Suchergebnisse

Проаналізовано сучасний стан виборчої системи України. Розкрито значення та місце народного депутата України в парламенті, проаналізовано ідею запровадження в Україні інституту заступників народних депутатів з урахуванням досвіду інших країн для визнання законотворчості факультативною функцією парламентарів, висвітлено проблеми реалізації цієї ідеї. Наведено проблеми правової культури народних депутатів, спотворене виконання ними безпосередніх обов'язків, підкреслено необхідність посилення моральної відповідальності за результати законотворчості, недопущення зловживання правом народними депутатами України. Відзначено відсутність системного підходу до змін різних законодавчих актів України та Основного Закону — Конституції, внаслідок яких відбувається "зависання" реформ у країні. Запропоновано часткове вирішення проблем парламентського права шляхом завершення конституційної реформи, ліквідації дуалізму влади на місцях шляхом створення виконавчих органів районних і обласних рад, поступової ліквідації державних адміністрацій та інших заходів. ; The article refers to the analysis of the current state of the electoral system of Ukraine. Shows the value and place of deputies of Ukraine in parliament, analyzed the idea of introducing a deputy by assistants from the experience of other countries for recognition of lawmaking optional feature parliamentarians highlighted the problem of realization of this idea. Present the problem of legal culture assistants, distorted performance of direct responsibilities, emphasizes the need to strengthen the moral responsibility for the legislation, prevention of abuse of people's deputies of Ukraine. The autor notes the lack of systematic approach to changes in the various legislative acts of Ukraine and the Basic Law — the Constitution, which is due to "hang" of reforms in the country. The author offers a partial solution to the problems of parliamentary law by the completion of the constitutional reform, elimination of dualism local authorities through the creation of executive district and regional councils, the phasing out of public administrations and other events.

El presente artículo se confronta con una problemática que ha focalizado los debates teóricos en torno a los fundamentos normativos de la crítica en las últimas décadas. La cuestión es si, en un marco social escindido como el nuestro, la crítica tiene que asumir su carácter perspectivista, es decir, su estar ubicada en una de las perspectivas que se enfrentan en el escenario social. Si ello es así, el problema que se abre es el de la posibilidad o no de legitimar racional, moral y políticamente una crítica que asume su estar ya siempre situada en uno de los horizontes normativos que coexisten en el marco social. Este trabajo afronta este problema poniendo en diálogo motivos de la hermenéutica y de la teoría crítica: con ello pretende realizar una aportación a lo que podríamos llamar una reflexión hermenéutica de la crítica, que logre articular carácter perspectivo y pretensión de normatividad de la misma. ; This article tackles a problem that focused the theoretical debate about the normative basis of critique in the last decades. My question is if the critique, in a divided social frame as ours, must assume its perspectivistic character, that is to say, its location in one of the perspectives in confrontation within social reality. The problem arises if it is possible to authenticate a critique that assumes its situation inside one of the normative horizons that coexist in society, in a rational, moral and political sense. This article discusses the problem by putting into dialogue motives from Hermeneutics and Critical Theory: This is how the author pretends to contribute to a hermeneutical reflection about critique that achieves joining together perspectivism and normativeness.

