Part one of an interview with Irene Vilakari of Leominster, Massachusetts. Topics include: Irene Vilakari was born in Helsinki, Finland in 1922. Her parents both died while she was a child. She was cared for by her older sisters. They came to the U.S. just after World War II and lived with relatives in Boston. They got Social Security cards and then found jobs at the Harvard printing press. Their trouble staying in the U.S. legally as immigrants from Finland. What life was like in Helsinki. How Irene and her sisters got along after their parents died. The work they did. What life was like during World War II. How they moved to the U.S. from Finland. ; 1 SPEAKER 1: Mrs. Vilakari, where were you born? MRS. VILAKARI: I was born in Helsinki, Finland, 19… SPEAKER 1: What? MRS. VILAKARI: Uh, uh, 22. SPEAKER 1: Can you briefly describe your early years in your homeland, like your family, the jobs, your parents, things like that? MRS. VILAKARI: Yes, you know, uh I eh I was uh three years old were my father died and I was twelve years old when my mother died, and since, ever since I lived with my two sisters. And uh, uh they were uh two and uh three years older than I was. And ah, ah um I, I lived you know – I, I, I consider myself having now happy, happy life, you know. I never felt anything, you know, it wasn't too rich because there are no not too many rich people in Finland anyway. They're all uh kind of a middle class. And I, I had very happy childhood. And the only thing was, you know, when my parents died, that was the saddest part, which when you're young, your fortunate that you know it doesn't, it doesn't hit you as hard as you know if thus one you know… SPEAKER 1: Oh. MRS. VILAKARI: Experience something like that when your old – older, I mean. I know we are old. [Laughter] But, you know, my sisters died here just a few years ago and that was quite different. And uh then the war was the next uh, uh… the two wars, I was in Finland. I was right in Helsinki all the time, you know, when we had the 1939 War, First, the winter war. And then the Second World War, you know, it started in 1941. There was one year in between, you know, one year of peace. And then uh, you know, I uh I… right after that, I left for America. And we never had any idea. We had the uh our half-sister was living here, and uh after war she wrote to us that, you know, we – if we maybe would like to come to visit America, and we got at all excited. Of course, we wanted to come2 to visit America. And she said that maybe you like to live here, you know, if you like it well enough, so we started to get out papers ready. That is very hard to get them. I don't exactly know how to say it, you know. You have to have a permission to leave the country at that time, you know, because it was shortly after war. SPEAKER 1: Yeah. MRS. VILAKARI: And they were very short of men. And we were doing men's job because of the war. We have started to do a line at that operating in a newspaper. That's why they didn't want us to leave. So they say that, you know, they won't give us a permit because they said for sure we are not coming back if we go to America. They didn't know that you're just not going to stay in this country if you have a visitor's visa, you know. Everybody in Finland know that, you know, same as years before, if you came to this country, you could stay if you wanted to. SPEAKER 1: Yeah. MRS. VILAKARI: But, no, the laws were so strict at that time already, that you couldn't, you could have stayed if you never had anything to do with the law or if you didn't want to work with the permission and you could never have anything to do with the, whatever you have to do with the state or pensions or anything like that, you know. You could have – it's just like an outlaw, you know. You could have stayed here but, you know, not – we didn't want to… when we wanted to come here. And then again with the legal papers so that we know that we can stay and be citizens who are now these days. We have very nice here, you know, that year when we were here; that's why we liked it so well, you know. Our sister, half-sister, and her husband, of course, they had a – I don't know how you… would you call it rooming house? SPEAKER 1: Yeah, boarding house.3 MRS. VILAKARI: Boarding house, yes. But they didn't serve food, you know. They had students from MIT and Boston University. They bought an old millionaire's house on Commonwealth Avenue. SPEAKER 1: Wow. MRS. VILAKARI: And they had lots of students, so they were all young people. They cleaned their rooms and changed the linens you know, but no food. SPEAKER 1: No food. MRS. VILAKARI: No. And that's where we lived that first year and we had such a nice time that we didn't want to – SPEAKER 1: Just here visiting first. MRS. VILAKARI: Yes, yeah, that's right, yes. But, you know, do you have room enough you know? SPEAKER 1: Yeah. MRS. VILAKARI: So like I tell, I have a lot to tell. SPEAKER 1: Okay. MRS. VILAKARI: When we came, we told our brother-in-law because that's what they said on the boat, you know. The officials said many times that we cannot work because we had visitors visa, and when we came we told our brother-in-law that we wanted to work because we wanted to get some money for ourselves. But we said we cannot work because they said it's illegal, you know, because we have to have a permanent visa. SPEAKER 1: Working visa. MRS. VILAKARI: That's right, yes, if we are able to work. [Laughter] And he said that if we can get the Social Security card, that's the permission to work. I think that he really thought that that was the, you know… SPEAKER 1: The right to work. MRS. VILAKARI: Permission we needed, because when he came—I think now we would be more than 50 years ago—he didn't have to have any permission so, you know, he was so sure that if we get the Social Security Card…4 SPEAKER 1: That's all you need, yeah. MRS. VILAKARI: We are able to work. So we sent to the Social Security office. And they don't ask you a passport; they don't ask what kind of visa you have. Do you know that? SPEAKER 1: No. MRS. VILAKARI: No, they don't ask anything. And we didn't know English. We all got our Social Security cards and we were so happy. My goodness, why did they say so many times that we can't work if it's so easy? But we were just happy that we were able to work. So we went to Harvard; we worked at the Harvard Printing press that year. We went to Harvard, and they searched our papers very carefully and they have a special person – now I can't remember her name. But anyway, she was the person that knew all the research because there a lot of students that come from other countries, so they are very familiar with their visa business you know. And when we went there, that lady happened to be on a lunch, and they told us we have to go and see her. And then there was another person, a man, who was kind of a taking care of her business while she was on lunch. He shook our hands and said, "Welcome to work," and so we thought, "Aha, everything is okay." [Laughs] SPEAKER 1: Geez. MRS. VILAKARI: Wasn't that funny, you know? SPEAKER 1: Yeah. MRS. VILAKARI: That test? SPEAKER 1: Yeah, yeah, you were just lucky. MRS. VILAKARI: Luck, yes. When we think there so many places we had to go through and we always told the truth. And then we worked there until our visa… we had visa for one year. SPEAKER 1: Uh-huh.5 MRS. VILAKARI: And when six months was gone, it said in our papers that then we would have to ask permission for the other six months but we would get it but we would have to apply again. So we went to the Immigration office and we said we would like to have more visa. They asked right away, "How come you've been working?" Then we told, you know, they took us in separate rooms and interviewed us separately so that we wouldn't know what one was saying. But we decided, we said that we tell everything just as it is, so you know everybody would – SPEAKER 1: Everything was the truth. MRS. VILAKARI: That's right. SPEAKER 1: It was the truth. MRS. VILAKARI: Yeah. SPEAKER 1: It was just like you said. MRS. VILAKARI: Yes, I did, because it wasn't our fault. We told everybody that we have visitor's visa. And then they warned that the interview of me – I think that I know little more English than my sisters, you know, like some people learn a language a little bit better. I didn't know it well, but anyway, he wrote 17, you know, sheets of papers. SPEAKER 1: Wow. MRS. VILAKARI: And all very, very, very close, you know. He ended up with that much about, you know, that thing; I never think it would have been that bad. Then they said that now we have to see their boss and he will tell us what to do. And when we went to see the boss, oh he was so mad. We were crying, you know, because felt that we haven't done anything wrong. SPEAKER 1: Really? MRS. VILAKARI: But then the fellow who interviewed me—his name was Mr. Powers—he told the other fellow, "Please read the papers first and then decide if they have done so wrong." And then he said, "Okay, don't do anything now. Don't quit in Harvard before I write you a 6 letter. It would be coming in a week or two," he said, to know after he has a chance to read the interview. "Then I will let you know what you have to do." That was in April when we applied for more visa. SPEAKER 1: What year was this again? MRS. VILAKARI: April. SPEAKER 1: What year? MRS. VILAKARI: That was 1947. SPEAKER 1: Okay. MRS. VILAKARI: Yeah. But then when we applied for more visa, it was 1948 already because we came 1947 July, and then next spring we started to apply for more permission to stay. But that letter never came. It came in August the next year. He let us work because we said we don't have money to go back, that we have to make so much money. Because we understood that we can stay here if we wanted to, we never thought we have to leave, so it was kind of we came here with false pretense – how do you say…? SPEAKER 1: False pretence. MRS. VILAKARI: Yeah. Because we didn't know that you actually cannot work and you cannot stay here. They said that you have to first vote. SPEAKER 1: Where did you get your ideas from? The ones that you – because everybody else had told you it was… like your relatives? MRS. VILAKARI: Yes, no, all the emigrants that had come before. We were almost the only ones that left Finland at that time because after war, nobody could get the permission to go out from Finland SPEAKER 1: But everybody else had told you it was – MRS. VILAKARI: Yes. Oh everybody said, "Oh, you can." But, you know, they really thought so. SPEAKER 1: Yeah MRS. VILAKARI: They didn't know that the laws had changed, you know. They thought it was the same thing. When they stayed, you know, from 7 the boats, there were lots of seamen working on the boats. They came here and they stayed; they never had to go back. I don't remember what year it was when they changed the law that you cannot stay anymore. SPEAKER 1: But they didn't know why. MRS. VILAKARI: Everybody who had come 1920 before that could stay without any papers. I'm not saying that it is so but anyway I know that there was a year when they changed the law that you cannot stay without coming to this country with the proper papers. SPEAKER 1: And they never informed you people. MRS. VILAKARI: No, no, no. SPEAKER 1: So it was an innocent mistake, really. MRS. VILAKARI: Yeah, that's right, yes, because we didn't know. I was seventeen or… no, no, I was old at that time when we came here. When the war started, I was seventeen, but I think I was twenty-five, but I mean, you know… SPEAKER 1: Still young. MRS. VILAKARI: Yes. And when people told me it was so, I believed. I didn't even think that – because they had stayed here. My sister came here to study English. She was studying languages in Helsinki University and she came here to study English and, see, on one year's permission, but she got married, you know. SPEAKER 1: Yeah. MRS. VILAKARI: And that's how she stayed. But she could have stayed at that time, because it was before that time that the law was changed, so that's how, you know… [Laughter] You know, that's quite a story. SPEAKER 1: How about us go back to when you were living in Finland? What kind of jobs did your parents have? MRS. VILAKARI: My mother was a housewife, and my father was, in very early years, he was a blacksmith from his occupation, but then he had 8 the – I don't know. Maybe we'll call it trucking business, like the deliveries, you know. SPEAKER 1: Yeah. MRS. VILAKARI: He delivered things, you know, that kind of a business. Then before he died, you know, or later. Yes, because I was only three years old when he died, so I really don't remember much, and because I was only twelve when my mother died, you know… SPEAKER 1: So you could not – MRS. VILAKARI: There wasn't any that I could ask anything. SPEAKER 1: Remember anything. MRS. VILAKARI: Yeah, that's it. Now I am sorry because, you know, there would have been so many things I would like to know about the early years but I just know what people are telling and there are nobody close. My sisters were, you know, one was two years older than I and the other one was three years older than I, so they didn't know much