much stronger among men than women in Lithuania. This can be explained by the fact that in order to be "real men" males have to separate themselves from both women and homosexual men. Furthermore, Lithuanian men's negative attitude towards homosexuality can also be related to their traditional attitudes toward gender roles and family. The view that gays transgress the gender system is rather widespread among them.
The author argues that the dominance of a single model of masculinity at the expense of multiple masculinities makes men more vulnerable to acts of violence against themselves and their families. The article advocates self-awareness and critical reflection about gender identities among men and male groups that could help dismantle hegemonic masculinity and dispel the notion that there is only one way to be a 'real man'. Promoting models of masculinity along less sexist, homophobic and misogynist lines could benefit both women and men.