Izvairīšanās no nodokļu nemaksāšanas un "caurumu" meklēšana likumdošanā, kļūst par lielu problēmu valstu nodokļu institūcijām. Mūsdienās ar tehnoloģiju palīdzību visu var izdarīt attālināti, un tāpat arī pārvest lielus naudas līdzekļus uz "nodokļu paradīzes valstīm". Šāda finanšu neuzrādīšana rada lielus zaudējumus valstu finanšu stāvoklim. Ar likumprojektiem FATCA un CRS globālā mērogā vēlas samazināt nodokļu apiešanu globāli. Darba mērķis ir izanalizēt un salīdzināt nodokļu likumprojektu "FATCA" un "CRS" sarežģītību un lietderību to ieviešanā, kā arī izstrādāt priekšlikumus šo likumprojektu prasību efektīvākai datu apkopošanai. Maģistra darba autors pētīja saistībā ar FATCA un CRS likumprojektiem klientu identificēšanas problēmas, ziņošanas sniegšana problēmas, lielāko Latvijas banku, brokeru sabiedrību, kā arī lielāko auditoru kompāniju sniegtos viedokļus attiecībā uz likumprojektu lietderību un pievienoto vērtību to ieviešanas gadījumā. ; For avoiding tax evasion and searching for "holes" in legislation, it becomes a major problem of national tax authorities. Nowadays with the help of technology it can all be done remotely, and also to carry large amounts of money to "tax havens" countries. Such omission causes major financial losses in their financial situation. With draft laws like FATCA and CRS, globally it wants to reduce tax evasion. The main goals are to analyze and compare the tax projects such as "FATCA" and "CRS" the complexity and efficiency of their implementation, as well as to develop proposals for these projects for more efficient data collection requirements. The author studied in connection with FATCA and CRS projects, the customer identification problems, reporting delivery problems, the biggest Latvian banks, brokerage firms, as well as the largest audit companies provided views on the usefulness of the project and added value to the implementation of the event.

The aim of this article is to summarize the experience of higher education governancereforms in Slovakia, which were taking place along with the processes of social and politicaltransitions of the country, its integration paths towards the European Union anddevelopment of the European Higher Education Area, which is highly important in thecontext of reforming of the national system of higher education. We analyzed the legalframework in higher education in Slovakia and ways of decentralization and democratizationin governance for 15 years (1990-2015). The main characteristics of the CzechoslovakiaLaw on Higher Education adopted in 1990 are the following: demonopolization, decentralization of governance, and particularly on the university level, i.e. guarantyingof the academic freedoms and rights, increasing the autonomy and legal entity rights forthe faculty, etc. We analyzed complex process of further reforms held during the 1990-2002, which was culminated by the adoption of the new Law on Higher Education in 2002.Key changes were implemented in the system and institutions, including granting biggerfinancial autonomy to universities (immovable property ownership rights) and the participationof external board in the university management (Board of Trustees). The studyis based on the authentic sources: the legal framework of higher education and researchesof Slovak academics. Author described the system of governance in higher education: authorityof the state (Government, Ministry) and their influence on the university performance.The participation and the role of academic stakeholders is revealed in highereducation governance and development of educational policy in the Slovak Republic. Slovakia'sexperience is considered to be a good practice in higher education governance,particularly temporary measures in the transformation and democratization period. ; . ; Метою статті є узагальнення досвіду реформування державного управління ви-щою освітою у Словаччині, що відбувалося одночасно з процесами ...

У статті розглядається глобалізація та її вплив на державне управління з точки зору синергетики. Автор аналізує феномен зменшення ролі національних держав під впливом глобалізаційних процесів на основі методології синергетики, теорії управління в умовах невизначеності та багатовекторності. Практика глобалізації останніх років показує, що методи синергетики використовуються конструкторами нового глобального світу для дезорганізації тих соціальних систем, які не відповідають їхнім вимогам. Одним з методологічних аспектів обгрунтування цього процесу є залучення ідей теорії хаосу для обґрунтування постмодерністської філософії. Можна констатувати, що глобалізація, вписуючись у синергетичну парадигму, з одного боку, прагне підсилити тенденцію до стійкості державного управління, оскільки збільшує число загальних цивілізаційних факторів, що піддаються керуванню і контролю. Але, з іншого боку, вона ж призводить до зростання нестійкості державного управління, оскільки ускладнює взаємодію держави з іншими політичними акторами, в першу чергу з бізнесом, робить їх усе більше динамічними і нелінійними. ; The article deals with globalization and its impact on governance in terms of synergy. The author analyzes the phenomenon of reduction of the role of national states under the influence of globalization processes on the basis of synergetic methodology, management theory under uncertainty and multidirectional. Practice globalization of recent years shows that the methods used by the designers of the new synergy of global peace for disruption of social systems that do not meet their requirements. One of the methodological aspects of the justification of this process is to involve the ideas of chaos theory to justify postmodern philosophy. We can conclude that globalization paradigm synergistic blend of, on the one hand, seeks to strengthen the trend towards sustainability of the government as civilization increases the number of common factors amenable to management and control. But on the other hand, it also increases the ...