better, you know. SPEAKER 1: Yeah. MRS. VILAKARI: That's why I – SPEAKER 1: Who brought you up? MRS. VILAKARI: We… just three of us. SPEAKER 1: Just three you girls? MRS. VILAKARI: Yeah, we're three girls. SPEAKER 1: You mean you didn't have anybody else to help you? MRS. VILAKARI: Well, you know, first, when our mother died, I was twelve and she was fifteen, so we couldn't live with just three of us. We had one lady that we used to live in Helsinki earlier. She was living in the next door and she was in Salvation Army, a very religious person, you know, and we always liked her so much and we know that she was living alone. And then when our mother died, first we lived with our aunt and then our cousins, but, you know, it was too much. They had three daughters themselves and then three of us,9 you know, it was too much for them and it wasn't nice for us either, because we really didn't have a… SPEAKER 1: Get along, yeah. MRS. VILAKARI: Kind of a home feeling. Yes. And we had a condominium; we own a condominium, and then we said that we would like to live in our own condominium and have somebody live with us, you know, adopt us. And when we went to ask Miss [Kowalkowski] was her name, she thought that it was a sign from the God that she had a thing to do, you know, to bring us up. SPEAKER 1: Yeah. MRS. VILAKARI: And then she lived with us until war, then she went to live with her own. I think they were her brother's daughters, you know, then she went there because they were living outside of the Helsinki and she didn't want to be in Helsinki when the war [broke] and everything. So, that's how she lived. SPEAKER 1: Who supported your family, though, that lady you sought? MRS. VILAKARI: No, we worked. SPEAKER 1: You all worked. MRS. VILAKARI: Yes, you know – SPEAKER 1: Did any of you go to school for a while? MRS. VILAKARI: Yes, yeah, you know, elementary school is a must in Finland, but then after that, you have to pay for your own schooling. You don't get high school for nothing like here. So we went to school at nights and we worked during daytime. SPEAKER 1: Oh. What kind of jobs did you do? MRS. VILAKARI: You know… SPEAKER 1: Besides – well, you told me about the [liner] type. MRS. VILAKARI: Yes. I was 13 years old when I went to do work for the newspaper as an errand girl. That's when I started. I was there since I came to this country. I was then already 50 years before I came to this country.10 SPEAKER 1: Wow. MRS. VILAKARI: And as an errand girl, I think I was couple of years and then they took me as an apprentice, you know, to the… SPEAKER 1: [That in the bottom]… MRS. VILAKARI: Yes, yes, that's right. SPEAKER 1: Did your sisters work in the same place? MRS. VILAKARI: Yes. Yeah, we all worked at the Helsinki Sanomat. That's Finland's biggest newspaper. SPEAKER 1: So you made enough to you made enough to live a comfortable life? MRS. VILAKARI: Oh, yes, you know, it's a very good, you know, very well paid occupation in Finland. SPEAKER 1: So it wasn't that difficult to live then? MRS. VILAKARI: No, no, we didn't had… and you know when you're young… I remember sometimes, not before, you know, it's a five-year apprenticeship so you don't get the pay so fast, you know, although you get it eventually but you don't [indulge] when we all didn't have so much, you know. Oh, we didn't have a worry. One thing was good that, you know, we didn't have to pay any rent. Our condominiums in Finland are so old already that they have them so long time. They are condominium that we owned. We didn't have to pay any rent; we got dividend. SPEAKER 1: Ah-huh. MRS. VILAKARI: Instead of paying rent every month, imagine, you know, we got quite a lot of dividend every year. We could live free and still get money from the place, because it was a big apartment house and they had oak stores on the street level, so those stores paid very good rent. That's why, you know, the other expenses were paid by the stores, so – SPEAKER 1: That really fortunate.11 MRS. VILAKARI: Yeah. Yes, it was. Sometimes I remember we didn't have much money, and we wanted to go to movies. Oh, American movies, boy, they were, they were the most. SPEAKER 1: Really? MRS. VILAKARI: Yes. Sometimes with our last money we went to movies and we said, "Oh somebody will lend us some money tomorrow," and we always got some money, you know. [Laughter] SPEAKER 1: Really? MRS. VILAKARI: Yes, next day, so that we lived to the next payday. Those were happy days. I never remember, you know, anything bad – SPEAKER 1: Well, you were younger during the depression time so… MRS. VILAKARI: Yes, yeah, I wasn't born exactly – no, no, yes, I was. I was, yes. SPEAKER 1: You found freedom. MRS. VILAKARI: Yes, yeah, that side, yes, because 32 was the depression. But I really don't remember having any famine. SPEAKER 1: Being hungry or anything. MRS. VILAKARI: And I don't think that that was so much felt in Finland because there, like in this country, they made it so big because there are so many rich that lost everything so it was felt so much. SPEAKER 1: Yeah. MRS. VILAKARI: But in Finland – SPEAKER 1: Even the common people felt that the bread lines… MRS. VILAKARI: Yeah, yes. SPEAKER 1: And people are starving, you know. MRS. VILAKARI: Yeah, that time, I don't remember at all. I don't think that there was anything like that. SPEAKER 1: Where you live, was it more country-like or…? MRS. VILAKARI: Yes, no Helsinki, it's just a… Sp SPEAKER 11: It's a city? MRS. VILAKARI: Yeah. SPEAKER 1: So you didn't have –12 MRS. VILAKARI: Five hundred thousand people. SPEAKER 1: Like you can grow your own food or anything. MRS. VILAKARI: No, no. SPEAKER 1: So you had to work. It was right in the city. MRS. VILAKARI: Yes, but I don't remember having shortage of food any other time but during war time. That was the only – SPEAKER 1: Was it that bad during war time? MRS. VILAKARI: It was kind of bad, you know, for people who would like [Swiss] and things, but we never cared for that. We never bought any black market stuff like that. We really were very fortunate. We like bread, you know, and you could get bread with coupon they give us, you know. They started very early because the First World War was so bad and they got experience from that. When this second war started… SPEAKER 1: They were ready for it. MRS. VILAKARI: Right, they started right away in Finland to ration it, so that they didn't run low first and then started but they said that it's better to start to do it right away so that we would have a little reserved. So, you know, even there war time wasn't bad, you know. We were in that age, you know, you don't worry too much. SPEAKER 1: You don't think about it. MRS. VILAKARI: That's right, it is. When you are under twenty, you know, you're kind of taking it day after day. The only thing was, you know, bombings were awful. SPEAKER 1: Oh, yeah, can you remember some of the military things like the bombings? MRS. VILAKARI: Yes, yeah, they were awful, you know. Very often we had to sit hours in a cellar. You know, they make kind of shelters in houses, in the cellar. But the worst was just before the peace came, you know, and they were bombing Helsinki, they came every tenth night.13 SPEAKER 1: Oh yeah. MRS. VILAKARI: They came three times in a row, and it started 7 o'clock at night and we stayed until daylight, you know. In the morning, it was you know… SPEAKER 1: It was horrible to come out and see what had happened. MRS. VILAKARI: Yes. But no – I don't know if this is nice to say, but it was so poor bombing that they didn't do nearly as much damage that, you know, as many bombs they dropped. SPEAKER 1: Yeah, that was very fortunate. MRS. VILAKARI: Yes. And Helsinki is so among sea that a lot of them went to sea, you know, in the water. There was a bomb dropped right next – you know, when we had our apartment here, a bomb dropped but it didn't explode. Wasn't it impossible? SPEAKER 1: You got a lot of luck, you know. MRS. VILAKARI: Yeah. It would have been a big one, you know. It's 500 kilos; that would have made lots of damage if it had exploded, but it didn't. And we didn't know. We were seating in a show. Then they were making, you know, dead tallies… SPEAKER 1: I know what you mean. MRS. VILAKARI: Yes, yeah. So we didn't even know, but afterwards they told us. It was sitting there and they said it was awfully exciting for the people who had to go there, you know. It had dropped in a hallway and then people had had their linen in a suit case, you know, so it would be easy if something came and you have to take your belongings if there's burning or something. You know, it was just a flat sheet of cloth and it was so heavy, the bomb, and it was it has been rolling under the suitcase that it had flattened the linen and all, you know, flat. But, you know, we were very fortune. I think almost everybody's windows were broken. I don't think that there were any home that didn't have any, that their whole windows left open when the war was ended. But we had only 14 cardboards; it was no sense to replace them during the war because, you know, they would have just a vibration, you know. It was so scary SPEAKER 1: Do you remember what it was like when peace finally came? Was there lots of celebrations? MRS. VILAKARI: Oh, it was it was wonderful feeling when the lights came on, on the streets. That time I remember to have a tickle, you know. SPEAKER 1: You could have a … MRS. VILAKARI: No. And everybody had to cover their window so that you couldn't see because they always came every night and, you know, they couldn't shoot them when they were in the dark; that's why they came during night. That was the only thing that I remember so clearly, that how happy we were when the streets lights came on and it look just like a heaven in a night, you know, when it was so light, but you get used to it. And it was funny, you know, people were, I think, much better during war time. There was no crimes or… SPEAKER 1: Everybody – MRS. VILAKARI: People were much more helpful and honest. SPEAKER 1: They had to be, to survive. MRS. VILAKARI: Yeah, that's right, you know. SPEAKER 1: And then when you weren't under pressure anymore? MRS. VILAKARI: People were much healthier when they couldn't get this rich food. They said people were much healthier because they were skinnier. No, no. SPEAKER 1: Probably. MRS. VILAKARI: Yeah, yes, all the cholesterol, you know. They had to do without then, you know. That's why all the doctors said that people were much healthier because they were so skinny. SPEAKER 1: It has its good and bad effects of the war.15 MRS. VILAKARI: Yes, that's right. Yes, there is always good and bad. You know, you couldn't think that you can take war so many years, but it's amazing, you know, and you don't even bother with all that fat – SPEAKER 1: You probably had to get used to that. MRS. VILAKARI: That's right, yes. Yes, you do, yes. But oh it was nice when it ended and you didn't have to think about the alarms, you know. You are all somehow thinking, especially those days when they were coming so frequently, "Now I'm here. Where is the next shelter in case? SPEAKER 1: That's usually part of war, you know. MRS. VILAKARI: Yes, you could see always when people are running, you know; you run after them. SPEAKER 1: So you came to this country, like it's to visit the first time. Why did you decide to come to this country to live? MRS. VILAKARI: Because we liked it so much. We liked it very well when we are here the first time. But when we went to Finland, we really didn't think about it. We went right away to the American embassy to put our name on a list. You have to wait for your turn; you have to get a number. And because in 19, I think, I don't really know. It was 1980 when they made the law so that how many people they know – they made the quota system. At that time, there were so few people coming from Finland. Finland got very low number, you know, so that there were only about 500 people allowed to leave Finland in a year – I mean to come to this country from Finland. So, you know, we had to wait. They said at first that we might have to wait three or four years. But I don't know what happened. It was two and half years when we got the notice from the embassy that "now your turn is coming; you better start to prepare your papers." Then after that, we didn't even think if we are coming back or not because we didn't have any bad life in Finland. We didn't. It was mostly because of the Russians; it's 16 just always that feeling that, you know – now it's different. It's kind of settled, but during that time, still it was… SPEAKER 1: You didn't know what was going to happen. The Russians were… MRS. VILAKARI: Yeah, yes, that's right yes, for us the uncertainty of thing, you know. That's why we thought that we would come back. But then when we got to the notice, then we got all excited again. [Laughs] We started to get our papers ready. SPEAKER 1: So you planned for everything? And how much time did they tell you will be able to go, when they give you the notice then? MRS. VILAKARI: It would happen, I suppose, you know in our own… when we could get our papers and packed. But the only thing was that we had to reserve the