Suchergebnisse

O principal objetivo deste artigo é, com base nas limitações críticas apontadas à experiência histórica da Cooperação Norte-Sul (CNS), analisar alguns dos dilemas com que se confrontam as atuais estratégias de Cooperação Sul-Sul (CSS), concebidas e desenvolvidas por países comoBrasil, México, Índia, China, Turquia ou África do Sul. O autor defende a hipótese de que a diferenciação entre CNS e CSS é fundamentalmente empírica, devendo, porém, também ser pensada à luz do legado do ativismo multilateral de alguns desses países e do novo papel econômico e político que desempenham no cenário internacional. O argumento é construído no sentido de que, por terem sido (e ainda serem) beneficiários da CNS, tais países deveriam atentar para os riscos de reprodução de um modelo de cooperação que eles próprios criticaram no passado recente. O que haveria de singular e distintivo nas práticas de CSS desses países? Quais seriam os riscos de que suas práticas de CSS sejam menos solidárias do que as promessas anunciadas por seus dirigentes e representantes políticos?

When Michael Harrington's The Other America: Poverty in the United States first appeared in bookstores in March 1962, its author had modest hopes for its success, expecting to sell at most a few thousand copies. Instead, the book proved a publishing phenomenon, garnering substantial sales (seventy thousand in several editions within its first year and over a million in paperback since then), wide and respectful critical attention, and a significant influence over the direction of social welfare policy in the United States during the decade that followed. By February 1964, Business Week noted, "The Other America is already regarded as a classic work on poverty." Time magazine later offered even more sweeping praise, listing The Other America in a 1998 article entitled "Required Reading" as one of the twentieth century's ten most influential books, putting it in such distinguished company as Sigmund Freud's Civilization and Its Discontents and Alexander Solzhenitsyn's The Gulag Archipelago. Harrington's own knowledge of poverty was, for the most part, acquired secondhand, as he would recount in two memoirs, Fragments of the Century (1973) and The Long Distance Runner: An Autobiography (1988). Born in 1928 in St. Louis, the only child of loving and moderately prosperous parents of sturdy Irish-Catholic lineage, educated at Holy Cross, Yale Law School, and the University of Chicago, he moved to New York City in 1949 to become a writer. In 1951, he joined Dorothy Day's Catholic Worker movement as a volunteer at its soup kitchen; there he got to know a small subset of the nation's poor, the homeless male alcoholics of New York City's Bowery district. Within a few years he left the Catholic Worker (and the Catholic Church) and joined the Young People's Socialist League, the youth affiliate of the battered remnants of the American Socialist Party, a party then led by Norman Thomas. A tireless organizer, prolific writer, skillful debater, and charismatic orator, Harrington succeeded Thomas as America's best-known socialist in the 1960s, just as Thomas had succeeded Eugene Debs in that role in the 1920s. Socialism was never the road to power in the United States, but socialist leaders like Debs, Thomas, and Harrington were, from time to time, able to play the role of America's social conscience. In the years since Harrington's death from cancer in 1989, at the age of sixty-one, no obvious successor to the post of socialist tribune in the Debs-Thomas-Harrington tradition has emerged. Harrington's most famous appeal to the American conscience, The Other America, was a short work (one hundred and eighty-six pages in the original edition) with a simple thesis: poverty in the affluent society of the United States was both more extensive and more tenacious than most Americans assumed. The extent of poverty could be calculated by counting the number of American households that survived on an annual income of less than $3,000. These figures were readily available in the census data, but until Harrington published The Other America they were rarely considered. Harrington revealed to his readers that an "invisible land" of the poor, over forty million strong, or one in four Americans at the time, fell below the poverty line. For the most part this Other America existed in rural isolation and in crowded slums where middle-class visitors seldom ventured. "That the poor are invisible is one of the most important things about them," Harrington wrote in his introduction in 1962. "They are not simply neglected and forgotten as in the old rhetoric of reform; what is much worse, they are not seen." That was then. Fifty years since the publication of The Other America the poor are still among us -- and in a testament to the lasting significance of Harrington's work, not at all invisible. Whether or not the poor exist is thus no longer a matter of debate; what if anything can be done to improve their condition remains at issue. Adapted from the source document.

The author brings forth a range of information on forced migration of the
Serb population from the Croatian part of the Independent State of Croatia in
1941 (NDH). Almost one third of the population were Serbs in the NDH. One of
the methods of solving ?the Serbia issue? in the NDH was migrating the Serbs
into Serbia. The other methods were forced conversions of the Serbian
population, namely physical killings. The adopted legal provisions made the
terror policy over Serbian population legitimate. A conference was held on
June 4th in the German legation in Zagreb. At the meeting it was agreed that
Slovenians from Styria were to be moved to NDH, and Serbs from the NDH to
Serbia. Deportation was to be carried out in three waves. The first wave was
to last from June 7th to July 5th and 5000 Slovenian intellectuals from Lower
Styria were to be deported directly to Serbia, except for catholic priests
who were to be deported to the NDH. Orthodox priests from the NDH were to be
deported to Serbia together with their families. In the second wave, lasting
from June 10th to August 30th, 25,000 Slovenians from Slovenia were to be
deported to the NDH and NDH was to deport just as many Serbs. In the last
wave (from September 15th to October 31st), 65,000 Slovenian peasants from
the Gorenjska region (Upper Carniola region) were to be deported to the NDH,
and NDH was to migrate just as many Serbs to Serbia, as well as 30,000 Serbs
whose citizenship was not acknowledged by the NDH. The government of the NDH
founded an office for this purpose under the name State Directorate for
Renewal. The migration of the Serbs from NDH began in June of 1941.
Volunteers from the Salonika Front were then moved from their properties in
Slavonia and Srem. Their total number was about 28,000. Then the Orthodox
priests were migrated. According to the lists made by the NDH authorities,
327 of them were migrated from the NDH. 104 priests from the Croatian part of
NDH were moved away in an organized manner. One part of them managed to
escape before they were arrested. The migration of priests was carried out
through transit camps in Caprag and Pozega. Massive deportations of the
Serbian population through transit camps in Caprag, Bjelovar and Pozega began
with the arresting of Serbs in Zagreb in the first half of July 1941, and
then continued in other districts of northern Croatia and Bosnia. The total
number of migrations in an organized manner from the Croatian part of the NDH
up to the beginning of September 1941, according to the name list drawn up in
2012, amounted to 9875 Serbs, although that number was not final since there
were greater disparities for certain districts. By the end of September 1941,
the Ustashas migrated 14,733 Serbs out of the NDH in a legal way. Croatians
from Dalmatia, Herzegovina and the Croatian Zagorje as well as displaced
Slovenians primarily originally from Styria, moved into their houses. The
authorities of NDH confiscated the property of the forced out Serbs. Other
forms of the Ustasha terror, like massive killings, caused intensive illegal
emigration of Serbs from NDH to Serbia, which, according to German data, had
already increased to around 180,000 relocated Serbs by the end of July,
although it seems this number exceeded 200,000 by the end of September.
Organized migration was ceased in October 1941 after the German authorities
in Serbia forbid further immigration of Serbs from the NDH mainly because of
the uprising in western Serbia. Part of the banished Serbs from the Pozega
concentration camp were returned home to the districts of Osijek, Garesnica,
Krizevac, Virovitica and Ludbreg. However, from the documentation of the
Commissariat for Refugees in Belgrade, it is evident that the research on the
migration of Serbs from Croatia and the whole of NDH was not finished in
1941, so the number of 200,000 of forced migrants who have left is not final.