В системе современных международных отношений мусульманский мир играет все более заметную роль, что обусловлено несколькими факторами экономического, политического, социального и религиозного характера. Статья посвящена некоторым аспектам внешней политики России и США на востоке; анализируется позиция и роль России и Штатов в контексте последних событий на арабском востоке, рассматривается внешнеи внутриполитическая обусловленность. Оцениваются также проблемы и перспективы дальнейшего взаимодействия России и стран арабского востока в экономической и политической сферах. ; In the system of modern international relations the Muslim world plays an increasingly prominent role due to several factors of economic, political, social and religious nature. The Middle East is a region that has always aroused the keen interest and attention of the great powers in this large, populous and resource-rich territory there are many "pain points" related to global problems of mankind. The Middle East accounts for about 2/3 of reliable oil supplies. Oil-producing Arab monarchies have always been an arena of intense competition, not only between oil interests, but also between different States in their struggle for political influence, economic benefits, and strategic base. Russia has always had different from the rest of Europe view on this region, but one thing was certain the USSR and the new Russia were distinguished with great interest and concern for the situation in the Middle East. The article is devoted to the analysis of the Middle East policy of Russia and the USA; it analyzes the position and role of Russia and the U.S. in the context of recent events in the Arab world; it examines the efforts of the two countries aimed at normalizing interelations. The author evaluates the problems and prospects for further cooperation between Russia and countries of the Arab East in the economic and political spheres.

Исследуется практика использования в городских гербах и эмблемах послесталинского СССР элементов дореволюционной геральдики, что интерпретируется как попытка установить воображаемую преемственность с досоветской (и, шире, несоветской) историей, как процесс создания местного альтернативного видения места и времени, позволяющего акцентировать не разрыв в ходе истории, а ее непрерывность и бросить вызов установленному сверху символическому порядку. ; The paper analyses how the imperial territorial heraldry was used in the Soviet city symbols (emblems and coats of arms) as a grassroots initiative in the post-Stalin USSR. On the examples of local cases (such as Penza (1964), the Soviet Lithuania (1966-1970), Syktyvkar (1978), Sumy (1988), etc.), the author argues that in employing imperial heraldic elements filled with political overtones, the creators of the legally dubious Soviet city arms tried to establish imagined continuity with pre-Soviet (and essentially non-Soviet) history in order to produce alternative local visions of space and time. Those visions emphasized historical continuity rather than rupture and radical change of both symbolic language and vision of time suggested by the centrally manufactured Soviet visuals. City arms combined distinctly the Soviet elements with symbols borrowed from pre-Soviet past, national symbolic repertoires and locally important elements. Such apposition eroded the superiority of the authoritative visual discourse and interpreted the Soviet era as just one more period in multiple local histories. The imagined continuity in the Soviet city symbols served as an instrument of doubt and posed subtle local challenges to the centrally designed symbolic and political order. The paper's introduction of novel type of sources and its decentralized viewpoint opens new opportunities for studying center-periphery relations, representations of time and space, local and the Soviet identities and subjectivities in the late Soviet Union.