boat. SPEAKER 1: Passage, yeah. MRS. VILAKARI: Yes, because those were very hard to get at that time too, and that's why that was the only thing that we had to know when to leave. But, otherwise, you know, the papers –I'm sure that in time they would have become too old, but it wasn't anything in two months or so you have to go, but just you know to prepare your papers. But we had our number and that was our number. I don't know how many years they would have hold it, but because we had waited for the number, we had it – SPEAKER 1: All the time you are waiting to hear from them, you're probably still thinking how much how you want to go and everything. That didn't occupy your mind that much but it still was there. MRS. VILAKARI: Oh, yes, yes we were thinking that, you know, we were going someday, but we didn't think every moment that's all, boy… SPEAKER 1: After a couple of years of waiting, you don't… MRS. VILAKARI: That's right. You can't wait that long, you know, to think about it every minute. SPEAKER 1: How about other people? How did they feel about you going? Were they happy for you and or they tell not to?17 MRS. VILAKARI: No, no, they didn't tell us. They thought that we are very lucky to get here but they were sad that we were leaving. We have lots of very good friends in Finland. But otherwise they thought that we are very lucky to be able to because there were very few people who could do it. Financially and everything, you know, it's very expensive but we couldn't have paid our trip in Finnish money at that time. Finland didn't give dollars so we had to get the money from here and then pay back when we came here. SPEAKER 1: How did you go about doing that? Did you send it to the relatives? MRS. VILAKARI: Yes. We have that half-sister here but then, you know, when we came the second time… she's not my cousin, you know. She is her cousin from her mother's side; we have same father, and she sponsored us then, because when you sponsor three people to be an immigrant, you have to have a certain amount of money. And that time, they were just leaving from Boston to New Hampshire and they had everything in a kind of a mess, you know. I mean, not that not anything was wrong, but I mean, you know, everything was unsettled. So her cousin said that they were [taken] into it because they were very well off, you know. And then the second time, my sister was already living in New Hampshire, the half-sister, so we didn't want to go there; it was too much like country; we wanted to go the city. SPEAKER 1: How about, when did you leave your homeland? What was the date, do you remember? Well, even the month. MRS. VILAKARI: Yes, we arrived here the second time when we stayed permanently, 13 February. It took two weeks, so it must have been in the beginning of February. SPEAKER 1: What year was this, again? MRS. VILAKARI: 1951 was the one we came the second time. SPEAKER 1: And how did you come here? MRS. VILAKARI: First, we arrived in New York.18 SPEAKER 1: By boat? MRS. VILAKARI: Yes, by boat, by [Gripson] 51; we arrived by that boat. And our cousins and - no, no in the meantime, we had met some people from New Canaan in Connecticut we have met in Finland and they visited us and we took them around a lot. And when we came they said, "Please, come to our house first and then we will take you to Pittsburg – or Maine." We were going to Maine then. And that's how we spent one week, you know, with them in New Canaan first. It's so near New York and we spent one week with them and we went to New York to see [Anget Yogan]. [Laughs] We had very, very nice time there, and then we came to Maine and… SPEAKER 1: What was the cost, do you remember, the boat ride? How much it cost from over… MRS. VILAKARI: I think that for three for us, they took loan from a workers' credit union. That's how we asked. We said that you know if they can get the loan from somewhere that we can then pay back to straight to the bank so they don't have to tie their own money, and they did that – because we knew from the first time that you can do things like that. So in Pittsburg, you know, there is workers credit union and that's where they had borrowed the money. It was some 600 and something for three of us, I think, you know. I can't remember exactly but I remember it was something a little over 600 dollars. So it must have been 200 and something for one person, the ticket for the boat trip. SPEAKER 1: So who came with you? You had your two sisters? Anybody else you knew? MRS. VILAKARI: No, no. We met on the boat but there wasn't anybody with us, you know, just three of us./AT/jm/ee
Part three of an interview with Musa Ali of Fitchburg, Massachusetts. Topics include: Different job he held and businesses he owned. How he brought his children to the U.S. Where his children were educated and what they do for work. How he has been treated in the U.S. What churches he attends. What marriage customs are like. ; 1 SPEAKER 1: Yeah. ALI: Uh, he say, "Give me $10 more and me wash dishes." I say, "No, my friend, me like wash dishes." And he can't kick me out because I'm the boss. SPEAKER 1: Boss, right. [Laughs] ALI: And I start working in the kitchen. This Chinese is a short fellow. What he do, I write in my. with Arabic language. I write what he do. Every time, what he do-do, I write it until I learned all the cook. SPEAKER 1: Really? ALI: I fired the cook, I hired dishwasher. SPEAKER 1: [Laughs] ALI: And I start cooking for two and a half years Chinese food. SPEAKER 1: Wow, you stayed that one. ALI: I stayed two and a half years. SPEAKER 1: Yeah? ALI: Yes. And after, American government send me to Russia. SPEAKER 1: For what? ALI: Business. SPEAKER 1: Business? [Laughs] ALI: And I went to Russia and I have to sell my business. SPEAKER 1: Yeah? ALI: I sold it, I think, $11,000. SPEAKER 1: Yeah? ALI: The restaurant. I stayed six months, less than a few days to six months. When I came back, I find the place go to pieces. SPEAKER 1: Really? ALI: That's right. And I took over. I be. I-I bought it $450. SPEAKER 1: Back? You bought it? ALI: Back. SPEAKER 1: [Laughs] Yeah. 2 ALI: And then we changed it from Chinese to American again. SPEAKER 1: Yeah? ALI: Yeah. And I took it over. I bought it $450. I fire all the help and I hire good girls, nice-looking girls. She wants to take picture in Fox and Hound, if you know that place, Fox and Hound Nightclub in Quincy. She take picture and take the picture, put your picture in a match. SPEAKER 1: Oh, yeah? ALI: She's a beautiful girl. SPEAKER 1: Yeah. ALI: Big, tall, hair up to. I hire her behind the counter and I see a lot of customers look at her. And her dance is very, very good and after. Uncle Sam again, called me up again. SPEAKER 1: Yeah? ALI: Send me back to Palestine. SPEAKER 1: Business again? ALI: Business again. SPEAKER 1: Yeah. ALI: And I have to sell it. SPEAKER 1: Yeah. ALI: And I sold it. When I came back again, I have to take hairdresser. I went to school. SPEAKER 1: Yeah? You went to school? ALI: A hairdresser. Yeah. SPEAKER 1: Where was this, did you go to school? ALI: In Boston. SPEAKER 1: Yeah. ALI: Academy something school. Yes. And I took a license. And after when we talk, I became. me and Harry J. Sullivan, and Harry L. Barker, we had a meeting together and I said, "I'd like to get my business back to be doctor." He said, "Ali, you can't. You have to 3 go to school." I went to Harvard College. When I went to Harvard College, naturally they talk big words, the dean of the college. I don't understand. I go to library. In state hospital, you have a beautiful library, American here. I went to library and that's where the boys who were in the same class with me, some of them were in the army too, you know, and started to look at dictionary what this word mean. I don't understand even the meaning of the word. I look what's the meaning of this word way back two or three times. I got lost. I said, "I don't want to lose my time in the government." The government pay for the school and gave me $125 a week. SPEAKER 1: Really? ALI: That's right. They pay me $125 a week and I don't understand nothing. That's why I thought make the government pay money for nothing and I don't understand nothing. It make you feel ashamed. Number two, it make you feel ashamed, an intelligent man, you don't understand English. It looks bad. SPEAKER 1: It's not an easy language. ALI: That's right. I say, "Okay, forget it." See? And I open sponge business. SPEAKER 1: Sponge? ALI: That's right. SPEAKER 1: [Laughs] ALI: They call it [unintelligible - 00:03:40] Sponge Company in Boston. That's my name. Yes. I have 250 men diver for me. SPEAKER 1: Oh, yeah? ALI: Yes, in Boston. I made good business. Yes. And I have a boat go to Middle East and come back. Yes, with captain. I go with them once in a while. I've done a very good business. Yes. And after, I sold the business and I came to Fitchburg. 4 SPEAKER 1: Well, all this time you were in Boston, were you still living with your brother? ALI: No. SPEAKER 1: No? You moved out? ALI: I move out. I live alone. I hire apartment, one doctor. I mean, doctor. him and I, we live together. SPEAKER 1: But you still didn't have enough family to bring your family over here? ALI: No, I bring my family. SPEAKER 1: When did you bring your family? ALI: In 1946, I bring my son. SPEAKER 1: Yeah? ALI: Yes. SPEAKER 1: Just your son or.? ALI: My son, the one who died. SPEAKER 1: Yeah? ALI: I bring him; I put him in high school in Boston. After, I put him in Northeastern College. After, I put him to Harvard College. Yes. SPEAKER 1: Did you bring your wife or the rest of the.? ALI: No, my wife she. SPEAKER 1: She had died. ALI: In 1948. SPEAKER 1: And what about the rest of your children? ALI: Lived with my mother and father. My father, he lived 107. SPEAKER 1: To 107 years old? ALI: That's right. SPEAKER 1: And the other children lived with him? ALI: Yes. SPEAKER 1: Why did you just bring the one boy and not the others? Because. ALI: No, no, because he's old enough. He was 17. SPEAKER 1: Yeah. 5 ALI: And the other one was younger. He didn't need mother. SPEAKER 1: Yeah, they had to be taken care of while he was work. ALI: We have to be [unintelligible - 00:05:07]. If I bring with me women here. because I hear here, in old country, they say he's a playboy. SPEAKER 1: Oh, yeah. ALI: And I don't want to say that. I don't want somebody give me a bad name. I don't want no woman to live with me with my children. You see? Right away, they say, "It's not for his children – he playboy." SPEAKER 1: Yeah. ALI: And I don't like that. See? I bring my son then he finish and I bring other son when he grow when I came to Fitchburg here. In 1950, I bring my other son. And after, I bring my daughter. See? And my son, that number two, he don't like the school. I put him in Fitchburg High School here three months and I walk with him – I don't take him in a car, walk with him – he go to school, inside. He see when I go and he walk out. He don't go to school. SPEAKER 1: Do they speak English at all? ALI: A little bit. SPEAKER 1: A little bit. Yeah. ALI: Because down there, they teach you A, B, C, D, open the door, close the door, thank you, goodbye, how are you, you know. SPEAKER 1: He just didn't like it. ALI: He don't like the school. We have to learn some trade. He said, "I like to be mechanic." I put him to mechanic here in [unintelligible - 00:06:25] summer school, a mechanic. I put him there, two weeks, he said, "Too dirty." SPEAKER 1: Yeah. ALI: And I said, "All right." And he start to smoke. I beat him up. And he see me a few time I go to Fidelity Bank, to Mr. Barrett. He 6 ask him, he say, "My father need $200, Mr. Barrett. Can you give me please?" Mr. Barrett did give him $200, the president of the bank. SPEAKER 1: Oh, geez. ALI: He took $200 and he took the bus from here to Boston. He was only five months in this country. And he went to Boston by bus. And from Boston, he took the taxi to the airport and he took the airplane to Dearborn, Michigan. This boy here, you met him, Abdullah? SPEAKER 1: Yeah. ALI: He's the one who was there in Dearborn, Michigan, because he came the same day, this my nephew, because. both cousin. And he went to see him. He started work with him. From there, he went to volunteer to the air force, American Air Force, four years. SPEAKER 1: Yeah. What's he doing today? ALI: Now, he wants to work with me, barber. I put him in school here to be barber because he don't like. SPEAKER 1: He came back, yeah. ALI: He came back. He get married and he get six kid now. I put him to work with me for 14 years, you know, barber. I gave him $225 a week, five days, for barber. He was [Unintelligible - 00:08:01] for me in barbershop here. SPEAKER 1: In Fitchburg? ALI: In Fitchburg. And after the business dropped down because everybody gets. starts to get long hair. And then he left. He went to Somerville. He bought packages store, you know, variety store. And he bought house there, see. And now, he has then. making a good living. SPEAKER 1: What about your daughter? How did.? ALI: My daughter, she got married. SPEAKER 1: So she came here? 7 ALI: No. I send her to Harvard College. I want to be doctor. Because I found out you