Uno de los métodos utilizados para identificar los patrones en el consumo de información que siguen los investigadores de un área determinada es el análisis de citas. El objetivo del presente documento es determinar mediante dicho método los hábitos informativos que siguen los autores que han publicado en la revista Estudios Demográficos y Urbanos, grupo integrado principalmente por especialistas en demografía, estudios urbanos y ambientales. Con ello se busca incidir en el desarrollo de las colecciones de la Biblioteca Daniel Cosío Villegas de El Colegio de México en dichas temáticas.Se analizaron 6 559 citas bibliográficas de 162 artículos publicados en la revista durante el periodo 1998-2007. La información se registró en una base de datos preparada en Microsoft Access y posteriormente se exportó a una hoja de cálculo en Microsoft Excel, con la finalidad de analizar cuantitativamente los datos con base en indicadores que fueron previamente definidos.Entre los resultados a destacar se encuentran los siguientes: los libros cubren el mayor porcentaje de las obras citadas (34.7%); México es el país en el que se edita la mayoría de los documentos citados (38.92%); Estudios Demográficos y Urbanos es la revista más citada por los investigadores que publicaron durante ese periodo; el español (51.55%) y el inglés (43.33%) son los idiomas más consultados por los autores. Sólo 26.73% del total de las referencias citadas fueron publicadas en los cinco años previos a la fecha en que fueron consultadas, lo que puede deberse a la escasa literatura sobre temas nuevos, enfoques innovadores y materias muy especializadas; a la dificultad para obtener información actualizada y confiable tanto de México como de Latinoamérica y, en ciertos casos, a la poca actualidad del material que los autores consultan, entre otros factores.El análisis de los resultados obtenidos nos permite realizar algunas sugerencias respecto a las políticas de desarrollo de las colecciones, las cuales están relacionadas con el idioma y la actualidad de los documentos. Asimismo nos muestra la necesidad de reforzar la adquisición de colecciones como las del INEGI y el Conapo.AbstractOne of the methods used to identify patterns in the use of information consulted by researchers in a set area is the analysis of quotes. The aim of this article is to use this method to determine the information habits of authors that have published in the Estudios Demográficos y Urbanos journal, a group mainly comprising specialists in demography, urban and environmental studies. The aim is to influence the development of the collections in the Daniel Cosío Villegas Library at El Colegio de México on these topics.A total of 6,559 bibliographical quotes from 162 articles published in the journal during the period from 1998/2007 were analyzed. The information was registered in a data-base prepared by Microsoft Access and subsequently exported to a Microsoft Excel spreadsheet, in order to quantitatively analyze the data on the basis of previously defined indicators.The most outstanding results are given below: Books account for the highest percentage of works cited (34.7%); Mexico is the country where the majority of the documents cited are edited (38.92%); Estudios Demográficos y Urbanos is the journal most widely cited by the researchers that published during that period; Spanish (51.55%) and English (43.33%) are the languages most frequently consulted by the authors. Only 26.73% of the total references cited were published in the five years prior to the date in which they were consulted, which may be due to the lack of literature on new topics, innovative approaches and highly specialized subjects, the difficulty of obtaining reliable, up-to-date information on either Mexico or Latin America and in some cases, to the out-of-date material consulted by the authors, among other factors.An analysis of the results obtained enabled the author to make suggestions about the policies for developing the collections, related to the language they are published in and the topicality of the documents. It also shows the need to increase the acquisition of collections such as those in INEGI and Conapo.

The article focuses on the 'suicide-martyrdom' deployed by the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) of Sri Lanka as a political strategy for self determination and liberation from the 'Sinhala hegemony'. The protagonists have given a new political-religious meaning to the historically celebrated acts of religious martyrdom, which took place in the name of faith and belief. Suicide strikers do not believe that the suicide acts they commit are lethal. They are portrayed to be valiant acts of honour and sacrifice on behalf of the family, ethnic community, and more importantly against the 'terrorising other' whose 'acts of violence' must be terminated. It is performed not as an act of violence, but a resolute sacrifice for the sake of compatriots and their freedom. The author draws some aspects from the research and writings of Peter Schalk and Michael Roberts who have addressed the same subject area on martyrdom as a form of secular resistance, and the latter, on religious aspects in the military formation of a suicide striker and in the aftermath of the mission. He argues that the reconstruction of an astute faith in suicide and its ritualisation as a well crafted political tool and as a powerful means to instil fear psychosis in the enemy for the creation of a separate state. The concept of suicide and the suicide striker within the LTTE with its primary secular political hermeneutic has now embraced a phase of expanding into a notion of patriotic heroism, in the name of statehood of Tamil Eelam bordering on religiouscultural sentiments. This altruistic suicide is linked to liberation of their compatriots from tyranny and injustice which is considered sublime and transcendental even though there is no definitive reward of a paradise as in the case of Jihadist suicide strikers. The political rhetoric behind the war slogans with religious connotations and statements is socio-political cancer, which has infected many conflict ridden localities across the globe. Sri Lanka remains one example of a majority-minority conflict zone and displays an ardent obstinacy both by the majority and the minority in the conflict, in portraying the 'other' as the sole enemy of the 'self'. They have not only been emulated by the likes of Hamas in the Palestinian campaign against Israeli occupation but also by the Al-Qaeda terror network. A suicide striker is different to a solider who goes to the battle field, and is not focused on dying but counterattacking the enemy. The suicide striker kills so that others may live through his or her act of heroism, a devotional sacrifice for the cause of Tamil Eelam. The abandonment of a Black Tiger life is not suicide, but a gift of oneself which has Christian nuances. LTTE hero is a 'secular' hero. However, it must be noted that LTTE on their part fail to obliterate the centuries old psychosocial phenomenon of religiosity, embedded in the Tamil folk psyche with the Hindu worldview. The representational death of a Black tiger enhances and pontificates the Tamil ethnic roots and heritage as brave, courageous and surpassing those of the enemy which endows the Tamil public with a sense of heroism and national pride. He/she is a hero of the Tamil Eelam and nothing more and nothing less. Schlak relentlessly tries to separate the LTTE's ideological secularity from being 'religious' but he undermines the ethnic Tamil religiosity which is very much Saivite Hindu and Catholic which determine the parameters of a new cult, within the space provided by the LTTE, where the masses have found meaning and connectedness in times of despair and loss. It is in this sense that new religious meanings have been collated around death and dying, in the name of liberation and suicide, however violent, self destructive and undesirable, within the religious world of the popular masses.