This article provides an overview and analysis of the main provisions andrecommendations contained in the report "Confronting gender inequality»prepared by the Commission on Gender, Inequality and Power at the LondonSchool of Economics and Political Science (LSE). Exploring the specified report,author continues the discussion started in the journal "Philosophy of Education»№1 for 2014 on heterogeneity and ambiguity of the main directions of praxeologicalconceptualization and implementation of gender mainstreaming, activation ofambivalent characteristics of these processes. In this context the article highlightsand analyzes the major trends that are both crucial for gender movement at UnitedKingdom and distinguish it from national Ukrainian gender mainstreaming.These trends are as follows: radicalism, praxeological orientation, lack of LGBTissues in the discussions, and the dominance of feminist discourse. It is concludedthat decisiveness, activism and praxeological orientation are the main features ofthe recommendations presented by the Commission on Gender, Inequality andPower. This experience is particularly productive in terms of its extrapolation tothe Ukrainian realities. ; Дана стаття присвячена огляду та аналізу основних положень та рекомендацій, що містяться у звіті «Протистоючи гендерній нерівності»(«Confronting gender inequality»), підготовленому Комісією з гендеру, нерівності та влади Лондонської школи економіки та політичних наук (London School of Economics and Political Science). Досліджуючи зазначений звіт, авторка продовжує дискусію, розпочату нею у випуску часопису «Філософія освіти» №1 за 2014 рік щодо гетерогенності та неоднозначності основних напрямів концептуалізації та праксеологічного втілення гендерного мейнстримінгу, активізації амбівалентних характеристик даних процесів. У даному контексті в статті виокремлено та проаналізовано головні тенденції, що є водночас визначальними для гендерного руху (зокрема, і в освіті) Великобританії та відрізняють його від вітчизняного мейнстримінгу. Цими тенденціями є радикалізм та активізм, праксеологічна спрямованість, відсутність ЛГБТ-проблематики та домінування феміністичного дискурсу у дискусіях та рекомендаціях.

Статья 50 Конституции РФ закрепляет право каждого осужденного на пересмотр приговора вышестоящим судом в порядке, определяемом федеральным законом. УПК РФ дублирует вышеуказанное право и определяет порядок обжалования приговора суда.Вместе с тем УПК РФ не содержит достаточно определенного порядка подачи апелляционной жалобы в зависимости от ее вида: краткая или полная, основная или дополнительная жалобы. Между тем судебная практика выработала дополнительную гарантию права на судебное обжалование механизм подачи краткой (предварительной) апелляционной жалобы, а законодательные изменения порядка подачи дополнительной апелляционной жалобы порождают проблемы на практике. В данной статье автором предложено взглянуть на порядок подачи апелляционной жалобы с учетом наличия различных по своей природе видов жалоб, определен алгоритм подачи краткой апелляционной жалобы и выделены существующие проблемы, возникающие при подаче дополнительной апелляционной жалобы. ; Art. 50 of the Constitution of the Russian Federation enshrines the right of every criminal defendant for his judgment to be reviewed by a higher court according to federal law, the same provisions are given in the Criminal Procedural Code of the Russian Federation, and the CPC establishes the procedure for appeals to a judgment of a court in a criminal case. At the same time the CPC of Russia lacks sufficiently defined procedure for filing appeals depending on its type brief or complete, main or additional appeals. However, the judicial practice has developed an additional guarantee for the right to appeal the mechanism for the filing of the brief (preliminary) appeal, and the legislative changes in the procedure for filing a brief appeal cause practical problems. In this article the author offers to view the procedure for filing an appeal from the standpoint of various types of appeals, establishing existing problems, which arise when an additional appeal is filed.