can't open a hospital, you can't do nothing until you be doctor. And I was thinking, "She's young and she know English." I put her in Harvard College, took a medical degree, and she get doctors. And I work on her hair. And after two or three years, could be, maybe, I get my practice license doctor, too. See? And she went over a year and a half. And I was her hairdresser myself in Fitchburg here. She don't like to be doctor. She said, "Dad, I don't like it – too hard for me. Can I take hairdressing and work with you?" I said, "Okay." I put her hairdresser, in a school. She stays seven months in school and then she got her practice license, hairdresser. And she came work with me in Fitchburg as hairdresser. She don't like it. I said, "What do you want?" She said, "Well, let me work with you in the house." I have a house. SPEAKER 1: Take care of your house? ALI: My house. SPEAKER 1: Yeah. ALI: I put her in the house. Then she hit 18, 19 and I said, "Now, you can't stay like this. You have to be married." I send her back to old country. She met my cousin. SPEAKER 1: Yeah? ALI: Yes. SPEAKER 1: It was an arranged type of marriage? ALI: Yes. Yes. SPEAKER 1: Yeah. Your other boy got married though. That wasn't arranged, was it? ALI: Arranged by my father. SPEAKER 1: Oh, it was? ALI: Yes. I send them there from here, from the air force. SPEAKER 1: So he married an Arab? ALI: Yes. 8 SPEAKER 1: And your other son, he went to a school here? ALI: Yes, he went to Northeastern College. He went to Harvard College. SPEAKER 1: For any special thing? ALI: Yes. SPEAKER 1: To be a doctor? ALI: No. SPEAKER 1: No? ALI: Number one, he was engineer, see. And after, he took, I don't know what kind of thing. He took another one. Subject, he took another subject. And after, he went to the air force. He once worked for the government intelligence service six and a half years, see. And after he get discharged, he came here. He opened supermarket in Detroit, Michigan. And the American government went after him, took him. He went on postmaster in Saudi Arabia. After, they took him back to ambassador. Two months ago, the American government, they want me to go back. They came here to the barbershop and ask me to follow. I thought about it. They want me to go back to the service. SPEAKER 1: They want you, too? ALI: Yes. SPEAKER 1: Yeah? And you said no? ALI: No. I told them the story about when that tourist was hunting. Do you remember? SPEAKER 1: I think. ALI: One Arabian champion and one German champion went to hunt. They say, "There can't be two champions. There got to be one." When he went to Germany, he say, "Okay, you're my guest tomorrow morning." Next morning, they went to hunt. The German fellow took the eagle with him – pheasants, they're called pheasants. He let the pheasant cock, cock, cock, and all the 9 pheasant come in. German fellow, he took the gun and shot five. He said, "Boy, that's why you're champion?" He says, "Well, that's my limit now. Five minute, five pheasants. Let's go back home." He said, "Before you go, you want to sell me the pheasant? He said, "It cost too much money." He said, "Why?" "Because they take me a long time to teach them, making the pheasant come in and after I kill them, he come in with them. You know, because they're dead and it becomes alive and put them with me and go home. It cost me too much time and money." He said, "I don't care. How much you want to sell it?" He said, "A thousand mark." He said, "Here's a thousand mark, my friend." Look at him, the smartest man. He said, "I'll buy it. The German fellow, he said, "A thousand marks for one pheasant is a lot of money." He took it, and the Arabian man, he took the gun and shot him, he kill him. He said, "Why you kill him?" He said, "Well, he's not worth to live. He doesn't deserve to live." He said, "Why?" He said, "He double-cross his kind." SPEAKER 1: [Laughs] ALI: Double-cross his kind. The German fellow, he always said, "You're right." He said, "He's not worth to live." Am I going against my people? No. And I told that story to the people who come to see me. They say, "You're still American." I say, "I don't care. Still, I'm Arabian blood." SPEAKER 1: Yeah, you can't go against your people. ALI: I can't. SPEAKER 1: When you started to live in this area, did you look for a neighborhood of your own nationality or weren't there enough people? ALI: No, when I came here, I don't find nobody except one man, I told you, Mr. Joseph. He's Lebanese and he's Catholic. And the Catholic, they don't like the Muslim. 10 SPEAKER 1: They don't? No? ALI: No. This people here that came tonight, they don't like Muslims. SPEAKER 1: No? ALI: But just he work for me one time. When he came to this country to. he didn't have no license. I took him with me to Boston and I help him out to get his license. And he work with me one year, see. And I give him good money. But, of course, I'm Muslim, he quit. SPEAKER 1: Really? ALI: That's right, after I give him license. He work in the plastic. He come and his finger all burned here because of the plastic. SPEAKER 1: The chemicals? ALI: Because I get factory in New Hampshire. SPEAKER 1: You have a factory now? ALI: Yeah, I sold it. SPEAKER 1: Oh, you sold it? ALI: Yeah, last year. I get plastic factory, Green, in New Hampshire? SPEAKER 1: Yeah? ALI: That's my name. SPEAKER 1: Geez. You have a lot of things going. Well, how did the people treat you when you came into this area? ALI: Well, like I say, when I came here, I think I told you I met that man, Mr. [Lowell], and I took him home, I make Christmas dinner. I told you a story about it. And when I ask him to get. I give him $2 and dinner with us. She took it the wrong way. SPEAKER 1: Yeah, to be a waitress. ALI: Yeah, and after I went to First Baptist Church, where is the library now exactly, I make dinner for 250. When we were finished, I show you the papers here. I fed him next year. I asked him, he said, no, he get to be only a Baptist member, a First Baptist Church member. I said, "No, my friend, every man, the Greek, Italian, 11 Jews, Catholic, Orthodox, Protestant, I don't care who it is, over 6 years, they are invited. We call the mother, father of the town or the city. I invite everybody. And I have cars, transportation. I have. each car, two people to bring man or woman in wheelchair and put them in a car. When they come out, they can bring them to the dinner. And I have nurses; I hire 10 nurses. Every time I went to [unintelligible - 00:15:28] Hospital with my high English. I have a hard time even to rent 10 girls, to hire girls to feed the people and wash them out and send them back. Even one fellow is named Father O'Brien. He was in charge of the Saint Camilla Church. He was a waiter. And he didn't believe it. He came, kiss me, and hug me two or three time in my cheek. He say he never see that in his life and he was waiter with the George Burke last time and the policemen in five minutes, city council – waiters. And Father O'Brien, he volunteered. He say, "Honest to God, Mo, I give one man five times, you know, what's called second, second, second, five dishes. He eat five dishes in all, all men. And this man, he never eat before." I said, "That's what I would love to have. I want people to eat." The last time, last year, when I get. I get 15 years in Fitchburg here. The last time was 2,200 people. It was on TV, channel 4, 5, and 7. SPEAKER 1: Really? ALI: Yes, ma'am. SPEAKER 1: I don't remember. ALI: Yes. SPEAKER 1: A year ago? ALI: Yes. No, eight years ago. SPEAKER 1: Oh, eight years ago. ALI: Yes. Then they take me to the court. I have 500 letters. Over 10 letter come in from Tokyo, Japan. SPEAKER 1: Really? 12 ALI: That's right. I still got that mail. From Tokyo, Japan they thank me. They never see that man who do all that dinner, 82 turkey. I bought the smallest turkey, 35 pound from C.A. Cross. I don't know if you remember that name. It was a wholesale when you go to Wayland Park in your right-hand side. I bought. when I have my own restaurant. I have restaurant in [Parma], big dining. And I have the hotel. [Unintelligible - 00:17:29] I told you. And I had. SPEAKER 1: Barry? ALI: Barry. I have restaurant in [unintelligible - 00:17:37]. See, I have different places. And I buy a lot of food from them. And I ask Mr. Cross, young fellow, I say, "I want to make dinner." He say, "I hear about it." I say, "I want you to give me wholesale." He say, "Yes." He give me 82 turkeys but it's special because you have to order especially that big turkey. And nobody wanted that turkey, 38 and 40 pound, not 10, 15 pound. The smallest was 38 pound, see. I bought it and put them at table. And then the TV man, he came and took the picture. SPEAKER 1: Yeah? ALI: Yeah, he didn't believe it. One man, he volunteered to buy this stuff and cook them and slice them. He don't believe it. And nobody helped me here. And after, took me to the court. I told you that. They want to know where I got my money and what reason. I told them. SPEAKER 1: They just didn't know you could do something like that because you want to do it for people, to help them. ALI: I want it. I've done it in London. SPEAKER 1: Yeah. ALI: I fed in London in 1943. I fed 1,500 people in London. And the mayor of London, his name is Mr. Johnson—I not forgot it, old man with one eye—he worked with me all night long. And the 13 English is, everybody know, cold-blooded. But he's hot blooded. He worked with me. But the American here, nobody work with me. SPEAKER 1: No one helped you? ALI: Nobody. And even took me to the court. They want to know where I got my money. SPEAKER 1: So the people just weren't very friendly to you? ALI: No. No. Can you believe.? What reason, I can't tell you – just jealous because I run for politics here, for mayor? SPEAKER 1: When was that? ALI: Huh? SPEAKER 1: What year was that? ALI: I forget. Eight years ago since I start to run for mayor, this trouble starts in the city. SPEAKER 1: So do you still find a little bit of hostility now even? ALI: A little bit. I know they don't like me. Look now, I have a building, main street building – Dr. Rosenberg here, Dr. Benton here, and my building in the middle. Number one, I paint it white. They came and give me help, you see. "You can't paint it white. You have to paint it blue." I had one argument with my neighbor. I said, "Okay, I paint it blue but not dark blue, light blue." Dr. Benton and the dentist's wife, they came and they both gave me, "Are you blind? We're not this color." I say, "You told me blue. It is blue." He said, "No, it's light blue." I say, "Yes. It's barbershop. I want to grab people eyes, look. I don't want it dark." He said, "Where do you buy your paint?" I told him, "From Academy Paint Store." His name Phil, the manager, they went to see him. He said, "Phil?" He say, "Yes." He say, "We want a paint for Mr. Ali." He say, "Sure. No?" He say, "Yes." He say, "We need paint." They pick up the color – dark, dark blue. I could swear to God it's black. And he say, "[Unintelligible -14 00:20:51]. Is he color blind? He's stupid." He, he, he to the end. And then he came home to the office and he called me up. He say, "Ali?" I say, "Yes." "We got you the paint." I thought he pay for the paint. No. SPEAKER 1: Yeah. They wouldn't pay? ALI: No. He just pick up the color for me. I went to Phil. He said, "Ali, how do you live with this wife?" I said, "Why?" He said, "She call you stupid, she call you colorblind, she call you." I say, "That's not – you know how the women. They don't want to hear me. I didn't say nothing. SPEAKER 1: You didn't say it wasn't your wife? [Laughs] ALI: No. And he said, "What color?" He said, "This one." I said, "My gosh! Nobody died in my barbershop." SPEAKER 1: [Laughs] ALI: It's black. He say, "That's the wife. She." I say, "Give me that green." He says, "She's going to divorce you." I say, "Good. I like her to divorce me. I'll find another one." I painted it green. And since that time, he don't talk to me. He called me everything. We have a fire in that building. Fellow's name [unintelligible - 00:21:59]. He's the headman or the building inspector. He send me a letter by police – not by post office or by mail – by the police. I have to start remodeling my building before eight hours. If not, he can [unintelligible - 00:22:16] to make my building. I start for eight hours after the fire, start work on my building, three years ago. Now, Dr. Rosenberg is still there now. The window broke, the door broke. There's snow inside, frozen pipe. They didn't tell him, "You have to remodel your building." Why? He's a white man. I'm a white man. He's an American citizen. I'm an American citizen. He pay tax. I pay tax. I pay $800 tax – this year, $2,100 tax. But why they can't send him letter, "You have to fix this building." I went to John [unintelligible - 00:23:00]. I 15 said, "Mr. John, cousin," I say, "Will you please write letter to Dr. Rosenberg? He don't want to fix his building?" "All right, I can't force him. I'm not the City Hall." I say, "Can you give me permit at least for the window? Because it froze my pipe and I can't afford it. Even last week, when I was in old country, the pipe froze. They have to call the policeman; they have to call the fireman to close my water. It was leaking, fifth floor to the cellar, my pipe. It cost me $1,000. And they won't help me to [sell]. They won't help me. SPEAKER 1: No? ALI: No. When I went to John [unintelligible - 00:23:41], he charged me $10. He wrote me a letter, a typewritten letter, good English, to Dr. Rosenberg to ask him permit, to give me permit. I buy the wood; I hire the carpenter, just for the window to hold the air. You sue me for $25,000. SPEAKER 1: They can do that? ALI: Yes. Now, I'm under court for $25,000 and that passing, what's that called in English? SPEAKER 1: Damages? ALI: No, pass. SPEAKER 1: Trespassing? ALI: Trespassing. And I send them up by mail, by lawyer. They charge me $10. See? SPEAKER 1: And they're going to sue you? ALI: They sue me already. My lawyer, Solomon, too, is Jewish; Dr. Rosenberg is Jewish. I say, "Two Jewish fight each other." See? To show you I'm not wanted here. SPEAKER 1: Yeah. You said something about you became an American citizen. When did you become one? Do you remember? 