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Using the results of the poll on the eve of the 2003 parliamentary elections, the author analyzes the determinants of their ideological cleavages. The analysis shows that the most significant determinants are the attitudes concerning the role of tradition & the Catholic Church in the society, the role of women in the society, the attitude towards the minority groups & the attitude to the Croatian history, primarily regarding World War Two & the post-war period. Of all the attitudes-measuring variables the most significant ones for the ideological left-right self-identification are those concerning the role of the Church & tradition & the attitude towards the history. The most important determinants of concrete ideological orientations in Croatia are those variables that measure the attitudes to traditional values & the role of the Church in the society, the attitude to the minorities & the position of women & the attitude to the history. While the attitudes to tradition & the role of the Catholic Church, & to a somewhat smaller extent to the minorities & the position of women in the society distinguish the liberals & social-democrats from the Christian-democrats, the attitude to the history distinguishes primarily the liberals from the social-democrats. The analysis has also shown that the variables measuring the attitude to the parties undoubtedly have the biggest influence on ideological self-identification, whether this is the left-right self-identification, or the identification with a concrete ideological orientation. However, in interpreting these results one should bear in mind that the causal link among these variables can be established both ways. Nevertheless, regarding the level of political sophistication of the public it might be said that the respondents will more easily identify with a party than an ideology, which for most voters is an abstract category. Party identification (preference) may be a consequence of a variety of factors ranging from the early political socialization in the family to the ideological affinity concerning certain issues or trust in party leadership etc. Hence we can conclude that regarding their ideological self-identification the respondents use their party identification as an information shortcut in order to get their bearing in, for most voters, the abstract world of ideologies. Tables, Graphs, Appendixes, References. Adapted from the source document.

As an expression of China's eagerness to modernize its foreign policy in line with the modified global conditions at the start of the 21st century, a new official Chinese foreign policy doctrine has emerged -- the theory of "peaceful rise." After the top echelon of the Chinese leadership have adopted this doctrine, now it is being peddled to the international public. The fundamental tenet of the theory of "peaceful rise" is that a vigorous long-term growth of Chinese economy & China's affirmation in the arena of international relations does not represent a regional or global threat; on the contrary, China's rise may be good for its neighbors (by bringing economic opportunity & strengthening their security) & the global community in general. After the successful resolution in the 1990s of the border disputes with Russia, Kazakhstan & Tajikistan, & the settlement of the issue of the land border with Vietnam, China has directed its efforts to the resolution of the remaining territorial disputes with Japan & India. China joined the ASEAN in October 2003, a sign of the continued improvement of China's relations with the countries in this region. China has also been very keen on improving its -- primarily economic -- relations with Russia & Japan that will bring economic benefits to all the parties. It is interesting that most China's neighbors, unlike the countries of the EU & the US, have a trade surplus with China. China's most important bilateral relation, that with the US, has been marked with the strategic rapprochement of those two great powers after "September 11" concerning the fight against international terrorism, but is nevertheless still burdened with an array of troublesome issues: Taiwan, criticisms of China due to its violation of human rights & intellectual property, the huge American trade deficit with China. The main challenges to the process of China's "peaceful rise" are the following: the imbalance of its economic growth, particularly its overdependence on exports, the deteriorated relationships with Taiwan after President Chen Shui-bian, a strong advocate of Taiwan's independence, won the 2000 elections. The author concludes that the Chinese foreign policy doctrine of "peaceful rise" is a welcome effort to allay the fears that have been fueled by China's prominence & to explain its new role in international relations. 12 References. Adapted from the source document.