Thiong'o is a postcolonial writer dealing with the themes and characters on colonialism, anti-colonialism and neocolonialism and criticizing the destructive legacy of colonialism in his literary works. He claims that decolonization is not completed really simply as colonialism is conveyed to the hands of the local elites who dash their native people's hopes by functioning as slaves of the former white colonizers. In Matigary (1987), the author uses several characters such as the minister and Boy Junior in order to expose the real roles of the local elites in the ex-colonized lands. Embracing the Western values and thoughts which bring up the superiority and civilization of a Eurocentric world, these characters display scornful acts and speeches toward their citizens while launching a authoritative political system in which even the innocent people are imprisoned or attempted to be killed. These elites intend to exploit their native people with their discourse based on democracy, freedom and development whose validity has already been lost. ; Thiong'o sömürgecilik, anti-sömürgecilik ve neo-sömürgecilik konularına ilişkin temalar ve karakterlere değinen ve sömürgeciliğin yıkıcı mirasını eleştiren post-sömürgecilik dönem yazarıdır. Sömürgecilik, eski beyaz sömürgecilerin kölesi olarak işlev görmek suretiyle yerli insanlarının umutlarını yıkan yerli seçkinlerin eline devredildiği için o, dekolonizasyonun aslında kolayca tamamlanmadığını iddia eder. Matigari'de (1987) yazar eski sömürge ülkelerindeki yerli seçkinlerin asıl rollerini gözler önüne sermek için bakan ve Boy Junior gibi birkaç karakteri kullanır. Avrupa merkezli bir dünyanın üstünlüğü ve medeniyetini gündeme getiren Batılı değerleri ve düşünceleri benimsedikleri için bu karakterler, masum insanların bile hapse atıldığı ya da öldürülmeye teşebbüs edildiği bir otoriter sistemi başlatırken kendi vatandaşlarına karşı küçümseyici tavırlar ve konuşmalar sergilerler. Bu seçkinler geçerliliği zaten yitirilmiş olan demokrasi, özgürlük ve gelişmeye dayalı ...

This paper was accepted for publication in the journal Organization Studies and the definitive published version is available at https://doi.org/10.1177/0170840615575948 ; © The Author(s) 2015 Marxist theory, we argue, can be a valuable resource as organization studies turns to the urgent societal problems of our times. In order to address these problems, organizational studies needs greater historical depth and interdisciplinarity. We argue that these imperatives necessitate a return to grand theory. Grand theories provide the frameworks needed for integrating in a systematic as opposed to an ad hoc manner both scholarship across disciplines and middle-range theories within disciplines. We show that marxism offers a particularly fruitful grand theory for organization studies and for the social sciences more broadly, because it affords a platform for integrating various social sciences and because it offers penetrating insight into both the longue durée of history and the political-economic dynamics of capitalism. In making our case, we present and defend the core ideas of marxism, including its theory of modes of production, its distinctive theory of "soft" technological and economic determinism, its labor theory of value, and its account of the key developmental tendencies of capitalism—concentration and centralization of capital, socialization, and recurrent crises. We illustrate the power of these ideas by showing how they can be used to enrich organizational research on the 2007-8 financial crisis. And we introduce the four articles in this Special Themed Section, which show the capacity of marxist concepts to reframe and enrich research on traditional and emerging topics in organization studies, including organizational learning and communities of practice, knowledge work, teamwork and collaboration, social media and digital capitalism, and organizational routines and path dependence.

This dissertation analyzes the extent to which Indonesian CSOs have contributed to the institutionalization of civilian control over the military, one of the most important partial reforms the country had to complete in its transition to democracy after 1999. While international financial support for Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) is an accepted way to promote the deepening and consolidation of democracy, there are few, if any, systematic attempts to evaluate the immediate and tangible contributions civil society organizations have made. Based on a novel integrative theoretical argument the author employs a two-tiered research design that combines in-depth case studies down to the level of individual legal regulations with more concise congruence and process studies of the full sample of legislative projects touching on military reform. The dissertation finds that Indonesian CSOs have made a significant contribution to the institutionalization of civilian control. They managed to limit the political role and institutional autonomy of the military and pushed civilian decision-makers to extend the powers of President and Parliament over its budget and missions. However, CSO success was largely determined by a combination of the institutional interests of civilian decision-makers and the level of veto power and informal counter-pressure the military exerted over decision-makers. Where reform proposals ran counter to civilian institutional interests and met staunch resistance from the armed forces, CSOs were only successful if they could rely on assertive tactics like large-scale demonstration and continuous public pressuring campaigns. Over time, reductions in the level of international funding for CSOs and the proliferation of institutional veto actors on the government side have slowed down the reform process.