16 ALI: 1942 and they took me to intelligence service. Because you can be intelligence service; you have to be citizen. I took my citizen in Durham, North Carolina. SPEAKER 1: Yeah? ALI: That's right. SPEAKER 1: Really? Did you ever become involved in… well, there was no Muslim Church around here. You said that. where is the church? ALI: We have a church in Quincy. We have a church in New York. We have a big church in Washington, D.C. We have a church in Dearborn, Michigan. We have church in Detroit, Michigan. We have church in Cleveland, Ohio. SPEAKER 1: But none really that. do you go to churches around here? ALI: I go to every church. I go to Saint [unintelligible - 00:25:13], I go to Christ Church, I go to Saint Georgia's Church [unintelligible - 00:25:20], I go to Baptist Church. now they move it. It was here. They move it in John Fitch Highway [unintelligible - 00:25:30] down when you go to New Hampshire. Ashby? SPEAKER 1: Oh, Ashby? ALI: In the middle. We have a garage there, a new garage, in the church up the hill, building new. I go there. I go to Jew synagogue. SPEAKER 1: So you're really involved in all of them? ALI: I go to everyone. I don't mind. SPEAKER 1: It doesn't make any difference? ALI: No, we have one God in this world, like I told you yesterday. We have one God in this world, see. SPEAKER 1: Did you ever become involved in any social activities while you did those, you know. like you did the Christmas dinners with people. Anything else that you. any social activities like. did lots of Muslims ever get together and have like dates? ALI: No. SPEAKER 1: Nothing like that? 17 ALI: We have Arabian dance in Boston because [unintelligible - 00:26:14] get married, or [ring show] from Egypt, Lebanon, Beirut, [unintelligible - 00:26:19]. SPEAKER 1: But nothing in this area? ALI: Not in this area, because not much here people. SPEAKER 1: No? ALI: The most 25, 30 people, just young boys. SPEAKER 1: Yeah. What were some of the things that you miss most about home, back in Arabia? Like did you miss the food or the.? ALI: Yes. SPEAKER 1: Do you still cook Arabian food? ALI: I cook any kind but I can't cook Arabian food. SPEAKER 1: You can't? ALI: I can't cook Arabian food. SPEAKER 1: No? ALI: No. I have to go some time in Worcester. They call it [El Morocco]. You've been there? SPEAKER 1: I've heard of it, yeah. ALI: I go there sometime when I want Arabian food. But sometime, invite me, somebody like this people here, Lebanese, sometime invite me. I eat Arabian food. Sometime, I go to my son, I go to my nephew, see. SPEAKER 1: Do you miss that kind of food though? ALI: Yes. SPEAKER 1: You're becoming adjusted to American food though? ALI: Yeah, I like American food. SPEAKER 1: [Unintelligible - 00:27:15]. ALI: Anything to fill your belly. SPEAKER 1: Yeah. ALI: That's all. SPEAKER 1: Do you miss the customs and things like that? 18 ALI: I wear it here. Yes. SPEAKER 1: You were telling me about the marriage customs. I thought that was kind of interesting, you know, how you don't get. like in your country, you don't even see them. ALI: No, you don't see them. SPEAKER 1: Each other before you're married. ALI: See, down there, like I say, I like the custom this way. And I like American custom like we talked yesterday because independent. how you look at it. Number one, down there, you can't have no girlfriend, no boyfriend, only through by your mother, by your father. See, you're married. Okay. When you're married, like I say, depending on your class, how much money you're worth; if you're worth money enough because the money belong to you because you belong to your wife, $2,000. You buy silk handkerchiefs. It's got to be white silk handkerchiefs. You give to the girl's father. The girl father count them. You have to replace it, match it. SPEAKER 1: Match it, yeah. ALI: He put $2,000, you put $2,000. He put $5,000, you put $5,000. He put $10,000, you put $10,000. The girl father, you have to match it. And he call the mother and he give the mother. The mother and the daughter, they go outside next day, buy jewelry, furnishing. SPEAKER 1: Stuff for the house? ALI: Stuff for the girl, for her future. Okay. And after, the boy, he invites everybody. Like I told you, we have dance three nights, see, until 12 or 1 o'clock in the morning. They bring like guitars in old country but call that oud. SPEAKER 1: Oud? ALI: Oud is different. It's round. SPEAKER 1: It's round? Yes. 19 ALI: Yes, beautiful. See? And they play sometime until 4 or 5 o'clock in the morning. Poem. SPEAKER 1: Singing? ALI: Yeah. And people have good time drinking coffee and cinnamon. SPEAKER 1: Yeah, cinnamon. ALI: Oh, beautiful. I love it. SPEAKER 1: But no liquor or nothing? ALI: No liquors, absolutely none. SPEAKER 1: It's against the religion? ALI: If you get caught with empty can beer in your hand or your body, three months in jail without court. SPEAKER 1: Because of your religion? ALI: That's right. SPEAKER 1: Really? ALI: That's right. Now, I can tell you now. But in my time, you see, you can. not allowed. You remember my nephew when he told you I own the hotel. He get busy because I have nightclub. See? And I bring girl from Africa, Algiers, dancing from. from Italy, dancing and advertising in the papers and radio. And everybody, they want to see something different. Because you have to get [unintelligible - 00:30:06] to bring somebody and I bring a lot of people. And when the bartender. they have three bartender and too busy, see. I have to help them. They say, "Mo, give me Schlitz." "This cousin Schlitz?" "No, no, not this one." "This?" "No, no." I start to pick up. I don't care. Beer is the same thing to me. SPEAKER 1: Yeah. ALI: Beer is beer. SPEAKER 1: Yeah. ALI: Everyone has a different name, see. I have a cooler. I can put in 30 case, see. And I do not care. I just pick up. "I don't want this 20 one." "Okay, cousin. Open this." "Okay. No, not this one." "Okay, that's the one. Okay." They drive me. but fast. I want it fast. SPEAKER 1: So when you have your wedding celebrations, you just like to sit, have coffee, things like that. ALI: Coffee. SPEAKER 1: That lasts for three days? ALI: Yes. SPEAKER 1: And the girls last three days, too? Separate? ALI: No, together. SPEAKER 1: Oh, together? ALI: Together, but men dance and sing and the girl behind – same area but not together, see. All right. And after, they make dinner. SPEAKER 1: For everybody? ALI: For everybody. Sometime, even four or five towns, depending how you are well known. I don't know what you call in English. How much you are well known. People know you. Two or three towns, sometimes 10 towns. Sometimes, nobody just your neighbors, see. Sometimes, a lot of people come in, 40, 50, 6000 lambs, sometimes two lamb. But like I say, how much people do you know? SPEAKER 1: So you kill a lamb? ALI: You kill them; you cook them, make dinner. And after, we eat dinner. No, before the dinner, we take the boy, ride in a horse, like I told you, and start a race, see. And after half or one hour, the men bring back the horse and they begin with the dance with the sword and poem./AT/mb/ee
Part four of an interview with Musa Ali of Fitchburg, Massachusetts. Topics include: What marriage customs are like in Saudi Arabia. How he feels about life in the U.S. His feelings about politics. ; 1 ALI: And after, they come in to the club. Remember, I told you about it before, the club. And they step there, there's the food, the mother, the boy, mother and father. Not the girl, mother and father – the boy, mother and father. The food in the house, they bring the food, see, into the club. Everybody eat. And after, when they finish to eat, son would wear-wear white towel and everybody start give, give money. SPEAKER 1: Give money. ALI: Money. No. SPEAKER 1: But you can't. ALI: No gift. Up to you – 50 cents, $10, $100, $3, how much you can afford it. And you give to this man and this man with big voice, "Thank you, girl. Thank you, Mo. Thank you, Mike. Thank you, J.R." And each one, how much he say, he-he say. SPEAKER 1: Thank you for the 50 cents? ALI: Fifty cents. Thank you for the $10. Thank you for $3. Thank you for-for 10 cents, because sometime kid, 10 years old, come in. He [unintelligible - 00:00:54]. "Thank you Mr. so and so," and make even more big name, little one, see. And, uh, the money belong to the boy. And after 9 o'clock at night, they go pick up the girls from her mother and father home. They bring her to the close friend to her husband, or the father. the, her father-in-law. They stay there and they bring the girl same thing. They give her present. All the women give the girl present, see. And after the special limit and the girls go out and the boy walk into the girl, his wife. And that night, they stay together. Everyone talk about it. SPEAKER 1: [Laughs] ALI: And after, next morning, you see the girl, everything, virgin or not. If she's a virgin, she stay. If not virgin, send her back to her mother and father. SPEAKER 1: They can send her back? 2 ALI: That's right. She gets killed. SPEAKER 1: She gets killed? ALI: That's right. She has to tell who is the man. SPEAKER 1: If she tells who the man is. ALI: She had to. She had to. SPEAKER 1: Otherwise, she gets killed? Or she gets killed anyway? ALI: She gets killed and her boyfriend gets killed. They both. SPEAKER 1: Still? ALI: That's right. SPEAKER 1: That's legal? ALI: Legal. That's why you go down there, any girl if she live even 50 years, she is miss. Here, 14 years old, no. SPEAKER 1: [Laughs] ALI: You know. SPEAKER 1: Yeah, I know what you mean. ALI: We can't talk about it. SPEAKER 1: Yeah, I know what you mean. ALI: See? SPEAKER 1: Yeah. ALI: And if everything okay. because even the boy mother and the girl mother, they have to go together. The girl sister and the boy sister, the girl aunt and the boy aunt get to be both side female. Sometime, the boy don't have no mother. He have aunt. The girl aunt, she have to bring her aunt. The boy do not have sister. They bring sister, the girl sister. They both have to be same, you know. SPEAKER 1: Rank, type thing. ALI: Yeah, and bring the girl, examine the girl. If everything okay, they stay the next morning. Next morning, after, the mother and father, both give you present again. Your mother and father and the boy mother and father give the girl present. And you go for the honeymoon. 