The article deals with the impact of globalization on social security & social exclusion in Lithuania for the first time in Lithuanian social sciences literature. The article consists of 5 parts: in the first part "globalization risk" & related non-traditional methodology is examined, in the second part the relation between globalization & glocalization is analyzed, in the third part of the article the changes of Lithuanian macrosocial indicators are examined, in the fourth part the role of libertarian ideology & practice for social exclusion development is shown & the fifth part reveals the positive & negative shifts in Lithuanian state social security. The author relies on Lithuanian macrosocial data & tries to prove that parallelly with globalization its antipode -- glocalization -- is thriving in the social processes. Globalization impact on social exclusion may be understood not only in its narrow sense -- as marginalization of different "traditional" social risk groups but also in the wider meaning because globalization is raising risks for many life spheres & even for entire society. Globalization often positively influences the social position of the "winners" & enables their better self-realization. But globalization often negatively influences the situation of the "losers" when they are imprisoned in glocalization for the longer or shorter time without any clear perspectives to rise. Among social security backwardness & the reasons of social exclusion formation were: a) the lack of financial resources, b) accelerating globalization & transformation rates -- when the system could not "develop into deepness" but was forced to chase headlong perfunctory all the time accelerating processes. The strife was followed not against the reasons but against the separate negative social consequences. The preventive activities were very limited, c) the lack of new progressive administrative theories & decisions, d) insufficient development of social policy, social security & social exclusion research, e) frequent confinement of social administration agents on barely theoretical solutions & solving problems "on paper," f) unfavorable international & native influence of ideology & practice of extreme liberalism. The article shows that globalization had influenced the distinctive administrative reforms & measures in Lithuania, which have given controversial results (New Public Management, private pensions funds reform, development of social services). The conclusion is possible to make that characteristic contradiction in Lithuanian social security is between organizational maturity & scarcity of real results after implementation of social security measures. Adapted from the source document.

It is noted that the stages of agri'al development correspond to the stages of periods of over-all development (including industry & market system). Educ'al strategy must be defined in relation to a type of society undergoing change, whose structure & evolutionary process have been noted by the author in ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT AND THE PROGRAMMING OF RURAL EDUCATION (Paris: UNESCO, 1966). The extent to which agri'al workers participate in both the general educ'al system & the specific system provided for them by most countries is linked to levels of ED & to the aims & structures of the educ'al system. In a traditional society the educ'al system is is reserved for the privilege of a few from the elite. The overall process of industr'ization leads to a growth of educ which benefits the Ru pop at the level of primary educ, but U educ is still kept beyond the reach of almost all the Ru pop. About 10 yrs ago, 85% of the children of agri'al workers in France took up agri'al work with only a primary-Sch educ. Meanwhile, current SE changes have changed the level of aspirations & expectations of agri'al workers. Ru society is faced with an agonizing crisis. 3 courses are seen to be possible in the West: capitalist agri; a modernized artisanal or neo-artisanal agri, integrated wholly or partly into industr or commercial capitalism; a neo-artisanal agriculture integrated into cooperative structures. The system of public agri'al instruction set up in the 19th cent is about to disappear. The following guidelines for the new system are proposed: (1) Integrated agri'al complexes, in which neo-artisanal farms are linked to poles of cooperative or individual development composed of agri'al & food industries & central sales points, should be set up to draw on powerful creative resources & to disseminate structured information. (2) The total information requirements of Ru societies should be considered. There is a serious lack of operational res in this field. (3) Adult information & training programs which have grown up in recent yrs, esp in France, must be provided with corresponding educ'al material & methods to free the creative dynamism of agri'al workers which has so long been stifled by the many pressures hampering traditional Ru society. Teaching methods should also aim to develop the ability to assume functional relationships & the abilities of group leadership. 1 Table. M. Maxfield.