O debate teórico, desde o fim da bipolaridade e da Guerra Fria, girou em torno dos conceitos de "superpotência", "hiperpotência" ou unipolaridade. No entanto, não se tem dado bastante atenção e importância à crise que atinge o universo hobbesiano: sem dúvida, a potência é hoje atacada em sua própria essência, demonstrando-se frágil sempre que utilizada como princípio de ação internacional, isso sem considerar as vicissitudes por que passa a própria primeira potência mundial. No jogo pósbipolar, um paradoxo empírico se impõe: nunca um Estado acumulou tantos recursos caracterizadores da potência quanto os Estados-Unidos nos dias de hoje; jamais, no entanto, esta potência teve tão pouco controle sobre os problemas com os quais se confronta. Tal contradição é essencial na teoria das relações internacionais, visto que perturba os paradigmas clássicos, questionando frontalmente a própria concepção do power politics que serviu de pedra angular não somente ao realismo e ao neorealismo, mas também à teoria neoinstitucional ou ainda aos diferentes estruturalismos. Neste artigo, o autor emite a hipótese de que uma certa forma de protest politics, tomando a potência como alvo e não mais a considerando como princípio organizador da ordem mundial, ocupa doravante o lugar da noção de power politics, abalando a teoria clássica da "estabilidade hegemônica". PALAVRAS-CHAVE: relações internacionais, teoria, Pós-Guerra Fria, crises de superpotência, novos atores.THE CRISIS OF THE POWERS AND THE INTERNATIONAL DISORDER Bertrand Badie Since the end of the Cold War and the bipolarity, there has been a theoretical debate around the concepts of "superpower", "hiperpower" or unipolarity. However, not enough attention and importance has been given to the crisis that reaches the hobbesian universe: doubtlessly, the superpower is attacked today its own essence, shown as fragile whenever used as a principle of international action, without considering the which the first world power undergoes. In the post-bipolar game, an empiric paradox is imposed: never has a State accumulated so many resources peculiar to a superpower as the United States nowadays; never, however, has this superpower had so little control on the problems she faces. Such contradiction is essential to the theory of international relations, because it disturbs its classic paradigms, frontally challenging the conception of power politics that served as a cornerstone not only to the realism and the new realism, but also to the neoinstitutional theory or still to the different structuralisms. In this paper, the author hypothesizes that a certain form of protest politics, taking the superpower as target and not considering her as an organizing principle of the world order, replaces the notion of power politics from now on, affecting the classic theory of "hegemonic stability" KEYWORDS: international relations, theory, Post Cold War, superpower crises, new actors.CRISE DE PUISSANCE ET DÉSORDRE INTERNATIONAL Bertrand Badie Le débat théorique a tourné, depuis la fin de la bipolarité et de la Guerre froide, autour des concepts de "superpuissance", "d'hyper-puissance", ou d'unipolarité. On n'a cependant pas été assez attentif à la crise qui frappait l'univers hobbesien: peut-être la puissance est-elle aujourd'hui attaquée dans son évidence même, partout où elle est utilisée comme principe d'action internationale, au-delà même des vicissitudes rencontrées par la première puissance mondiale elle-même. Dans le jeu post-bipolaire, un paradoxe empirique s'impose au fil des évène-ments: jamais un État n'a accumulé autant de ressources de puissance que les Etats-Unis aujourd'hui; jamais pourtant cette puissance n'a eu si peu de prise sur les enjeux auxquels elle a été confrontée. Une telle contradiction est essentielle en théorie des relations internationales, puisqu'elle bouscule les paradigmes classiques, mettant directement en cause la conception même du "power politics" qui servait de pierre angulaire non seulement au réalisme et au néo-réalisme, mais aussi à la théorie néo-institutionnelle ou encore aux différents structuralismes. Dans cet article l'auteur fait l'hypothèse qu'une certaine forme de "protest politics", prenant la puissance comme cible et non plus comme principe d'ordre, vient désormais prendre le relais, ébranlant la théorie classique de la "stabilité hégémonique", jusqu'à lui substituer l'hypothèse d'une "instabilité hégémonique". MOTS-CLÉS: relations internationales, théorie, Post-Guerre Froide, crises de superpuissance, nouveaux acteurs.Publicação Online do Caderno CRH:http://www.cadernocrh.ufba.br

SUMMARY:
Mark von Hagen's article offers an interpretation of the changes that occurred in the study of Russian and Soviet history, and suggests the concept of "Eurasia" as an anti-paradigm facilitating the description of the region that combines the legacies of multinational empires and of Soviet-style socialism. At the same time, "Eurasia" is an anti -paradigm because it points to a variety of ways to revise many assumptions about Russian, Soviet, and Eurasian histories.

For von Hagen, three separate processes heralded the arrival of new historiographical approaches. First, there is the increasingly prominence of works interpreting the history of Russia and the USSR not as that of a national state, but rather stressing its multinational and imperial character. Second, historians are constantly paying a greater attention to borderlands in the context of the prevailing view of boundaries as porous and fluctuating. Third, diasporas – including émigrés and exiles – have been "rediscovered" and their works are now returning to their countries of origin.

Von Hagen also analyzes what he considers as "two paradigms" of the historical perception of Russia and the USSR. The first, "Russia as Orient", attempted to present the Russian-Soviet historical experience as essentially rooted in centuries long Oriental and despotic traditions of Russia. Using Edward Said's concept of Orientalism, von Hagen argues that this perception of Russia as Orient helped sustain a Western "occidental" identity. It often walked hand in hand with a belief in the unique experience of Russian history, a belief that von Hagen terms "neo-Slavophile".

The second paradigm is that equates the Soviet Union with modernization. According to von Hagen, this paradigm was partly rooted in the liberal tradition of the Russian "state school" of historiography, which saw the privileged role of the state led by an enlightened bureaucracy as the driving force of Russia's path to modernization. Opposed to attempts to "essentialize" Russian history within the "Russia as Orient" paradigm, the modernization paradigm attempted to "normalize" the Soviet experience. Assumptions of the inevitable ethnic and national homogenization of the Soviet Union became prevalent in the modernization paradigm.

Von Hagen then explores the legacy of Eurasianist thinkers, a group of Russian émigrés who offered their vision of Eurasia as a space of interaction between the Russians and the Turkic and Finnish peoples. Their vision of Eurasia also implied a positive evaluation of the Mongol presence in Russian history and a critical approach to Eurocentric assumptions. Von Hagen asserts that, in his view, the new Eurasian anti-paradigm avoids problematic apects of the Eurasianist legacy, such as the political views of the Eurasianist thinkers and their geopolitical views. The new Eurasian anti-paradigm retains their critique of "essentializing" approaches to such concepts as Europe and Asia in order to offer an opportunity to deepen our understanding of the complex pasts of Central and Eastern Europe and Northern Asia.

For von Hagen, the Eurasian anti-paradigm has been profoundly impacted by the current "decentralization" of historical narratives, which is the result of interaction between historians and linguists, anthropologists, sociologists, etc. Eurasia allows one to part with the dominance of national narratives while accepting the importance of modern nationalism in historical processes. According to von Hagen, Eurasia does not coincide with the former Russian Empire or the former Soviet Union or with any other particular state. Its chronological boundaries are also not rigidly determined. In the age of globalization, von Hagen argues, it is important to remember that the great continental empires constituted an important element of global history.

In the last part of his article, von Hagen surveys literature that he believes attests to the emergence of the Eurasian anti-paradigm in Russian-Soviet history. According to the author, the Eurasian anti-paradigm does not preclude any specific approaches to the past; even less is it meant as a judgment about the likelihood of one or another country of joining the European Union, NATO, or for that matter any of the Asian organizations. It is meant as a concept that opens up new horizons in the study of history and signifies a return of the Eurasian space into global history after almost a century of isolation.