3 SPEAKER 1: Otherwise you get killed. ALI: That's right. SPEAKER 1: Still, huh? That's strange. ALI: That's right. SPEAKER 1: Wow, that's. any other customs, things that you miss? The weddings are not like that now that you go to, not in this country at least. It's not, definitely not legal. ALI: No. SPEAKER 1: You know, you can't. ALI: See, the first wedding I saw in my life. because I don't like to go to the wedding because you have to drink, see. I'll never forget it, to change the subject. I once go with a girl, Lebanese girl, in Boston. She work in a radio. She could sing, have beautiful voice, and I like good time. I love good time. I can walk a hundred miles just to enjoy myself, like I told you when I go have dinner. I like to go to opera and listen. I love a good time. And I was go with her over three years, that girl. And she's Catholic, too. One day, her birthday coming. She say, "Mo, now, today my birthday. I want you to come to my birthday." [Unintelligible - 00:04:18] see. I want to give her present. "No, you have to come give me present in front of everybody because you're my boyfriend." Jesus Christ! What am I going to do? I have to take my brother and my cousin with me, the three of us together because I feel ashamed to go alone. We went together with a lot of people. And everybody drink. And the Lebanese drink arak. I don't know if you understand that. SPEAKER 1: Adac? ALI: Arak. This white whiskey like vodka. It's strong, 100 proof. Everybody drink arak because Lebanese they love that even for dinner. You have to drink a glass of arak before you eat, see. "Mo, drink. I'm your girlfriend." "Honey, I can't drink." "Drink 4 beer." "I can't drink." "Wine." "I can't drink nothing." "Smoke." "I can't smoke." "Dance." "I can't dance." SPEAKER 1: Dance is against your religion, too? ALI: No, I love dance but. SPEAKER 1: You don't know how? ALI: I feel ashamed. I don't know how to dance. I went to school here when I came to Fitchburg. SPEAKER 1: A dance school? ALI: Dance school. SPEAKER 1: Rice, Marion Rice? ALI: No. One there. I forgot their name. She live behind State Teacher College. SPEAKER 1: Oh, I don't remember. ALI: She move from here now. And her husband don't like it. Her husband, he don't like me to dance with her because she take me to her home, private lesson. SPEAKER 1: Oh, private lessons. Yeah. ALI: See? And her husband don't like it. I say, "Honey, what." She say, "Mo, I'm sorry. I come sometime." She come and start teach me. And after. I love to dance. If I find somebody teach me now, honest to god, I will go. But not somebody I know. Somebody I know, my feet start to go like this, like rubber. I feel ashamed, see. And she give me. I say, "Give me a glass of water," to my girlfriend. She's [unintelligible - 00:06:10]. Her father big lawyer in Boston. SPEAKER 1: Yeah? ALI: Yeah. I say, "Give me glass of water, white water." SPEAKER 1: So it looks like. ALI: It look like arak. She carries the food. She give me glass. There was beer in it and it is not washed. When I put in my mouth, I get sick. 5 SPEAKER 1: Really? ALI: Yes. And I would drink the beer but. it smelled like beer but was not washed, not clean, see. You see, dishes I wash myself here because I know what I do, see. And I get sick three weeks. SPEAKER 1: Because of that? ALI: That's right. Everything I eat, come out. That's right. Since that time, I don't like to go to some party. SPEAKER 1: And you didn't see that girlfriend again? ALI: No, we break up. SPEAKER 1: Yeah. I was going to say. I know you have a newspaper and stuff like that, so you at least keep in touch that way with the Arabic newspaper. You can read the news in your own language and things like that. ALI: Yes. SPEAKER 1: Do you have any books? Do you read any books that are still Arabic? ALI: Yes. SPEAKER 1: You can get hold of.? ALI: Yes. I show my library. SPEAKER 1: Yeah. You buy books and things like that? ALI: No, no, American library. I'm going to open American library in old country. SPEAKER 1: Oh, you are? ALI: Yes. When you stop it, I'll show you. SPEAKER 1: So you have books at least. ALI: Yes. I love library. I love books. I love to meet somebody, talk different subject because I like to learn something. SPEAKER 1: Did you ever think of going back to school maybe? Or going to school? ALI: I like to do it if I find somebody to teach me slowly, then I learn. I love to go. I went two years to night school here in Leominster 6 High School. But after I met a lot of people, I quit. They say, "Jesus Christ, Mo, shame on you. Big man like you go to school?" I say, "I want to learn." SPEAKER 1: Yeah, you should keep going anyway. ALI: I feel ashamed. SPEAKER 1: You shouldn't. You should go. I mean, that's really good that you want it, at least. Do you miss a lot of the people back home or.? ALI: Yes. SPEAKER 1: Yeah. ALI: But now, after 39 years. SPEAKER 1: You have new friends. ALI: Yeah. And I tell you now, when I went to this trip, honest I do not know not much people. SPEAKER 1: No? ALI: No. SPEAKER 1: Just family or.? ALI: Just family and old boys and girls. I don't know them. They have to introduce themselves, "You know my father, Mr. so and so. You know my mother, Mrs." "Oh, yes." [Unintelligible - 00:08:38] I get lost. I don't know them. Even my real cousin, I don't know until they introduce themselves to me, see. You know, 39 years I'm here. When I go there, I stay one month, 20 days, 45 days, see. I come back. I don't have no time to learn. And down there like you see here, everybody invites you. Everybody invites you. And they fight. "You have to come to my house. You have to come to my house." If you say no, you insult them. Like Arabian custom, they have bad habit. If you come to my house, you have to eat. You have to drink. If you can't eat, at least have a cup of coffee. Have a cup of tea. Have a glass of milk. Have ginger ale. If you don't have, you insult me, see. You have to. 7 Now, my nephew, you see, he want to take me tomorrow and take me Saturday. "No, I don't want it two days." SPEAKER 1: But you are insulting him then? ALI: But no, I said once. I say, "I go with you once." SPEAKER 1: Oh, you go with him once? ALI: I say, "I told you I'll go tomorrow." SPEAKER 1: Oh, okay. That makes it better, I suppose. ALI: You have to go, see. SPEAKER 1: What were some of the things that you enjoyed most about your life here, the new things? Like maybe you had more freedom or things like that? ALI: Here, like I say. freedom, yes. Not over there. Down there, you never see men put their leg on top of each other. SPEAKER 1: Cross his legs? No? ALI: No, because now, I sit down here, see and you sit down here. I put my feet like that, right? All right, you sit down here. Me, I insult you. You're just nothing, only like my sole. SPEAKER 1: Oh, I see. ALI: See? SPEAKER 1: Yeah. ALI: When it happen to me in Vermont, Montpelier, Vermont. I told you when I was [unintelligible - 00:10:32]. I went to some store, I sold them oriental rugs, 9 x 12, and I got my license, $50 they charge me. The state. I thought that state meant state, every place. But by the law, no. The state, only in the highway. The city different, the town different. I don't know that. When I get the license, Montpelier, the capital, I went to Main Street. Even I bought three suit because you see I don't have no money, the first customer. I say, "I buy clothes from you. Make it three." I took three suit, three shoes, three shirts, unique tie from them. I say, "Make it three." I sold the rugs. I took all the stuff. I make a 8 profit of $20 besides, see. When I walk out, two policemen coming. One hold my arm, one hold my arm and carry my suitcase, took me to the jail. Down there, the court always the judge wear black. Down there in Montpelier, Vermont, when they took me to the court, old men fight, spit coming in his lips here, and he put his feet in front of my face like this. SPEAKER 1: Really? On the table? ALI: On the table. I was down there and he's down here and he put his feet close to my face. I grab his feet and throw them down. Old man, he fall down and break his hip. They took him to the hospital. The policeman right away pick me up, put me in jail with the. SPEAKER 1: Handcuffs? ALI: No. Steel in the window. SPEAKER 1: Oh, bars. ALI: Bars. He say, "That man is crazy. He hit the judge." See, I'm a man. You don't have to put. his feet is not familiar to me. My brother look for me for dinner. No, 6 o'clock. I mean, 3 o'clock, 4 o'clock, 5 o'clock, 6 o'clock. No more. He had to call the policeman. He say, "Maybe this man is a crazy man." "What do you mean crazy man? How he look?" He told him. He say, "That's him." He came. He say, "What are you doing?" I said, "You know, look, they put me here." And I can't speak much English that time either. SPEAKER 1: Right. Yeah. ALI: He say, "What you done?" I told him. "One old buck son of a gun." I was swearing like a devil. "He foot almost close to my nose. I'm not a mat. He should put his feet in the floor, get to be, you know." SPEAKER 1: Right on the floor. 9 ALI: "Right flat in the floor like a gentleman." He say, "No, this not your country. This is American country." Now, I don't care. I go to lawyer sometime. Him and I, we talk together. He put his feet like this. "Blah, blah, blah, blah." SPEAKER 1: It's hard to get used to these things. ALI: You get used to it. SPEAKER 1: Oh, yeah, I could see. It gets you in a lot of trouble, especially like getting thrown in jail. ALI: And this country, we are most [unintelligible - 00:13:34] you know, and my brother [unintelligible - 00:13:39], see. And the judge was [unintelligible - 00:13:43] and mother was [unintelligible - 00:13:45]. They are brothers. "You see, well this, you know, this man is a young fellow. He's a crazy man. [Unintelligible - 00:13:54] He say, "No, you are dismissed. Just pay $28 fine." SPEAKER 1: Oh, geez. ALI: I pay through my brother the $28 fine and he take me out. I never throw no man no more then. SPEAKER 1: What were some other things that you liked? Things like TV and stuff like that, that must have been something different, right? ALI: Well, honey, the TV just now. But in my time, they have no TV, even not radio. SPEAKER 1: No? ALI: No. Now, we have TV just exactly like here. Only naturally, the people, the act is different. They speak a different language, see. Just like here. Sometimes, you see Spanish, see. SPEAKER 1: But you think you have more privileges as being an American citizen or. like you said, you probably have more freedom, things like. well, voting, you must have had. ALI: Here? SPEAKER 1: Yeah. 10 ALI: Yes, here. there is more freedom here. You can say what you like to say. When I run for mayor, I sit down in the city hall, Fitchburg City Hall, I call the mayor anything I want in two radio station, WFGL and WEIM. I was in the middle and Mayor George Burton, our representative, he was in front of me and John [unintelligible - 00:15:07] was next to me. I talk anything I want against him, see. And nobody can say nothing to me. SPEAKER 1: Because you're their equal. ALI: That's right. I'm American citizen. I'm a taxpayer, see. Any way they look at me, I'm there – American citizen, taxpayer, city man. I live in here 22 years now, see. SPEAKER 1: How long have you lived in this place now? Three years, right here? ALI: I think more than three years. Yeah. I built it. SPEAKER 1: You built this house? ALI: Yes. It was two houses here. I throw them out. I bring this truck, push them, throw them in the. they have brook here, see. And I build this house. SPEAKER 1: Really? ALI: Yeah, because I like to be alone. I don't want nobody bother me because, you know, when you work for the government, you get a lot of trouble. I told you a while ago about what happened in Boston, see. When I came here, I say, "I don't want nobody, just guest." Like now, you and I, we're talking. I don't have to be worried. We don't have to insult nobody. We don't have to go under order. "You have to do this. You have to do that." See? A lot of trouble! This way, I say, "I'm here. Shut the door. Leave my dog loose and nobody come. If somebody use the phone, I'm not here." If you're not here, you won't see no light here. I say, "I'll watch TV until I fall asleep." And I go to bed. I open the radio – when you're not here. When you're here, we're talking. I 11 like company, somebody talking. At least, when your mouth busy, your mind relax. You know that. SPEAKER 1: That's true. ALI: When your mouth close, your mind working, see. I like to have company but I won't invite any person either, because when you mix with low, you don't have nothing to learn. You have to mix with somebody smart more than you to learn something. SPEAKER 1: Does that mean I'm smarter than you are? [Laughs] ALI: You're smart. SPEAKER 1: [Laughs] Oh, I don't know. I don't agree with you but, yeah, I can see your point. You can learn something from just about everybody. ALI: That's right. SPEAKER 1: So you had your own like newspapers and magazines. Did you have a radio station or anything like that? ALI: Yes, just Sunday. SPEAKER 1: Just on Sunday? In Arabic? ALI: Yes, in Boston. SPEAKER 1: Yeah? Does it still exist now? ALI: Yes. Nine o'clock in the morning. SPEAKER 1: And those are on your native language. Did you have any trouble reading English or do you. can you read English that well now? ALI: I read English but some words I don't understand. SPEAKER 1: Yeah, bigger words, yeah. But you do. you know, pretty well, right? ALI: If you read all the sentence sometime, you get the idea. SPEAKER 1: Right, yeah. But you're self-taught really, too. ALI: Oh, I teach myself. SPEAKER 1: Yeah, that's something. Do you have any political. so you've talked about how involved you are in politics – do you have any political preference? Do you belong to a certain party? 12 ALI: Before, I was in Democrat Party, until Mr. Kennedy [unintelligible - 00:18:19] politics. One Arabian girl in Boston, she call him up by phone. She say, "Why, you [unintelligible - 00:18:28] against the Arabs?" He wrote her a letter. He say, "[Unintelligible - 00:18:35] to Washington to clean all the Arab, to kill all the Arabs." SPEAKER 1: President Kennedy? ALI: That's right. No, not president. SPEAKER 1: Oh, senator. ALI: Senator, yeah, which we have now. And the girl, actually she's Arabian. He thought she's a Jewish. And she in touch with me. And I get the letter and his signature. I took to Fitchburg Sentinel and he refuse to print for me. I say, "How much you want? I'll pay." SPEAKER 1: Yeah. He wouldn't publish it. ALI: He wouldn't publish it. I went to [unintelligible - 00:19:14] telegram. [Dave] Martin, do you know him? SPEAKER 1: No, but I. ALI: He's the manager. SPEAKER 1: Manager? ALI: I say, "Cousin, I'll pay all you want, just take the letter, put in a paper." SPEAKER 1: Yeah. ALI: "You can't deny that is his signature." He say, "Jesus Christ, I know." I say, "I'm not [unintelligible - 00:19:33]. I'm not Democrat, I'm Republican." SPEAKER 1: Oh, you changed about that. You didn't get it published in any paper? ALI: No. SPEAKER 1: This is a Kennedy statement. ALI: That's right. 