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The author tries to show which social & political processes in modern postindustrial society underlie the above mentioned deliberation. Upon enumerating some of the key characteristics of the contemporary information society, the author shows the way in which communitarianism & new liberalism have tried to counter these challenges. The author shows that communitarianism & liberalism, unlike the earlier theories of democracy, are not models for the organization of a society or a state that deserve to be applied, but open-ended projects by which it is possible to democratically solve open political & social issues in the present-day information age. Adapted from the source document.

The author analyzes the liberal & democratic principles of government constitutions & their functioning within the parliamentary framework, contending that the liberal principle has always been bound to parliamentarianism, while the democratic principle, particularly in the form of democratic despotism, is a fervent opponent of parliamentarianism. The author rejects Schmitt's concept of parliamentarianism &, like Troeltsch, emphasizes the natural right as the spiritual foundation of parliamentarianism. Finally, the author points to the absence of the liberal principle in the postwar development of Yugoslavia & talks about the painstaking process of coming to terms with that principle in present-day Croatia. Adapted from the source document.

The author analyzes Adam Smith's principle book, The Wealth of Nations (1776), which is the cornerstone of the doctrine of liberal economy. In a way, this book represented the declaration of independence for economists. The author points out the topicality of certain parts of Smith's book. Adapted from the source document.

The author thematizes several aspects of political education. First, he describes the attitude of the two foremost international associations for political science (APSA & IPSA) toward political education & shows how political education, from the perspective of political science, can be perceived in two ways: as a field of application & as a field of scientific interest. He goes on to list the main reasons for the revival of interest in political education in the last 10-15 years that has resulted in the acceptance of political education as an essential component of school systems in most democratic states. The author is particularly interested in the manner in which political education within school systems is institutionalized. Based on insights into existing practices, the author offers a classification with four basic models -- political education by means of a hidden curriculum; as an educational principle; as a segment of the integrated social education; & as a separate subject. Using this classification, the author analyzed the existing models of political education in 26 European states. Results show that the dominant models are the model of the separate subject & the model of the integrated social education. The author thinks that such a choice is the result of the research findings that suggest a greater effectiveness of these two models. 3 Tables, 39 References. Adapted from the source document.

Having in mind the long evolution of constitutions & constitutional politics & the universal appeal of the process of the interplay between virtue & demagogy that occurs during presidential elections, the author touches on several topics. The first are the standard "dogmatic" comparative provisions regarding the election of the head of state which the author looks into through the constitutional-legal prism of the so called selection effect. As the institution of the president of the republic exists in many constitutions & is thus among the most significant institutionalized aspects of political & social life of every country, the author focuses on the extent in which that institution in the electoral context contributes to the affirmation of republicanism, democracy & public sphere. The author concludes that the election of presidents & the effects of electoral selection, among other things, affect the process of political integration that ought -- to not only in Croatia but everywhere & due to a plethora of reasons -- promote the universally accepted ontological principles of contemporary constitutional-democratic state. Appendixes, References. Adapted from the source document.

The author analyzes the theoretical postulates of Emile Durkheim's concept of solidarity, which in Croatia -- due to the circumstances -- has outstanding theoretical & practical significance. The author looks into the theories that shaped Durkheim's idea of solidarity: that of legal solidarity, a major theoretical development, particularly within French administrative law of the time (with a special emphasis on the seminal book by Leon Bourgeois); & that of the theory of community, focusing on German sociologist Ferdinand Tonnies as well as on some of his predecessors such as Otto von Gierke, Henry Sumner Maine, & Fustel de Coulanges. The author claims that this mental framework immensely influenced Durkheim's concept of solidarity, which he put forward in his famous study De la division du travail social in 1893. The author reviews Durkheim's central postulates & discusses the distinctions between the so-called "mechanical" & "organic" solidarity. Finally, certain faults in Durkheim's theory are pointed out. Nevertheless, & despite these well-founded objections, Durkheim's solidarity theory remains an "object lesson" in understanding solidarity. 25 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author analyzes the theoretical postulates of Emile Durkheim's concept of solidarity, which in Croatia -- due to the circumstances -- has outstanding theoretical & practical significance. The author looks into the theories that shaped Durkheim's idea of solidarity: that of legal solidarity, a major theoretical development, particularly within French administrative law of the time (with a special emphasis on the seminal book by Leon Bourgeois); & that of the theory of community, focusing on German sociologist Ferdinand Tonnies as well as on some of his predecessors such as Otto von Gierke, Henry Sumner Maine, & Fustel de Coulanges. The author claims that this mental framework immensely influenced Durkheim's concept of solidarity, which he put forward in his famous study De la division du travail social in 1893. The author reviews Durkheim's central postulates & discusses the distinctions between the so-called "mechanical" & "organic" solidarity. Finally, certain faults in Durkheim's theory are pointed out. Nevertheless, & despite these well-founded objections, Durkheim's solidarity theory remains an "object lesson" in understanding solidarity. 25 References. Adapted from the source document.