The protests at the 1999 World Trade Organization meeting in Seattle marked a turning point in trade politics. The size and depth of the international coalition that came together to protest the WTO was striking. And then there were the television images and the stunning denouement: Teamsters marching with 'turtles,' tear gas and police charges in the darkness, the collapse of the negotiations. The author of one of the books reviewed here, Jagdish Bhagwati, was in Seattle as an adviser to the WTO's director. While trying to get to the meeting, he found himself 'confronting a tough Chinese Red Guards-style female demonstrator who was blocking my way illegally.' A colleague then 'drew me away from a confrontation that would surely have left me bloodied, saying, `You are the foremost free trader today; we cannot afford to lose you!" Bhagwati's story speaks to several things, including his considerable ego. Most important, though, it captures the embattled state in which mainstream trade economists loyal to free trade doctrines now believe they exist: 'there are not too many out there, fighting the fight for free trade,' Bhagwati worries, 'We need to change that.' Do Irwin and Bhagwati understand that this is what most of the critics believe? I'm afraid not. Both authors characterize the critics as 'anti-globalization.' Although this accurately describes some, it is not true for the majority. Both authors seem to think that the main reason critics are against globalization is that they are anticapitalist and antimarket. Irwin, for example, tells us that for many of these groups, 'Free markets and capitalism are seen as embodying and furthering environmental destruction, male dominance, class oppression, racial intolerance and colonial exploitation.' To characterize most environmental organizations, or most contemporary trade unions, as 'anticapitalist' is absurd, if that means that they are committed to the abolition of capitalism. If the term means that they are critical of the way that capitalism currently operates, the characterization is accurate, but then the authors' summary dismissal of that position becomes puzzling. The critics insist that there are better and worse forms of market economy, that the neoliberal model of regulation toward which we are currently moving (one that expands property rights while ignoring human rights) is worse than feasible alternatives, and therefore, that the current model of global economic regulation can and ought to be changed. Unfortunately, Irwin and Bhagwati, by tilting at anticapitalist windmills, fail to join the real argument. IN THEIR EFFORT to extract free trade from the wider matrix of economic globalization, the authors downplay the degree to which trade deals such as NAFTA and the WTO shape the character of the larger economic system. For example, some of the most novel and important provisions in NAFTA and the WTO--pertaining to investor property rights and the deregulation of financial services--undoubtedly increase international capital mobility. Dani Rodrik has argued that increased international capital mobility could significantly increase the 'price elasticity of the demand for labor.' That is, firms will shift production to other countries in response to smaller and smaller differences in labor costs, other things being equal. This could dampen wage growth not only in the North, but in the South as well. Bhagwati and Irwin both devote considerable effort to exploring how free trade affects wages, yet neither so much as mentions Rodrik's well-known argument. Why not? Free capital mobility is one thing, Bhagwati says, free trade is another. He favors considerably less of the former than we have today, and much more of the latter. But while conceptually distinct, the fact is that both principles are promoted in NAFTA and the WTO. If we want to assess the impacts of these international agreements, we must consider how they affect capital mobility, and how it in turn affects workers, the environment, and so on. Slippage in the way the concept of 'free trade' is employed permits Bhagwati and Irwin to evade this challenge.

In the broadest sense, cosmopolitanism can be described as a belief and action in accordance with the view that all human beings belong to a unique world political community. However, such a simplified definition overlooks the multidimensionality of the concept. The term cosmopolitanism has been present in public discourse since ancient times and has carried different connotations throughout history, which contributes to its ambiguity. The preconditions for the development of cosmopolitanism in its present sense arose in the mid-20th century, after the world wars and the onset of new globalisation processes. Within the social sciences, a significant interest in a more specific definition and conceptualisation of cosmopolitanism emerged in the second half of the 20th century. However, numerous theoretical discussions since then have not yet offered such a definition of the concept. An additional problem lies in the fact that those theoretical discussions, which defined multiple aspects and types of cosmopolitanism, are not accompanied by a corresponding number of empirical research. By considering previous theoretical and empirical research on the topic, this paper aims to offer a clearer conceptualisation and operationalisation of cosmopolitanism, with the focus on constructing a valid instrument for its measurement. While it is difficult to offer a clear and unambiguous theoretical definition of cosmopolitanism, most researchers have moved in the direction of a clearer definition of certain aspects of the concept. There were a few attempts of such conceptualisation that have been met with wider acclamation, some of which were more complex and some simpler. Vertovec and Cohen (2002) established the most sophisticated conceptualisation by defining cosmopolitanism as a sociocultural condition, a philosophy or worldview, a political project, an attitude or disposition, and a practice or competence. With the aim of capturing multiple aspects of the concept, Boucher, Aubert and de Latour (2019) defined four types of cosmopolitanism: moral, institutional, civil and cultural. Furthermore, Delanty (2009) offered a different approach by distinguishing moral, political and cultural cosmopolitanism. The various definitions agree, however, on including the political and the cultural aspects of cosmopolitanism. Therefore, this paper is based on the robust typology offered by Hannerz (2006), which distinguishes between the cultural and political faces of cosmopolitanism. The author sees the political face of the concept as the one that tries to solve macro problems of human, economic, legal, environmental and other processes that transcend nation-state borders. Hannerz (2006) defines the cultural face as an identity characteristic of individuals who enjoy new cultures, people, tastes, sounds and the like. The cultural dimension of cosmopolitanism, which arises from the awareness and practices of individuals, is the focus of this research. It is important to mention that numerous researchers define certain types (banal, patriotic, thin, ordinary) of cosmopolitanism. However, it is questionable to what extent the determination of such types contributes to a clearer understanding of the concept, especially when they are defined solely on the basis of theoretical considerations. Before establishing the framework for the empirical research, it was important to clarify the source of contemporary cosmopolitanism. Most researchers link cosmopolitanism to globalisation processes. Beck and Sznaider (2010) explain globalisation as processes that take place "out there" in the world and define cosmopolitanism as "globalization from within", a process that is closely related to globalisation but takes place within society. Such a connection becomes questionable when the terms glocalisation, which includes micro as well as macro processes, and segmented globalisation, which refers to the different dynamics by which globalisation occurs in places around the world, are introduced into the discourse. These concepts also suggest that all individuals involved in globalisation trends will express cosmopolitan views, which is not the case. On the other hand, Roudometof (2005) emphasises the link between cosmopolitanism and transnationalism, a view that is elaborated in this paper. The author defines the concept of transnationalism as a social condition that arises in the stage of internal globalisation and is not influenced by the emotions and attitudes of individuals but its most important feature is that it can stimulate individuals to develop an open attitude, that is, cosmopolitanism, or a defensive attitude towards differences. The lack of a clear theoretical definition of cosmopolitanism has influenced the disproportion between the theoretical considerations and empirical research of the concept. One part of the researchers used secondary data to examine attitudes about cosmopolitanism in a certain population. These studies have led to important insights, but they have not contributed to the creation of a valid and reliable instrument for measuring cosmopolitanism. Another problem with such research is that it is conducted using data that are focused on examining other concepts. One such example is the study by Olofsson and Öhman (2007), where the authors interpreted views contrary to nationalism as cosmopolitan views. The other part of empirical research on the subject of cosmopolitanism is focused on constructing an instrument for its measurement. While most such studies were conducted to explore a particular aspect of the concept, Saran and Kalliny (2012) offered an instrument to measure general cosmopolitan attitudes, values, and practices within a particular population. The authors first conducted interviews, the results of which were used to construct questions for the survey. After collecting survey data, the authors defined a valid and reliable, one-dimensional 14-item scale of cosmopolitanism by conducting exploratory and confirmatory factor analysis. The findings of other authors pointed to the connection between cosmopolitanism and other concepts like transnational experiences, political orientation, and sociodemographic characteristics. The empirical part of this research aimed to define a valid and reliable instrument for measuring the presence of cosmopolitanism in a given population. For this purpose, the scale offered by Saran and Kalliny (2012) was used in a slightly modified form to further test its construct validity, reliability and applicability. The instrument was tested on the student population of the University of Zadar via an online survey in October 2020. In addition to the cosmopolitanism scale, the questionnaire contained questions about the number of countries the respondents had visited, the number of foreign languages they spoke, their political orientation, their support for general human rights and certain sociodemographic characteristics, with the purpose of testing the convergent validity of the instrument. In order to determine the metrics of the cosmopolitanism scale, bivariate (correlation analysis) and multivariate statistical procedures (exploratory factor analysis, confirmatory factor analysis and multiple regression analysis) were conducted in the statistical programming language R. First, exploratory factor analysis was performed on the cosmopolitanism scale with parallel analysis as a factor retention method, which extracted one 13-item factor with a high level of reliability (α=0.93). To examine the construct validity of the scale, confirmatory factor analysis was further performed, resulting in an acceptable goodness-of-fit. In order to define a scale that shows even better psychometric properties, confirmatory factor analysis was conducted on a reduced 6-item scale that Saran and Kalliny (2012) found to show stronger construct validity. Following their results, the 6-item scale showed even better goodness-of-fit (χ²=25, df=9, SRMR=0.05, RMSEA=0.09, CFI=0.95, TLI=0.91), and its factor scores were used in further analyses. Correlation analysis was used to measure the relationship between the cosmopolitanism scale and transnational experiences and political views. It was found that respondents who express stronger cosmopolitan views speak more foreign languages, have visited a greater number of foreign countries, express stronger support for leftwing political options, and a stronger need to protect universal human rights, of which the latter correlation proved to be the highest. Lastly, multiple regression was conducted, where the cosmopolitanism scale factor scores served as the dependent variable and sociodemographic variables as predictors. The regression model confirmed the previous finding that women express stronger cosmopolitan attitudes than men. The results of the statistical analysis indicate a high level of reliability and validity of the reduced 6-item cosmopolitanism scale. On that basis, it can be stated that the scale serves as a valid instrument for measuring cosmopolitan attitudes within a population. The scope of the study is limited because it was conducted on a relatively homogeneous sample of the University of Zadar student population. In future research, the 6-item scale should be tested on a more heterogeneous sample which could indicate the applicability of the instrument to a wider population. Besides, in future research, it would be advisable to pay more attention to examining indicators and constructs related to cosmopolitanism, based on which clearer types of cosmopolitan could potentially be defined.