An analysis of the interplay of soc forces that have shaped the the soc security systems In diff pol'ai & cultural settings, which traces the development of the concept of econ protection as a soc right from the French revolution, which proclaimed the right to work, through the poor laws in Europe, to the present time. The author next examines the development of soc security systems in 4 countries. Germany started with Bismarck's paternalistic approach, followed by the Sue Democratic emphasis on redistribution of wealth from the rich to the poor. After WWII, the system was radically reoriented. With West Germany's participation in the Common Market, a .,compromise was made between the protection of every individual & incentive to econ growth. The UK saw the gradual emergence of the concept of equality & of the protection of the dignity of the individual. This development culminated in the Beveridge Plan, which was implemented by the postwar Labor gov. In the US, with a strong individualist tradition, the soc security system was always strongly linked to the entrepreneur philosophy. The crucial concept is the contributary-contractual principle, for which the rationale is the idea of earned contractual right. Since the gov does not contribute to the soc security funds & since the deductions are levied from the lowest part of the earnings, there is a strong regressive element in the US system. In the USSR, econ protection of all citizens is considered the duty of the state & follows from the philosophy of collectivism. Hence, the coverage is complete & the workers do not have to contribute anything. But by the same logic, the state can manipulate the system for its needs & advantage. It can use it, for instance, to attract people to regions it wants to develop or for punitive ends. In conclusion, the systems in the countries compared are very similar in the external aspects: all beneficiaries of soc security systems wait for their regular pay checks. But the diff soc philosophies & degrees of representativeness of gov's affect, if not the extent, certainly the structure of the rights. The diff's relate to the degree of protection, the conditions under which rights are awarded & the meanings attached to them. A. Peskin.

An historical definition of the sociol of literature is presented. The situation & development of this field are examined mainly in the US, France, & the Federal Republic of Germany. In the US it is held that sociol'al literary criticism has evolved, perhaps more than anywhere else, in accordance with the soc situation. The approaches of the following critics are noted: V. F. Calverton, R. H. Pearce, L. Lowenthal, I. Watt, K. Burke, & R. Wellek & A. Warren. It is stated that the enormous Amer production of sociol'al works obviously comprises numerous notes on literature, but these notes do not at all compensate for the general dearth which is so obvious in this field. In Germany, there is felt to be a philosophical & sociol'al tradition which is directed to a much greater extent towards the sociol of literature. Certain Marxian writers, such as F. Mehring, are mentioned in this connection. Another approach is the use of the concept of form as applied to society & its cultural productions. G. Lukacs adopts an intermediate approach: his work, Kantian at the start, then Hegelian & Marxian, represents the corpus of the most complete sociol of literature yet produced by a single author. Cited are THE SOUL AND FORMS (Berlin, 1911) & THEORY OF THE NOVEL (Paris, 1963). After WWII it is mainly around the Frankfurt Sch that the sociol of literature developed. Mentioned are T. W. Adorno, W. Benjamin, L. Schuking, E. Auerbach & E. Kohler. In France, a little-known precursor of the French sociol'al tradition is J. M. Guyau, who in 1889 affirmed the structuralist nature of criticism. Other forerunners are J. Bedier, G. Lanson & L. Febvre. It is felt that the sociol of literature has found its most coherent expression in L. Goldmann, who holds that the sociol of literature has in view the understanding of the meaning of a work. This means clarifying the total network of meanings which internal analysis of a work reveals by an explanation & inserting this network in a whole of wider signif: the soc group. In conclusion, the works cited seem to indicate 2 directions for res: (a) a microsociol'al study of groups which comprise a world vision, whose aim must be the study of the actual conditions operating between creative groups & individuals, & (2) a more scrupulous reading of texts which would include the symptomatological structures. E. Weiman.