First, the author analyzes Helmuth Plessner's interpretation of Husserl's phenomenology. He goes on to outline the cognitive limits of the phenomenological-hermeneutical method, successful in text analysis, but inadequate in illuminating pertinent historical processes. In his conclusion, the author points to Plessner's uncritical mixing of scientific & phenomenological interpretations of fascism. Adapted from the source document.

The author outlines different understandings of homophobia, from the original meaning of an irrational fear homosexuals & homosexuality. to a more recent one in which it is equated with racism & antisemitism. Kurelie argues that the term is vague & politically counterproductive. By analyzing the debate on The Law on Registered Partnership in the Croatian parliament (Sabor), the author shows why, in his opinion, the Croatian parliament cannot be labeled homophobic, & why the concept of homophobia should be used only for serious manifestations of this phobia. The author suggests that a distinction should be made between homophobia & heterosexism & that the concept of antihomosexualism should be introduced. References. Adapted from the source document.

The author defines the state of law as a typical product of German political culture that corresponds to, but also differs from, both the experience of the English rule of law & that of the French l'Etat-Nation. The author pays particular attention to the issue of the legitimacy of the sate of law. He focuses on two different approaches to this issue in the works of Volker Gerhardt & Ernst Wolfgang Bockenford. Following a critical analysis of their fundamental assumptions the author goes on to divulge the thesis on the necessity of a balance between rights & power in the functioning of modern political systems. 5 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author analyzes the development of the Christian Democratic Union (CDU) as a federal party & states its ideological & programmatic objectives. The inauspicious experience of the Weimar Republic as well as the disastrous aftermath of the reign of National Socialism played the pivotal role in the shaping of the CDU. There have been attempts to fill in the ethical vacuum following the collapse of National Socialism by Christian humanism. The author focuses next on the Ahlen program (1947) & the Hamburg (1953) & Berlin (1968) party conventions. Particularly highlighted is the period between 1969 & 1982, the era of program modernization. In closing, the author looks into the current party standings in Germany today. Adapted from the source document.

The author analyzes the interpretations of the political events of 1971 in Croatia. The issue of political pluralism is the bone of contention in the recent debates about these events. The author shows that the efforts of some analysts to relate the events of 1971 to political pluralism are unfounded. References. Adapted from the source document.

The author analyzes the relationship between constitutional law & political reality. Using historical material on German constitutional legal practice to analyze this relationship, the author concludes that a good constitution can function solely in the setting of a good political culture. The citizenry of a certain political culture always goes hand in hand with a good constitution. Adapted from the source document.

The author outlines the modern universalistic theories that assume the natural & historical unity of humankind &, using this as a starting point, predict a cosmopolitan & Eurocentric outcome of world history. Contrary to these universalistic theories, the contemporary globalist theories, the author claims, are pluralistic & multicultural & thus paradigmatically different from the panoptical theories of classic modernism. Adapted from the source document.

The author analyzes the concept of neoclassicism in contemporary political philosophy. The study begins with a description of contemporary neoclassical developments & continues with a precise delineation of Plato's & Aristotle's philosophy of politics. In the end, the author concludes that the antiquity-inspired philosophy of politics today has the corrective function to steer liberal society towards community. Adapted from the source document.