A life-course perspective is a complex approach to researching the life of an individual or group or certain processes used in various disciplines (Börsch-Supan et al., 2013), especially in sociology, demography, psychology, and economics. The life course perspective seeks to connect the historical context that determines an individual's life with personal history (key events of his or her life) (Edmonston, 2013; Holman and Walker, 2020). The paper explains the differences among how the life-course perspective, lifecycle perspective and life-span perspective approach research topics. More specifically, this paper aims to evaluate the advantages and disadvantages of research on aging (quality of life of older people) and migration (quality of life of migrants) from the perspective of life course by reviewing some of the most important papers addressing it, both theoretically and/or practically. In the first of the five chapters of the paper, Introduction, the author explains why the perspective of life course is an interesting research approach to selected topics in Croatia. Together with the other countries of Central and Eastern Europe, Croatia has experienced a strong increase in the share of the elderly population and significant migration in the last thirty or so years. The major causes of accelerated demographic aging are an increase in life expectancy and a decrease in fertility. The main causes of migration are significant political, social and economic changes in the "old" and "new" EU countries. These are changes in the socio-political and economic systems of the former socialist countries on the one hand, and the expansion of the EU resulting in the opening of the labour market and the possibility of "new" labour migration within Europe on the other. Due to the wars in the Middle East, there is also the issue of dealing with large refugee waves. The life-course perspective is particularly applicable to research on population aging, the assessment of the quality of life and the degree of integration of immigrants in the destination country. The second chapter, Life Perspective and Aging, explains various theoretical approaches to older people (Hagestad and Dannefer, 2001). The institutional approach largely addresses the socio-economic status and roles of the elderly, for example, retirement (Blane et al., 2004; Wanka, 2019). The cultural perspective often deals with negative stereotypes related to aging and formulating different approaches to the elderly (Hagestad and Dannefer, 2001). In order to achieve a holistic approach to aging and old age, various perspectives should be integrated, and aging should be interpreted as a reflection of interrelated events during an individual's life: historical, environmental and personal. Such a more complex approach involving changes and events throughout an individual's life is a life cycle perspective (Godley and Hareven, 2001) considered within a particular historical context. Although it is widely accepted, some authors (Giele and Elder, 1998; Edmonston, 2013) explain the limitation of the term "life cycle" by advocating the phrase "life course". In doing so, they explain life course as a complex relationship between socially shaped events and the roles an individual assumes during life. According to them, this differs from the concept of a life cycle in that the events and roles that make up an individual life experience do not necessarily continue at certain stages of life, as is suggested by the word "cycle". In addition to the concept of a life cycle, researchers of aging and the quality of life of older people (Fuller-Iglesias, Smith and Antonucci, 2009) also theoretically compare the perspective of life course and the life span perspective without opposing them. Both advocate a view of aging as a long-lasting, multidimensional, continuous, and dynamic process. Life theories deal with the processes and pathways of development and aging as a lifelong process of an individual while life theories deal with differences in socially conditioned events, changes, roles and experiences in the lives of individuals (Fuller-Iglesias, Smith and Antonucci, 2009: 3–5) among certain parts of society (groups). An individual's daily life is explained by processes and relationships that determine the broader context and how others experience it. Interpersonal relationships with other members of society play a significant role in an individual's lifestyle and quality of life, regardless of his or her age or migration (in)experience. The life course perspective seeks to explain the impact of different processes on groups of people and individual experiences at each life stage but also the relationship between events from different stages of life. The third chapter, Life Perspective and Biographical Method, discusses the need to return to more significant use of qualitative and interpretative methods, as well as the interest in using a biographical perspective, due to a better understanding of aging and quality of life in old age as well as migration reasons and integration of immigrants in the country of immigration. By telling their life story, a person clarifies the personal understanding of changes in the immediate (personal circle) and the wider environment (society). They also describe how individual members of the group to which the individual feels affiliated, for example, the generation of older people in a particular environment (islands) (Podgorelec, 2008) or immigrants, experienced changes in society during life (older people) or a personal migrant experience and to what extent the changes experienced affect their lives (Amit and Litwin, 2010; Podgorelec, Gregurović and Klempić Bogadi, 2019). Biographical research is especially useful in monitoring the development of an individual's career, the impact of migration (on a personal level, but also in terms of community development), the way people face new experiences and changes during aging or migration and how they adapt (especially to various losses: employment, health and functional status, life partners, friends etc.). The fourth chapter, Life and Migration Perspective, explains certain characteristics of migration and migrants, especially when moving to the country of immigration. Thus, Jasso (2003: 334) grouped them into characteristics that affect adaptation – age, gender, country of origin, level of education (Finney and Marshall, 2018; Podgorelec, Klempić Bogadi and Gregurović, 2020); degree of success – from assimilation, acculturation and adaptation to integration into the receiving society (Berry, 1990; Amit, 2012; Amit and Bar-Lev, 2014; Podgorelec, Gregurović and Klempić Bogadi, 2019) or failure – giving up and returning to the country of origin or moving to a third country; the success of migrants in childhood or the second generation of migrants (childhood and schooling in the country of immigration) (Pivovarova and Powers, 2019); demographic and economic effects on societies of origin and immigration – studies of loss and gain (relocation of qualified migrants, artists, entrepreneurs) (Gregurović, 2019), remittances (Nzima, Duma and Moyo, 2017), etc. Migrants choose to move at various ages and are motivated by various reasons (Kennan and Walker, 2013). Migration is a process that affects both social environments – that of the origin of the migrant as well as the immigration environment, even if the migrant migrates within a certain country (Čipin, Strmota and Međimurec, 2016; Finney and Marshall, 2018) and assuming that social and cultural differences between places of resettlement are not significant (Amit, 2012; Podgorelec, Gregurović and Klempić Bogadi, 2019). Edmonston (2013: 3) relies on the work of Elder (1994, 1998) in explaining the benefits of using a life-course perspective in (im)migration research. He connects four topics that Elder considers crucial in the analysis of life course: the interconnectedness of individual lives and historical time, planning and selection of important events in an individual›s life, the connection of an individual›s life with others (family, friends, work environment) and action (effect) of social institutions during life. The connection between the general approach to the life course analysis (Elder, 1994, 1998) and the previously mentioned groups of topics in migration research is noticeable already at the first glance (Jasso, 2003). Each of the topics can be supported by various examples in Croatian society. In the last chapter, instead of a conclusion, the author states that by reviewing a part of the literature on aging and migration, it is possible to deduce that, although fundamentally separate processes, observed from a life-course perspective, they share similar trajectories, transitions, turning points and timing (Edmonston, 2013). Thus, research into the quality of life of older people must be grounded in the theoretical construction of aging and the historical context, relying on collected data on the individual's important life events (life story) and judgments of experiences by both respondents and researchers. A life-course perspective that measures the impact of social, political and economic conditions on the life of an individual and/or a group is an interesting and complex approach to researching selected dimensions of migrants quality of life, given that migration always takes place in a particular historical context by influencing the social environment – countries of origin and countries of immigration. Public policies that support the organisation of care for the elderly, facilitate adaptation and promote the integration of migrants harmonise all sections of society and affect the life satisfaction of the general population.

