Suchergebnisse

In his study the author deals with the question of the corporative organization of the young Slovenian state. In the first part of his writing the author presents the theory and development of corporative ideas after WWII. He sums up the main theories of Philippe C. Schmitter and Gerhard Lehmbruch, the two main thinkers of modern corporatism and shows how these theories influenced the development of societal/liberal corporatism. The author introduces the concept of concertation, the new decision-making process of the modern corporative state and differentiates it from the classic pressure politics of liberalism. After the theoretical background in the second part of his study the author gives an introspection into the forms of Slovenian corporative cooperation. First of all, he describes the main organizations of the tripartite political processes: the employers' chambers and associations (e.g. Gospodarska zbornica Slovenije, Trgovinska zbornica Slovenije, Združenje delodajalcev Slovenije) and the employees' unions (e.g. Zveza svobodnih sindikatov Slovenije, Konfedearcija sindikatov Slovenije Pergam, Konfederacija sindikatov 90 Slovenije). At the end of his work he shows the function of the classical corporative forums in Slovenia: the Economic and Social Council (Ekonomsko-socialni svet Slovenije, ESSS) and the National Council (Državni Svet). The author's conclusions are unambiguous: after the successful achievement of independence and freedom, Slovenia managed to create one of the most effective organizational models of modern (societal/liberal) corporatism and uses the process of concertation fruitful for his economic stability and social welfare.

The paper aims to present a comparative analysis of caricatures published in comic papers (Üstökös, Borsszem Jankó, Bolond Istók, and Kakas Márton) in the turn of the 20th century. The author intends to demonstrate the visual methods of depicting the obstruction in the Hungarian parliament (1895–1913). The comic papers represented the viewpoints of the Hungarian parties: Borsszem Jankó an-nounced the opinion of the government, the others the different wings of opposition. The results of the examination reveal that the visual techniques of depicting the obstruction were very similar in spite of the party motivated diverse judgement of the obstruction. ; The paper aims to present a comparative analysis of caricatures published in comic papers (Üstökös, Borsszem Jankó, Bolond Istók, and Kakas Márton) in the turn of the 20th century. The author intends to demonstrate the visual methods of depicting the obstruction in the Hungarian parliament (1895–1913). The comic papers represented the viewpoints of the Hungarian parties: Borsszem Jankó an-nounced the opinion of the government, the others the different wings of opposition. The results of the examination reveal that the visual techniques of depicting the obstruction were very similar in spite of the party motivated diverse judgement of the obstruction.

The aim of the study is to present the European Parliamentary elections taking place on 22 May 2014. The first part of the study focuses on the results, the Europeans and the Hungarian as well. The turnout was almost the same as last elections in 2009, but the balance of power has been shifted slightly. The political groups have remained almost the same like before. The European People's Party lost several mandates, the Socialists and the Greens managed to maintain almost the same size of group with a small loss, while the liberals lost the biggest. The European Conservatives became the third biggest political group in the newly elected European Parliament. The left wing parties are also the winners of this election: the GUE/NGL succeeded to gain several new seats. The study also shows how the newly elected European Parliament (EP) held its inauguration session. The first step was the formation of the different political groups. Then, during its inauguration session held in Strasbourg, the new members of the parliament elected the President, the 14 Vice-Presidents, and the quaestors. In addition, the essay gives a short outlook to the ongoing institutional changes, mainly concentrating on the new European Commission.

This research investigates the interaction between the effects of wording and other elements of framing on public attitudes toward asylum policies. In particular, we focus on the labels of asylum-seekers and the discourse about the recent refugee crisis in Europe. In 2015 and 2016, we conducted two survey-experiments in Hungary where mass migration was the major issue on the political agenda at the time of the surveys. The salience of the issue was manipulated in both studies. Earlier findings have indicated that even words with the same meaning could prompt different interpretations in specific contexts. In contrast, we show that even large effects of wording, even if they are driven by differential meaning, can be suppressed by other elements of framing. The paper with the scientific results of this collection are currently under anonymous review. After the review process, the author of this collection will be revealed.

This paper is aimed at analysing the impact of the crisis of the liberal international order on the transatlantic relations. Both the EU and the US have vital interest to maintain the existing international order, however regarding certain foreign policy goals we witness an increasingly divergent approach to world politics. This is the case with the Middle East, where the EU acts as a global player based on historical ties, while the United States have recently started a gradual disengagement from the region. The so-called post-American Middle East have its own opportunities as well as challenges for the European diplomacy. This article focuses on the differences between the EU and the US foreign policy goals related to the Middle East. It primarily addresses the Iranian nuclear program and the Middle East Peace Plan recently launched by the US. The author argues despite some differences in interests, the EU and the US do not perceive the region in an entirely different way.

Before 1990, the reform-opposition criticizes the government that they want to stimulate the capital inflow instead of real reforms. The author in her earlier work published in January 1990 underlined, that there is no royal way which is without suffering. To control the inequilibrium in the economy one has to introduce real reforms of ownership, in public financ to create a more balanced budget and liberalize the role of prices. After the political changes one political wing urged the quick privatisation saying that the state is no good owner. Because there was no financing capacity at the housholds, saving was very limited, the quick privatisation led to a high foreign ownership int he enterprise sector. The country- as other Central European Countries (CEC-s) relied havily on foreign capital both FDI and lending. It was partly necessary, partly dangerous. Technical modernisation was important but the foreign – owned firms often repatriate their profit. Hungarian GDP difers from GNI strongly, compared to OECD countries. The over-reliance on foreign capital coases problems for both economy and society.

The present study strives to examine a less know reform plan, the so-called "SZ agenda" from the second term (1939–1941) of PM Pál Teleki. The file labeled as "highly classified", which turned up in the secretary of the foreign office, Elemér Újpétey's legacy, encompasses a series of papers comprising a complete plan to reform the public administration, the government, and the economy. None of these papers indicates neither the name of its author nor the date of its creation, nonetheless it is fair to assume that they were laid down around November/December of 1940, and that the Service for National Policy, which used to orchestrate Teleki's secret domestic actions, was hugely involved in their making. The most important piece of these papers concentrates on the so-called State Staff, which, at its core, would have been an organization akin to the Council of Ministers assisting the PM and the government. An organization of this kind could have worked as a kind of shadow government in the event of a possible German occupation. By and large, these papers reveal that the outlined reforms were interrelated with Teleki's corporatist ideas, nevertheless their paramount importance was to beef up an independent and sovereign Hungary first and foremost vis-à-vis the Third Reich. It is uncharted, which stage of its realization the "SZ agenda" arrived at, but it is fairly feasible that the main hurdle to its implementation was Pál Teleki's death on April 3, 1941.