This research analyses how the public policies have affected the consolidation and autonomy of the theatric field in Bogota from 2006 to 2012. In order to visualize the purpose of this work, it was necessary to identify political and epistemological principles, concrete public po licies and projects that regulated and directed the theatrical practice in Bogota in the period stated above. After that, they were contrasted with some qualitative and quantitative changes in the theatric field and the perceptions some active participants had. In addition, the impor tance given by the state to the theater as a representation and reconstruction of social pro cesses is exposed. Moreover, the author highlights three facts: the contrast with the scarce finance given to short term projects which reinforces the instability of theatrical creation, the lack of warranty to continue with some processes, and the absence of conditions to the insertion in the promoted creative economies. ; Esta investigación analiza de qué manera las políticas públicas han incidido en la consolidación y autonomía del campo teatral bogotano, durante el periodo 2006-2012. Para esto,identificamos los principios políticos y epistemológicos y los programas concretos de las políticas públicas que rigieron al teatro distrital en dicho periodo, para confrontarlos con algunos cambios cualitativos y cuantitativos de las dinámicas del campo teatral y con las percepciones de algunos de sus agentes activos. Exponemos cómo la importancia asignada al teatro por el Estado como detonador de procesos sociales, contrasta con el limitado financiamiento a proyectos a corto plazo que refuerzan la inestabilidad de la creación, que no garantizan procesos, ni las condiciones para la inserción en las promovidas economías creativas.

This study aimed at identifying levels of political reform and improvement in the performance of Jordanian government ministries during the Arab spring period 2011-till present time. Moreover, the study attempted to investigate the impact of political reform on improvement in the functioning of government organizations. To collect needed data. A structured questionnaire was developed by the author and distributed to (500) employees 'randomly selected from 10 central ministries in the capital city Amman. Various statistical techniques such as mean averages ,percentages, standard deviation, One-sample and independent two- sample (T) tests, analysis of variance and simple linear regression were utilized to handle the data and test research hypotheses. Findings of study indicated that levels of political reform and improvement in the performance of government apparatus are medium with no statistically variations in respondents' estimates according to age, level of education, title of the job, length of service in the ministry were reflected. One the other hand, significant variations were reported in respondents' assessment of political reform according to gender in behalf of males. Similarly, respondent divided significantly on their estimates of both political reform and level of improvement in performance of government organizations according to the ministry to which they belong and the variation was in behalf of four ministries: communication and information technology, Justice, Finance and customs, and Planning and international cooperation. Findings also disclosed a significant impact of political reform on improvement of performance of government apparatus with political reform explaining (42,7%)of the variation in performance improvement. Finally, it was recommended that other variables germane to political reform and its reflections on the performance of government apparatus such as economic, financial, social, demographic in additions to the turmoil and violence in the neighboring Arab countries be studied and explicated by future studies.

This study is a preliminary study of the politics of recognition of women with disabilities in th eaftermath of the 2006 earthquake in Bantul and Klaten, Yogyakarta and Central Java. In this preliminary study, it is found that there is transformation in the disability movement in both regions. The author would like to underline that the role of new women with disabilities affected by earthquake can encourage the transformation of the women with disabilities' movement. These changes can be seen from all sides which before the earthquake, the discourse of women with disabilities are seen as a personal tragedy wher edisability issues are seen as an individual problem. The common approach used to deal with them is a charity activities, training services that are clinically aimed to make them as normal people and have independent lives. After the earthquake, there are a lot of DPO(Disabled People Organization) and association sfor persons with disabilities which accomodate not just those affected by the earthquake, but also all persons with disabilities who had been hidden by their families and socially marginalized. They appear to becoming out and giving a lesson to the people that the differences are common and normalization project is a choice that they have rights to refuse if it is not desired by them. In fact, they also have been able to counter the mainstream women's movement discourse that their interests are also entitled to be accommodated in universal women's discourse. This preliminary study which conducted by qualitative research methods withan ethnographic approach is still very early and still continuing with further research.Key words: women with disabilities, earthquake, politics of recognition, DPO (Disabled People Organization), individual and social model of disabilities