This guide accompanies the following article: Nikki Khanna, 'Multiracial Americans: Racial Identity Choices and Implications for the Collection of Race Data', Sociology Compass 6/4 (2012): 316–331, 10.1111/j.1751‐9020.2011.00454.x.Author's introductionIn 2010, approximately nine million Americans self‐identified with two or more races on the United States Census – a 32 percent increase in the last decade. President Barack Obama, the son of a white Kansas‐born mother and Kenyan father, was not one of these self‐identified multiracial Americans. In fact, Obama chose only to check the 'black' box, illustrating that multiracial ancestry does not always translate to multiracial identity. Since the 1990s, there has been a growing body of research examining the multiracial population and key questions have included: How do multiracial Americans identify themselves? And why? This paper reviews this research, with a focus on the factors shaping racial identity and the implications regarding the collection of race data in the US Census.Author recommendsKhanna, Nikki. 2011. Biracial in America: Forming and Performing Race. Lanham, MD: Lexington Books.Looking at black‐white biracial Americans, this book examines the influencing factors and underlying social psychological processes shaping their multidimensional racial identities. This book also investigates the ways in which biracial Americans perform race in their day‐to‐day lives.Korgen, Kathleen. 1998. From Black to Biracial: Transforming Racial Identity among Biracial Americans. New York: Praeger.This book looks at the transformation in racial identity among black‐white biracial Americans over the last several decades. She finds that those born before the Civil Rights Era are likely to identify as black, while those born in the post‐Civil Rights Era identify as biracial, black, and sometimes white. She describes the declining influence of the one drop rule on shaping black identities, and the increasing importance of other factors, such as physical appearance.Perlmann, Joel and Mary Waters (eds). 2005. The New Race Question: How the Census Counts Multiracial Individuals. New York: Russell Sage Foundation.This edited volume examines how changes to the race question in the US Census affect how people are counted and the implications for public policy, enforcement of anti‐discrimination laws, and reporting of health, education, and income statistics.Rockquemore, Kerry Ann and David Brunsma. 2008. Beyond Black: Biracial Identity in America. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield.Drawing on interview and survey data, this groundbreaking book examines racial identity among black‐white biracial adults. The authors describe a myriad of ways in which biracial Americans understand themselves racially, while also examining why people identify the way they do.Online materialsRace: Are We So Different?http://understandingrace.org/This website explores the common misconceptions about race through several interactive activities.Race: The Power of an Illusionhttp://www.pbs.org/race/000_General/000_00‐Home.htmThis website explores the question 'What is Race?' through several interactive activities.Mixed‐Race Studieshttp://www.mixedracestudies.org/This website is a useful resource for anyone interested in mixed‐race studies. Included here is information about articles, books, dissertations, videos, multimedia, and other resources related to multiracial people.Mixed Folks.comhttp://www.mixedfolks.comThis site provides information about multiracial historical figures and celebrities, as well as links to books, websites, and comics featuring biracial characters.Mixed Chicks Chathttp://www.mixedchickschat.com/This site features an award‐winning weekly podcast about the multiracial experience. Included are approximately 200 episodes of interviews with scholars, activists, journalists, celebrities, and artists.Sample syllabusPart I: IntroductionWeek 1: Defining conceptsRace & Multiraciality as Social Constructs.Spickard, Paul R. 1992. 'The Illogic of American Racial Categories.' Pp. 12–23 in Racially Mixed People in America, edited by Maria P. P. Root. Newbury Park, CA: Sage Publications.Khanna, Nikki. 2011. 'A Note on Terminology.' Pp. ix–xiii in Biracial in America: Forming and Performing Racial Identity. Lanham, MD: Lexington Books.Angier, Natalie. 2000. 'Does Race Differ? Not Really, Genes Show.'New York Times, August 22. http://www.nytimes.com/2000/08/22/science/do‐races‐differ‐not‐really‐genes‐show.html?pagewanted=all&src=pm.American Anthropological Association's Statement on Race (1998): http://www.aaanet.org/stmts/racepp.htm.Part II: Historical backgroundWeek 2: Curbing 'Miscegenation' (Part 1)Interracial Mixing in Early America.Anti‐Miscegenation Laws.Zabel, William D. 2000. 'Interracial Marriage and the Law.' Pp. 54–61 in Interracialism: Black‐White Intermarriage in American History, Literature, and Law, edited by Werner Sollors. Oxford University Press.Kennedy, Randall. 2000. 'The Enforcement of Anti‐Miscegenation Laws.' Pp. 140–160 in Interracialism: Black‐White Intermarriage in American History, Literature, and Law, edited by Werner Sollors. Oxford University Press.Kennedy, Stetson. 1990. 'Who May Marry Whom.' Pp. 58–71 in Jim Crow Guide: The Way It Was. Boca Raton, FL: Florida Atlantic University Press.Week 3: Curbing 'Miscegenation' (Part 2)Biological, Religious, Social Arguments.The Role of Eugenics.Tucker, William H. 'Inharmoniously Adapted to Each Other: Science and Racial Crosses.' Pp. 109–33 in Defining Difference: Race and Racism in the History of Psychology, edited by Andrew S. Winston. American Psychological Association.Nakashima, Cynthia L. 1992. 'An Invisible Monster: The Creation and Denial of Mixed‐Race People in America.' Pp. 162–72 in Racially Mixed People in America, edited by Maria P. P. Root. Newbury Park, CA: Sage Publications.Visit the Jim Crow Museum of Racist Memorabilia & read about the 'Tragic Mulatto Myth': http://www.ferris.edu/jimcrow/mulatto/.Week 4: The politics of racial definitionCounting 'Mixed‐Bloods' and 'Mulattoes'.Williams, Gregory Howard. 1995. Life on the Color Line: The True Story of a White Boy Who Discovered He Was Black. New York: Plume.Morning, Ann. 2003. 'New Faces, Old Faces: Counting the Multiracial Population Past and Present.' Pp. 41–67 in New Faces in a Changing America: Multiracial Identity in the 21st Century, edited by Loretta I. Winters and Herman L. DeBose. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications.Davis, F. James. 1991. Who is Black? One Nation's Definition. (Excerpt). http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline/shows/jefferson/mixed/onedrop.html.Week 5: Resistance and subversion to the American binaryIndividual & Collective Strategies.Daniel, G. Reginald. 1992. 'Passers and Pluralists: Subverting the Racial Divide.' Pp. 91–107 in Racially Mixed People in America, edited by Maria P. P. Root. Newbury Park, CA: Sage Publications.Valdez, Norberto and Janice Valdez. 1998. 'The Pot that Called the Kettle White: Changing Racial Identities and US Social Construction of Race.'Identities 5: 379–413.Maillard, Kevin. 2000. 'We are Black Indians.' Pp. 81–86 in What Are You? Voices of Mixed‐Race Young People, edited by Pearl Fuyo Gaskins. New York: Henry Holt and Company.Read first‐hand narratives of people who 'passed' as white during the Jim Crow Era: http://www.jimcrowhistory.org/resources/lessonplans/hs_es_passing_narratives.htm.Week 6: The 'Biracial Baby Boom'Explanations.The Loving Myth?LISTEN: 'Loving Decision: 40 Years of Interracial Unions.' National Public Radio. http://www.npr.org/templates/story/story.php?storyId=10889047.Spencer, Rainier. 2006. 'White Mothers, the Loving Legend, and Manufacturing of a Biracial Baby Boom' in Challenging Multiracial Identity. Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner.Week 7: The multiracial movementPlayers and Agendas.Public Policy Issues.White, Jack E. 1997. 'I'm Just Who I Am.'Time.http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,986278,00.html.Graham, Susan. 1995. 'Grassroots Advocacy.' Pp. 185–9 in American Mixed Race: The Culture of Microdiversity, edited by Naomi Zack. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield.Spencer, Rainier. 1999. 'The Multiracial Category Initiative.' Pp. 125–60 in Spurious Issues: Race and Multiracial Identity Politics in the United States. Boulder, CO: Westview Press.Wright, Lawrence. 1999. 'One Drop of Blood.'The New Yorker, July 24, 1994. http://www.afn.org/~dks/race/wright.html.Week 8: Critiquing multiracialitySpencer, Rainier. 1999. 'Thinking About Transcending Race.' Pp. 192–9 in Spurious Issues: Race and Multiracial Identity Politics in the United States. Boulder, CO: Westview Press.Spencer, Rainier. 2006. Challenging Multiracial Identity. Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner.Week 9: Mixed‐race people abroadConceptualizations & Status of Multiracial People.South Africa, Brazil, Australia, Vietnam, Japan, India.Davis, F. James. 2006. 'Defining Race: Comparative Perspectives.' Pp. 15–31 in Mixed Messages: Multiracial Identities in the 'Color‐Blind' Era, edited by David L. Brunsma. Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner.Daniel, G. Reginald. 2003. 'Multiracial Identity in Global Perspective: The United States, Brazil, and South Africa.' Pp. 247–86 in New Faces in a Changing America: Multiracial Identity in the 21st Century, edited by Loretta I. Winters and Herman L. DeBose. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications.Murphy‐Shigematsu, Stephen. 2001. 'Multiethnic Lives and Monoethnic Myths: American‐Japanese Amerasians in Japan.' Pp. 207–16 in The Sum of Our Parts: Mixed‐Heritage Asian Americans, edited by Teresa Williams‐Leon and Cynthia L. Nakashima. Philadelphia: Temple University Press.Week 10: Intermarriage, multiracial people, and the future of race relations in the USCensus Trends.Future of Race in America?Humes, Karen R., Nicholas A. Jones, and Roberto R. Ramirez. (2011). 'Overview of race and Hispanic origin: 2010.' 2010 Census Briefs. http://www.census.gov/prod/cen2010/briefs/c2010br‐02.pdf.Bonilla‐Silva, Eduardo and David G. Embrick. 2006. 'Black, Honorary White, White: The Future of Race in the United States?' Pp. 33–48 in Mixed Messages: Multiracial Identities in the 'Color‐Blind' Era, edited by David L. Brunsma. Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner.Lind, Michael. 1998. 'The Beige and the Black.'New York Times.http://www.nytimes.com/1998/08/16/magazine/the‐beige‐and‐the‐black.html?pagewanted=all.Part III: Scholarly researchWeek 11: Identities (Part 1)Methodological Issues in Research.Typology of Identities.Racial Fluidity.Root, Maria P. P. 1992. 'Back to the Drawing Board: Methodological Issues in Research on Multiracial People.' Pp. 181–9 in Racially Mixed People in America. Newbury Park, CA: Sage Publications.Tashiro, Cathy J. 2002. 'Considering the Significance of Ancestry through the Prism of Mixed Race Identity.'Journal of Advanced Nursing Science 25: 1–21.Harris, David R. and Jeremiah Joseph Sim. 2002. 'Who is Multiracial? Assessing the Complexity of Lived Race.'American Sociological Review 67: 614–27.Week 12: Identities (Part 2)Factors Shaping Identity.Implications for Census Statistics.Morning, Ann. 2000. 'Who is Multiracial? Definitions and Decisions'. Sociological Imagination 37: 209–29.Khanna, Nikki. 2004. 'The Role of Reflected Appraisals in Racial Identity: The Case of Asian‐White Adults.'Social Psychology Quarterly 67: 115–31.*Khanna, Nikki. 2012. 'Multiracial Americans: Racial Identity Choices and Implications for the Collection of Race Data.'Sociology Compass 6(4): 316–31.Week 13: Psychological and social well‐beingThe 'Tragic Mulatto' & Other Stereotypes (revisited).Campbell, Mary E. & Jennifer Eggerling‐Boeck. 2006. 'What about the Children? The Psychological and Social Well‐Being of Multiracial Adolescents'. The Sociological Quarterly 47: 147–73.Suzuki‐Crumly, J. and L. L. Hyers. 2004. 'The Relationship among Ethnic Identity, Psychological Well‐being, and Intergroup Competence: An Investigation of Two Biracial Groups'. Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Minority Psychology 10: 137–50.Phillips, Layli. 2004. 'Fitting in and Feeling Good: Patterns of Self‐evaluation and Psychological Stress among Biracial Adolescent Girls.'Women & Therapy 27: 217–36.Seminar/Project ideasCensus Exercise and Discussion: Have students visit the webpage: http://racebox.org/, which shows what the race question looked like in the U.S. Census from 1790 to 2010. Next, they should visit http://understandingrace.org/lived/global_census.html to see how different countries collect census information about race. After students view both sites, they should answer the following questions: In what years in the US were multiracial Americans counted as multiracial? What types of categories were used? What other countries use multiracial categories and what categories are used? Finally, after reading Lawrence Wright's 'One Drop of Blood' and Rainier Spencer's 'The Multiracial Category Initiative' (see above), pose the following question for class discussion: What are the pros and cons of including a multiracial category in the Census (or allowing Americans to check multiple boxes)? Then ask: Should we even ask Americans their race in the US Census? While some students will emphatically answer 'no!' because they believe the Census categories only serve to reify racial categories and racial divisions, this question should open up an informed debate about the function of the Census and race question.Examining the Politics of Race in Comic Strips: To provide context for this assignment, student should first read the following on‐line excerpt from F. James Davis'Who Is Black: One Nation's Definition: http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline/shows/jefferson/mixed/onedrop.html. Next, have students visit the site: http://www.mixedfolks.com/comics.htm, which features The Boondocks comic strip with a biracial character (Jazmine). Have students read and analyze the 17 posted comic strips and answer the following questions (via class discussion or an out‐of‐class assignment): How is Jazmine's character portrayed? How is blackness portrayed? What message does the artist convey in these comic strips regarding biraciality and internal and external perceptions of Jazmine's race and racial identity?Film and Discussion: Show students the movie, Guess Who's Coming to Dinner– a 1967 film starring Spencer Tracy, Sidney Poitier and Katharine Hepburn, which looks at the controversy surrounding interracial marriage. In the year that the film was released, 16 states still prohibited interracial marriage in the US (although the Supreme Court would abolish these laws in the same year with their landmark ruling in Loving v. Virginia). This film is useful to discuss the controversy surrounding interracial marriage, and how the same scenario might play out in the present‐day.Small Group Activity: Analyzing Anti‐Miscegenation Laws: Before coming to class, have students listen to the following NPR story: 'Loving Decision: 40 Years of Interracial Unions' (http://www.npr.org/templates/story/story.php?storyId=10889047) – it describes the case Loving v. Virginia (1967). Next, using an interactive map of the United States (see http://www.lovingday.org/legal‐map), have students, in small groups, examine and analyze anti‐miscegenation laws in the US prior to the Loving decision. Some questions to have them consider: Which states were the first to make interracial marriage illegal? Which racial groups were targeted in those early laws? By 1913, how many of the then 48 states had anti‐miscegenation laws? Which states made interracial marriage legal? How many states had anti‐miscegenation laws in the year preceding Loving? Students can also click on individual states to see an example of its laws. Looking at the laws, ask students: What was criminalized (e.g. interracial marriage, sex, performing the wedding, cohabitation)? What types of punishments did those who violated the law receive? What racial groups are targeted in these laws? How are racial categories (e.g. black, white) defined in these laws? What do these laws reveal about the social construction of race?