In the westernization process, the assumption is made that the Mc is the 'progressive' element striving to overcome the vested interest of the Uc's & the ignorance of the traditionbound peasant masses. While this generally represents the Iranian society, the author focuses on 'att's' of the modern Mc which complicate its 'progressive' role. A small group of wealthy landowners, merchants, manufacturers, & a larger group of army officers support the gov, officials, policies, & other activities. Opposition is in 3 groups: (i) leaders of large tribes, (ii) bazaar & its workers led by traditional religious leaders, & (iii) the 'modern' Mc of gov officials, small landowners, teachers, & non-bazaar merchants. The peasants - (80% Iranians) - are of little importance in public life. This report is based on (a) unstructured observations & conversations recorded in Shiraz, (b) a small sample of personal acquaintances was asked questions at the end of the 11-month stay, & (c) analysis of letters, newspapers, magazines, movies, & Persian & relevant Western literature was included. The following att's bearing on the capacity of the Mc to lead modernization are discussed: (1) Men are by nature evil, powerseeking, & irrational; 'right' educ can change men for the better. (2) All is changeable & in a state of flux. (3) The emotional effect on the audience of verbal communication is stressed; exaggeration is acceptable & demanded. (4) Untruth in statements is tolerated to an unusual degree & in bargaining, describing one's country, or opinions, the truth is regarded as stupid or foolish. (5) One must distrust those around him in society regardless of how friendly they seem at present, (6) Life is a struggle to obtain & preserve a position in an established order through manipulation of others. (7) One is pessimistic about there being any values beyond his own immediate pleasure for which he should strive including fear & distrust of the opposite sex & marriage. (8) Belief in personal superiority, moral & intellectual, over those around him. (9) Any gov is the enemy & great exploiter of the people: only unorganized church people & threats of revolution or de-pop inhibit the gov. (10) One's needs for security, happiness, & success cannot be satisfied in Iran & nothing can signif'ly improve conditions in Iran. The emphasis on personal manipulation of people, absence of att's necessary for cooperation, clouding of communication with untruths, exaggeration, & pessimism are hindrances to the modernizing role of the Mc. J. D. Twight.

A part of a larger study of mail communications from businessmen to legislators on matters of econ policy done by the CIS-MIT in 1954-55. Data were gathered by interviews with 50 Congressmen (C), their staff, & a large number of businessmen (B); & by reading the incoming mail of C. The author makes the following points: (1) Both C & B place great importance on mail as a form of influence on political-legislative actions; yet, since much of B mail is 'stimulated' (writing campaigns) the expected influence is dissipated because it is precisely this kind of mail which is rarely read by C; (2) on many vital issues little or no mail may be received; (3) on tariff & reciprocal trade laws most mail comes from a few sources (business, labor & the League of Women Voters); (4) the message letters convey is shaped by the institution stimulating the mass mailing; (5) mass mail stimulated by any given industry tends to have its own special characteristics (the cherry industry letters are 'reasonable sounding'); (6) mail communication is direct; letter writers rarely go through local or state channels to write C; (7) writers rarely fully identify themselves or get prestigeful persons to vouch for them (paradoxically, the attention C pays to mail is in part a function of how important the writer or his friend is); (8) mail from non-constituents is disregarded by C; (9) writers show little technical mastery of econ legislation; (10) most letters show a high degree of cliches & stereotyped phrases, & few letters show new thoughts or indicate conviction; (11) there is a diff in the handling & effect of mail received by Senators & Representatives: Representatives see & handle their own mail & its disposition depends on the individual, the subject, time, etc; Senators have mail clerks, rarely see their mail, & rely on the judgment of their clerks as to the importance of mail; (12) precisely where a mail campaign might be helpful, there often is none; (13) generally, constituents with ideas suggest solutions which are either procedurally impossible or are not in accordance with legislative custom; & (14) mail communications on new laws are often ineffective because they come too late in the legislative process. T. L. Blair.

Rede des amerikanischen Finanzministers, James Baker, vor dem Interimsausschuß des Internationalen Währungsfonds (IWF) am 14.4.1988 in Washington. - Rede des Vorsitzenden des Rates der EG, Gerhard Stoltenberg, vor dem Interimsausschuß des IWF am 14.4.1988 in Washington. - Kommunique der Tagung des Interimsausschusses des Gouverneursrats des IWF am 14. und 15.4.1988 in Washington. - Rede des Präsidenten der Deutschen Bundesbank, Karl Otto Pöhl, vor dem National Press Club am 14.4.1988 in Washington. - Pressekommunique des Entwicklungsausschusses der Weltbank, abgegeben am 15.4.1988 in Washington