Статья посвящена рассмотрению дискуссии между А.Я. Гуревичем и Л.М. Баткиным, которая внесла значительный вклад в становление «несоветской» медиевистики. Цель исследования состоит в определении характерных черт полемики между А.Я. Гуревичем и Л.М. Баткиным, ее значения в процессе трансформации эпистемологического поля отечественной исторической науки. Теоретической основой статьи стали принципы интеллектуальной истории. Исследование осуществлено на основе сравнительно-исторического и историко-генетического методов. В настоящей работе проанализированы взгляды А.Я. Гуревича и Л.М. Баткина на ряд методологических вопросов, которые оказались в центре прений между учеными. В публикации делается вывод о том, что рассматриваемый диспут затрагивал вопросы о культурной и социальной сущности личности, о реализации личностью функций внутри общественных структур, о причинах и механизмах изменения культурных ценностей и доминант. Трактовка понятия «личность» определяла выбор подхода к изучению общества. Если для А.Я. Гуревича личность является порождением социально-культурной системы конкретной эпохи, а особенность личности заключается в оригинальном соединении общих черт культуры, то для Л.М. Баткина личностью является индивид, который, руководствуясь общими нормами и установлениями, пропускает их через свое сознание и словно вновь порождает нормы и ценности. Согласно Л.М. Баткину, «осознающая личность» – начало преодоления стереотипов и матриц общественного сознания. В этой связи подход А.Я. Гуревича был нацелен на реконструкцию общественных стереотипов и матриц, определявших поведение людей. Л.М. Баткин анализировал выдающиеся литературные произведения, которые, по мысли ученого, открывают в исследуемой культуре ее изменение и трансформацию. Ряд тезисов, высказанных Л.М. Баткиным в ходе полемики, был воспринят и интерпретирован Ю.Л. Бессмертным, А.Л. Юргановым, А.В. Каравашкиным, И.Н. Данилевским и оказал влияние на формирование их научно-исследовательских программ. Ученые сошлись во мнении, что средневековую культуру необходимо изучать исходя из особенностей развития самой культуры, следует уделять внимание пониманию специфики культурного языка, особенностей мышления и самовыражения исследуемой эпохи, надлежит учитывать уникальные черты культуры и использовать принципы герменевтики в качестве методологической основы интерпретации письменных источников.
he article is devoted to the discussion between A. Gurevich and L. Batkin, who made a significant contribution to the development of "non-Soviet" medieval studies. The purpose of the study is to determine the characteristic features of the controversy between A. Gurevich and L. Batkin and its significance in the process of transformation of the epistemological field of Russian historical science. The principles of intellectual history constitute the theoretical foundation of the article. The study was carried out on the basis of comparative historical and historical genetic methods. The present work analyzes the views of A. Gurevich and L. Batkin on a number of methodological issues that were at the center of the debate between the scholars. The author concludes that the dispute under consideration raised questions about the cultural and social essence of the individual, about the implementation by the individual of his functions within social structures, and about the causes and mechanisms for changing cultural values and dominants. The interpretation of the concept of personality determined the choice of approach to the study of society. While for A. Gurevich, the personality is a product of the socio-cultural system of a particular era and the peculiarity of the personality lies in the original combination of common features of culture, L. Batkin views the personality as an individual who, being guided by general norms and regulations, lets them go through his consciousness and as if generates norms and values again. According to L. Batkin, "the conscious personality" is the beginning of overcoming stereotypes and matrices of social consciousness. In this regard, the approach of A. Gurevich was aimed at reconstructing social stereotypes and matrices that determined people's behavior. L. Batkin analyzed outstanding literary works, which, according to the scholar, reveal change and transformation in the culture under study. A number of points made by L. Batkin during the polemic were perceived and interpreted by Yu. Bessmertnyi, A. Yurganov, A. Karavashkin, and I. Danilevskii and influenced the formation of their research agenda. The scholars agreed that medieval culture should be studied proceeding from the peculiarities of the development of the culture itself; attention should be paid to understanding the specifics of the language of culture, features of thinking and self-expression of the era under study; unique features of culture should be taken into account; it is required to use the principles of hermeneutics as a methodological basis for the interpretation of written sources.