13 SPEAKER 1: So that really changed your. are you active now or.? ALI: No. SPEAKER 1: Are you still Republican? ALI: No. I'm changed now to independent. I have. SPEAKER 1: Political situation up to. so you're not really an active member anymore? ALI: No. See, I have a mail sent. I have from government. SPEAKER 1: Sergeant? ALI: No. Sergeant once work for me. SPEAKER 1: Sergeant worked for you? ALI: That's right. SPEAKER 1: Where was this? ALI: In the hotel. SPEAKER 1: Oh, really? ALI: As a waiter. SPEAKER 1: He was a waiter? ALI: That's right. SPEAKER 1: Really? That's nice. [Laughs] ALI: I have a letter from Governor. in Texas. What's his name? Reagan. SPEAKER 1: Reagan? ALI: Yeah, he writes to me. SPEAKER 1: Really? ALI: That's right. SPEAKER 1: Geez. So you're just independent and you're not that active anymore? You try to keep out of politics? ALI: No, I only try to keep out. SPEAKER 1: Yes, that's probably the same thing. So after you lived here for a while, you went back a couple times or did you write back to the people back home? Did you ever encourage people to come here to live? Did you.?14 ALI: No, [unintelligible - 00:20:57] no because. SPEAKER 1: They were happier there. ALI: If we work over there, much work in here. We make money more for them, more in here, see. If we sacrifice our time, like what we do is sacrifice here. we are down there, we happy more we are here. At least down there, nobody call you damn foreigner. I don't care what you do in here. They call me damn foreigner, see. When I ask even the chief of police here, when he call me that word, I say, "Why your face black, mister?" He say, "I'm not black." I say, "Look to your face, black." He say, "I'm Irishman." I say, "Thank god, you're Irishman." He say, "Why?" I say, "At least, the Arabs, we have a language. The Irish don't have no language." The judge kick me out, see. Then he's a foreigner, too. When he say, "I'm Irish," I say, "Thank god, you're Irishman. At least, I have a language. You have no language and you are damn foreigner, too, mister." The judge kick me out. Here, I don't care what you do, honey, still when they get mad on you. SPEAKER 1: You're still a foreigner. ALI: They call you foreigner. But by the United States Constitution, we're all foreigner. But we don't like this word, call you damn foreigner. I know I'm foreigner but I don't like somebody call me damn foreigner. I'm just like. SPEAKER 1: You've got the rights of the rest of us. ALI: That's right. SPEAKER 1: Yeah. So you never encouraged any of your relatives or friends to come over here? ALI: No. SPEAKER 1: No. Would you ever consider going back there to live? ALI: Yes. SPEAKER 1: Yeah? You think you will? ALI: Yes, yes. If I stay there, I have more property, I have 34 stores. 15 SPEAKER 1: In.? ALI: In Palestine. SPEAKER 1: Really? ALI: That's right. I have two factories, blacksmith factories, and I have tiles to the floor. And tile factory, not like what we have tile here. Down there, cement tile, one inch think, the cement and they have a design. When you put it in the floor. I wish I got a picture to show you. When you put it in the floor, you could just swear to god, they are oriental rugs. SPEAKER 1: Really? ALI: Yes. And you could wash it, you wash it, you wash it, never fade because mixed with the cement. It's a cement tile. It's 1 inch thick, 9 inches square. I have a factory down there. I have [unintelligible - 00:23:32] stores, four apartment. I have two houses besides that – one house, five apartment, one house, four apartment. If I collect the rent, I'm happy down there. SPEAKER 1: So you've got really everything going for you back there? ALI: That's right. SPEAKER 1: And you think you will probably go back? ALI: Yes. SPEAKER 1: Yeah? ALI: Now, I hope. this week, I sold one building here, $300,000, in Fitchburg. Yeah, this week it can be sold. In [unintelligible - 00:24:02] I'll take it to market myself. No interest. I don't want no interest. SPEAKER 1: Yeah. Yeah, I can see that. ALI: I think I told you before. No interest and you pay me like the bank monthly. You pay me $500 a month, 15 years, see. I could live in $500 a month alone. I'm not. I'm not expensive man, do drinking and go to party. I don't do that, see. I could live just in one building alone. Forget the hotel. Forget the restaurant and 16 different property. I have house. I sold two houses, one in Franklin Street, one Westminster Street, see. I have house in Summer Street. I have house in Pleasant Street, see. I sell them and I take the mortgage. No bank. You pay me by monthly fee and send me check. You don't have to see me. I don't have to see you. Send me check every month. You have a book and I have a book, you know, record, see. SPEAKER 1: Do you think that your life has worked out better for you here than it would have in your native land or.? ALI: No, I can't do it if I stayed there. Politics is dirty, see. I can't help it. I'm a man. I like to be freedom. SPEAKER 1: Yeah. You like to say what you feel. ALI: I like to say. if I say, "I like you," I say, "I like you." If I don't like you, I say, "I don't like you," face to face. But this is against me. If I tell you in face, "I like you," as soon you turn your back, I start to talk about you. That's against me. I can't say that. I believe my opinion and what I believe in my heart. If I don't like you, I say in your face, I don't like you. SPEAKER 1: Not behind my back. ALI: In your back, if somebody ask me, "How's the girl?" I say, "She's a good girl. She is wonderful." I never say nothing bad, because human being is funny. Never repeat the same word. I don't know if I told you that story, one man he had four children. His wife, she cook him two eggs every single day – hard boiled eggs. The human being, I don't know if you know that, two kind. Some of us, if you work hard, you eat more. Some of us, if you work hard, more appetite. This man, his kind if he work hard, no appetite. She give him everyday two eggs. One day, that day, some day, you know, one day, he hit the trees. He's a woodcutter. That time, no coal, no gas. You have to cook hot water, everything by wood. When he cut the trees that day, he come in hardwood. He can't cut 17 it fast. He's wear out his arm tight. He went home, he eat one egg, he left one egg. Now, as soon as he went home, he throw himself in the floor. That time, no mattress, no bed, a long time ago. One egg roll from his pocket. At 2 o'clock in the morning, his wife she [unintelligible - 00:27:25] put that wood, tell the donkey to go to the city, sell [unintelligible - 00:27:30]. Then she went back to bed, wake up in the morning, she took the blanket, throw the blanket, she find the egg. She say, "Aha! He have a girlfriend, my husband." Yesterday, he didn't meet his girlfriend. That's why he left the eggs in his pocket." See? SPEAKER 1: Yeah. ALI: Every day, when he come back from work, sell the wood then come back, see, until the next morning. Now, he got up. He didn't want to go to cut wood again. She comes say, "Honey, don't feel bad. Someday we have four children and someday they're going to be big boys, help you and help me. We don't have to work our life." You know. That day, he come in and say, "Have I anything to eat, honey?" "Don't honey me. You know what you get in your house. Go ahead and eat." "Geez, what happened to you? You changed." "Don't talk to me anymore. Don't bother me." "Honey, I'm not god. Just tell me what's your trouble." She say, "I'll tell you what's your trouble. I'm not enough for you? So why?" She say, "Yesterday, you don't meet your girlfriend. You don't give her the eggs. Huh? You have girlfriend beside me. Why don't you divorce me?" He laugh. The man was smart enough. He laugh. She say, "Why are you laughing?" He say, "Did you hear the rooster, he lay one egg a year?" Maybe you hear that story. The rooster always. like impossible. He say the rooster he lay one egg a year. She say, "Yes, I hear that." "Is the rooster male or female?" She say, "Male." He say, "Man, male or female?" She say, "Male." He say, "What's the difference? 18 Every male, he lay egg a year." She say, "Why didn't you lay before?" He say, "Before, I come lay wood. This time, I come lay egg. I can't help it. That's all." [Unintelligible - 00:29:25] Poor lady, she believe it. She smile to him and she cook for him and make dinner, but she can't wait. She went to tell her mother. "Mommy, my husband lay big egg like this." "This here eggs? They're chicken eggs, not." The mother say, "Crazy." "No, mommy. I pick it up with my hand, mommy." Her mother told her daughter. "You know, your brother-in-law can lay two eggs, eggs like this." The girls natural when they go in the old country, they have no city water. You have to go four or five miles to bring water, on the top of the head. You maybe see that picture. SPEAKER 1: Yeah. ALI: No, I don't have any here. SPEAKER 1: Yeah. ALI: See? They carry the water. They tell each other. They went to the judge, to the court. "The man lay 99 eggs a day." In that time, he collect the tax, [unintelligible - 00:30:27] every ninth, the government take one tenth, see. The judge he get 99. He can't take 10. You have to make hundred until he get 10 eggs. He sent the policeman after this man. He say, "Mister, you steal the government." He say, "What?" He say, "You lay eggs, a hundred eggs a day. You didn't give the government tax." The man laughed. He say, "Judge, you crazy? You drunk?" "Why?" "I can't lay eggs." He say, "Yes, you lay eggs, hundred eggs a day." [Unintelligible - 00:31:09] and he tell me the story, "I have four kids and [unintelligible - 00:31:11]." "Listen, I know you're poor. You have big family to support." He say, "We forget what past. But tomorrow morning, don't knock my door. Leave 10 eggs behind my door. I have breakfast, me and my children." Ten eggs because tenth of the hundred. The man smiled. He say, 19 "Judge, please listen to me, and say what you want after." He say, "What?" He say such and such story, "I lie to my wife because I can't take care of her four children. I lie to her to please her. If she break my house, she's going to leave me and I can't cook for the kids, I can't give bath to kids. I lie to her just to keep her happy. I say one egg a year like a rooster." The judge start thinking, "Could be because no man lay./AT/mb/ee
DER VÖLKERKRIEG BAND 7 Der Völkerkrieg (-) Der Völkerkrieg Band 7 (7 / 1917) ( - ) Einband ( - ) [Abb.]: Erzherzog Joseph. ( - ) Titelseite ( - ) Impressum ( - ) Der Völkerkrieg. Der italienische Krieg während des dritten Kriegshalbjahres. Italien und der Vatikan während des dritten Kriegshalbjahres. Der türkische Krieg während des dritten Kriegshalbjahres. Die Türkei während des dritten Kriegshalbjahres. Aus Persien und Afghanistan. Von Februar 1915 bis Februar 1916. Die Ereignisse in Marokko. Von September 1914 bis Februar 1916. ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Der Monte Santo nördlich von Görz am mittleren Isonzo. (2)Bersaglieri auf einem vorgeschobenen Posten am Isonzo. ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Ein österreichisch-ungarischer Beobachtungsposten in Tirol. (2)Blick von Tarvis gegen Süden. ( - ) Der italienische Krieg während des dritten Kriegshalbjahres. Von Anfang August 1915 bis Mitte Februar 1916. Fortsetzung von Band VIII, Seiten 1 bis 149. ([1]) Das Rätsel der Isonzo-Front. ([1]) Zusammenfassende Darstellung der Kämpfe auf den italienischen Kriegsschauplätzen. Vom 10. August 1915 bis 15. Februar 1916. (3) Zwischen den Isonzo-Schlachten. Vom 10. August bis 11. Oktober 1915. (3) Der italienische Generalangriff vom Chiese zum Isonzo. Von Mitte Oktober bis Mitte November 1915. (5) [2 Abb.]: (1)Ein italienisches Maschinengewehr wird im Hochgebirge auf eine Höhenstellung gebracht. (2)Teile italienischer Geschütze werden auf Maultieren in die Bergstellungen gebracht. ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Ein italienisches Panzerautomobil vor der Abfahrt zur Front. (2)Eine österreichisch-ungarische Elektro-Benzin-Feldbahn im Karstgebiet. ( - ) Die Parlamentsschlacht und die Winterkämpfe. Vom 9. November 1915 bis 15. Februar 1916. (10) Zwischen den Isonzoschlachten. (15) Die Kämpfe an der Isonzofront. Vom 10. August bis 11. Oktober 1915. (15) Chronologische Uebersicht nach den österreichisch-ungarischen Generalstabsmeldungen. Alle wichtigeren italienischen Generalstabsmeldungen sind zur Ergänzung beigegeben. Vgl. die Karte Band VIII, S. 99. (15) [2 Abb.]: (1)Ein österreichisch-ungarischer Mörser in Deckung. (2)Ein italienisches schweres Geschütz in Stellung. ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Drahthindernisse an der österreichisch-ungarischen Isonzofront. (2)Eine Wegsperre an der österreichisch-ungarischen Isonzofront. ( - ) Die Kämpfe um den Tolmeiner Brückenkopf. Vom 13. bis 23. August 1915. (26) Die Schlacht bei Tolmein und Flitsch. Vom 10. bis 20. September 1915. (31) [2 Abb.]: (1)Ein Lager österreichisch-ungarischer Truppen im Krn-Gebiet (Monte Nero). (2)Blick auf den oberen Isonzo. - Eine italienische Granate explodiert im Fluß. ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Eine österreichisch-ungarische Talsperre im Krn-Gebiet (Monte Nero). (2)Aufstieg von Tragtieren im Krn-Gebiet (Monte Nero). ( - ) Die Kämpfe im Tiroler und Kärntner Grenzgebiet I. Vom 11. August bis 11. Oktober 1915. (33) Chronologische Uebersicht nach den österreichisch-ungarischen Generalstabsmeldungen. Alle wichtigeren italienischen Generalstabsmeldungen sind zur Ergänzung beigegeben. Vgl. die Karten in Band VIII, zwischen Seiten 16 und 17 sowie S. 51 und 99. (33) [2 Abb.]: (1)Eine österreichisch-ungarische Gebirgskanone in Tirol in Feuerstellung. (2)Oesterreichisch-ungarische Vorposten im Gefecht in den Tiroler Bergen. ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Innsbrucker Standschützen vor ihrem Abmarsch zur Front. (2)Ein gegen Feindessicht geschützter Fußweg an der österreichisch-ungarischen Tiroler Front. ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Ein katholischer Geistlicher im Gespräch mit österreichisch-ungarischen Soldaten. (2)Unterstand österreichich-ungarischer Offiziere oberhalb des Forts Hensel im Saifnitztal. ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Ein maskierter österreichisch-ungarischer Schützengraben in einem Tiroler Hochtal. (2)Der österreichisch-ungarische Armeekommandant dekoriert die Helden von Fort Hensel. ( - ) Die Kämpfe am Monte Piano. Vom 11. bis 15. August 1915. (44) Das Gefecht am Fedaja-Paß. Am 14./15. August 1915. (46) Die Kämpfe um den Tonalepaß. Vom 15. bis 25. August 1915. (47) Die italienische Niederlage bei Lafraun. Vom 15. bis 25. August 1915. (48) Die italienische Schlappe im Sextener Abschnitt. Vom 1. bis 6. September 1915. (50) Der Angriff auf den Paradiespaß südlich der Tonalestraße. Am 14. September 1915. (51) Das Gefecht um die Sedeh-Hütte. Vom 17. bis 25. September 1915. (52) Die Bestürmung und Eroberung des Monte Coston am 22. September 1915. (54) An der kärnterischen Grenze. (55) Episoden. (56) Die Proklamation d'Annunzios an die Bürgerschaft von Trient. (56) [2 Abb.]: (1)Straßenbild aus Vielgereuth (Folgaria). (2)Ein Artillerielaufgraben an der österreichisch-ungarischen Front in Tirol. ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Generalmajor Goiginger mit seinem engeren Stab an der Tiroler Front. (2)An der Tiroler Front gefangene Italiener in Erwartung ihres Mittagessens. ( - ) Eine italienische Heldentat. (57) Ein Fliegerangriff auf Brescia. (57) Der italienische Generalangriff vom Chiesefluß bis zum Isonzo. (58) Die vierte Isonzoschlacht. Vom 12. Oktober bis zum 8. November 1915. (58) Chronologische Uebersicht nach den österreichisch-ungarischen Generalstabsmeldungen. (58) [2 Abb.]: (1)Tiroler Standschützen auf einem Felsgrat. (2)Oesterreichisch-ungarische Truppen bei einem Aufstieg durch Moränen. ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Eine Maschinengewehrabteilung der Tiroler Landesschützen. (2)Von den österreichisch-ungarischen Truppen gebaute Drahtseilbahn zur Beförderung von Munition und Proviant im Kampfgebiet an der Tiroler Front. ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Ein österreichisch-ungarischer 30,5 cm Mörser im Feuer an der Isonzofront. (2)Sandkörbe werden zum Ausbau der österreichisch-ungarischen Stellungen am Isonzo an die Front gebracht. ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Oesterreichisch-ungarische Truppen in einem Dorfe an der Isonzofront. (2)Ein österreichisch-ungarischer Scheinwerferzug auf dem Marsche zur Isonzofront. ( - ) Der Verlauf der vierten Isonzoschlacht. Vom 17. Oktober bis 3. November 1915. (67) [2 Abb.]: (1)Um Monte San Michele gefangen genommene Italiener beim Abtransport. (2)In italienische Gefangenschaft geratene österreichisch-ungarische Soldaten hinter der Kampffront. ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Brotbäckerei in Erdbacköfen hinter der österreichisch-ungarischen Isonzofront. (2)Oesterreichisch-ungarische Truppen ruhen hinter der Isonzofront in einem Zeltlager, das durch Zweige gegen Fliegersicht geschützt ist. ( - ) Am Monte San Michele. Aus den Kämpfen der ersten Novembertage 1915. Bericht aus dem K.u.K. Kriegspressequartier vom 12. November 1915. (73) Episoden aus der vierten (dritten) Isonzo-Schlacht. Bericht aus dem K.u.K. Kriegspressequartier vom 29. November 1915. (76) Die Kämpfe im Tiroler und Kärntner Grenzgebiet II. Vom 12. Oktober bis 12. November 1915. (79) Chronologische Uebersicht nach den österreichisch-ungarischen Generalstabsmeldungen. Alle wichtigeren italienischen Generalstabsmeldungen sind zur Ergänzung beigegeben. (79) Die österreichisch-ungarischen Sperrforts im Tiroler und Kärntner Grenzgebiet unter italienischem Feuer. (85) [2 Abb.]: (1)Ein österreichisch-ungarischer Beobachtungsposten in den völlig zusammengeschossenen Klostergebäulichkeiten des Monte Santo bei Görz. (2)Ein Unterstand österreichisch-ungarischer Truppen auf der Podgorahöhe nördlich von Görz. ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Oesterreichisch-ungarische Offiziersmesse im Krngebiet. Der Regimentskommandeur sitzt in der Mitte. (2)Oesterreichisch-ungarisches Lager an der Isonzofront. ( - ) Episoden. (90) Ein Nachfolger Sepp Innerkoflers. (90) Der Ziegenhirt. (90) Von den Verteidigern der Naglerspitze. (91) Die Winterkämpfe. Die Parlamentsschlacht und die Winterkämpfe am Isonzo. Vom 9. November 1915 bis 15. Februar 1916. (92) Chronologische Uebersicht nach den österreichisch-ungarischen Generalstabsmeldungen. (92) [2 Abb.]: (1)Das Kampfgebiet des Col die Lana. (2)Oesterreichisch-ungarische Truppen beim Bau eines Unterstandes in den Dolomiten. ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Die Cadini, Marmarolles und der Monte Cristallo von der Plätzwiese aus. (2)Gesamtansicht von Riva am Gardasee. ( - ) [Abb.]: Blick in das Isonzotal. - Im Hintergrund Artillerie in Tätigkeit. ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Oesterreichisch-ungarische Truppen kehren nach der Ablösung aus der Schwarmlinie vom Doberdo-Plateau in ihre Standquartiere zurück. (2)Aus einem Schützengraben der österreichisch-ungarischen Isonzofront. ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Eine Straße in der Stadt Görz nach einer Beschießung. (2)Die Reste der Klosterkirche auf dem Monte Santo bei Görz. ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Ungarische Husaren als Vorposten in der Isonzofront. (2)Oesterreichisch-ungarische Truppen beim Bau von Schützengräben an der Isonzofront. ( - ) Die Parlamentsschlacht. (Die fünfte Isonzoschlacht). Vom 9. November bis Anfang Dezember 1915. (109) Ratternder Tod. (112) Die Wiedereroberung des Kirchenrückens von Oslavija. Am 14. und 24. Januar 1916. (113) In den österreichisch-ungarischen Schützengräben und hinter der Front auf der Doberdo-Hochfläche. (114) Im Winter auf den Höhen des Krn. (118) Im Kampf um den Rombon. (119) [2 Abb.]: (1)Eine österreichisch-ungarische Patrouille erklimmt eine Felsenwand an der Tiroler Grenze. (2)Ein italienisches Geschütz wird im Tiroler Kampfgebiet in eine Bergstellung gebracht. ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Transport italienischer Gefangener in Tirol. (2)Ein russisches Maschinengewehr in Stellung gegen die Italiener an der kärntnerischen Front. ( - ) Die Beschießung von Görz. Vom 18. Oktober 1915 bis Mitte Februar 1916. (121) [2 Abb.]: (1)Transport österreichisch-ungarischer Verwundeten von einer Bergstellung in den Dolomiten nach den Verbandplatz. (2)Oesterreichisch-ungarische Soldaten bei einem Handgranatenangriff aus einem Schützengraben in den Dolomiten. ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Eine österreichisch-ungarische Patrouille unter Führung des Tiroler Dichters Hauptmann Arthur von Wallpach im Hochgebirge an der Tiroler Grenze. (2)Ein Alpini-Vorposten an der Tiroler Grenze. ( - ) Episoden. (126) Die Zerstörung des Schlosses Duino durch die Italiener und der österreichisch-ungarische Denkmälerschutz in der Kriegszone. (126) Eine Nachtkanonade am Isonzo. (127) Ein Patrouillenkampf. (127) [2 Abb.]: (1)Befestigungen vor den österreichisch-ungarischen Stellungen der Tiroler Front. (2)Ein italienischer Schützengraben am Großen Pal an der Kärntner Front. ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Oesterreichisch-ungarische Heldengräber in den Dolomiten. (2)Oesterreichisch-ungarische Truppen vor ihren verschneiten Unterständen in den Dolomiten. ( - ) Die Kämpfe in den Tiroler und Kärntner Grenzgebieten III. Vom 13. November 1915 bis 15. Februar 1916. (129) Chronologische Uebersicht nach den österreichisch-ungarischen Generalstabsmeldungen. Alle wichtigeren italienischen Generalstabsmeldungen sind zur Ergänzung beigegeben. (129) Im Winter in den Hochgebirgsstellungen der Tiroler und Kärntner Front. (136) [2 Abb.]: (1)Ein Kampfflugzeug der österreichisch-ungarischen Armee. (2)Landung eines österreichisch-ungarischen Kampfflugzeuges nach dem erfolgreichen Bombardement einer oberitalienischen Festung. ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Oesterreichisch-ungarisches Wasserflugzeug über der Adria. (2)Start eines Wasserflugzeugs der österreichisch-ungarischen Marine. ( - ) Die Luftangriffe auf Verona, Mailand, Schio und Brescia am 14. November 1915 sowie am 14. und 15. Februar 1916. (138) Die Luft- und Seekämpfe in der Adria. (141) Die Luftkämpfe. Von Mitte August 1915 bis Mitte Februar 1916. (141) Chronologische Uebersicht nach den Meldungen des K.u.K. Flottenkommandos und ergänzenden Mitteilungen. (141) Der Luftangriff auf Venedig. Am 5. September 1915. (144) Die Luftangriffe auf Triest und Venedig. Am 24. und 25. Oktober 1915. (145) Von den Flottenkämpfen in der Adria. Von Mitte August 1915 bis Mitte Februar 1916. (147) Chronologische Ueberischt nach den Meldungen des K.u.K. Flottenkommandos und ergänzenden Mitteilungen. (147) Der Untergang des "U 3". Am 12. August 1915. (149) Die italienische amtliche Kriegsberichterstattung. (150) Der Gewinn und die Verluste Italiener. (151) [Karte]: Uebersichtskarte der besetzten Landesteile an der Südwestfront Ende 1915. (151) Von den österreichisch-ungarischen Heerführern. (152) Nach den amtlichen Meldungen und ergänzenden Mitteilungen. Kundgebungen und Auszeichnungen. (152) [2 Abb.]: (1)Der Kommandeur der Südwestfront Generalmajor Herzog Eugen (links) und Erzherzog Josef bei einer Besichtigung der Isonzofront. ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Major Prinz Elias von Bourbon Parma und Feldzeugmeister Wurm bei der Beobachtung eines Artilleriegefechtes an der Isonzofront. (2)General d. Kav. Erzherzog Josef dekoriert Mannschaften seines Korps für ihr tapferes Verhalten vor dem Feinde an der Isonzofront. ( - ) Die Feier des Geburtstags des Kaisers Franz Josef. Der Gedenktag des hundertjährigen Bestandes der vier Tiroler Kaiserjäger-Regimenter. (153) Besuche des Erzherzog-Thronfolgers und des Armeekommandanten Erzherzogs Friedrich an der Südwestfront. (154) Von den italienischen Heerführern. (155) Nach den amtlichen Meldungen und ergänzenden Mitteilungen. Kundgebungen. (155) Personalien und Auszeichnungen. (156) Die Besuche des Generals Joffre und des Feldmarschalls Kitchener und des Ministerpräsidenten Briand an der italienischen Front. (156) Der König von Italien an der Front. (158) Luigi Cadorna. (158) [2 Abb.]: (1)König Victor Emanuel von Italien mit dem Grafen von Turin auf einer Inspektionsreise an der Front. (2)General Joffre und König Victor Emanuel von Italien beim Frühstück während eines Besuches an der italienischen Front. ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Der französische Generalissimus Joffre besichtigt bei seinem Besuch der italienischen Front ein schweres italienisches Geschütz. (2)Feldmarschall Lord Kitchener bei seinem Besuch im italienischen Hauptquartier (Von links nach rechts: Oberst Pennella, General Diaz, Lord Kitchener, General Cadorna). ( - ) Vom italienischen Heer. (161) [4 Abb.]: (1)Vize-Admiral Camillo Corsi. Der italienische Marineminister. (2)Vittorio Emanuele Orlando. Der italienische Justizminister. (3)Luigi Luzzatti. Der frühere italienische Ministerpräsident und Finanzminister. (4)Marchese Camillo Garoni. Der italienische Gesandte in Konstantinopel. ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Die Loggetta vor dem Markusturm in Venedig gegen Fliegerangriffe mit Sandsäcken geschützt. (2)Der Saal zur Herstellung von Geschossen in einer italienischen Munitionsfabrik. ( - ) Die Italiener in den besetzten Gebieten. (166) Italien und der Vatikan während des dritten Kriegshalbjahres . Von Anfang August 1915 bis Mitte Februar 1916. Fortsetzung von Band VIII, Seiten 150 bis 174. ([167]) Der Umschwung in der italienischen Stimmung. ([167]) Maßnahmen der italienischen Regierung. Nach den amtlichen Meldungen und ergänzenden Mitteilungen. (171) Personalien. (171) Die italienische Kriegserklärung an die Türkei und ihre Gründe. (172) Der Bruch zwischen Italien und Bulgarien. (174) Der Beitritt Italiens zum Londoner Vertrag. (174) Italiens Teilnahme an den Balkankämpfen. (175) Militärische Maßnahmen. (176) Maßnahmen gegen die Angehörigen feindlicher Staaten. (177) Von den nordafrikanischen Kolonien Italiens. Nach den amtlichen Meldungen und ergänzenden Mitteilungen. (178) Die erste Kriegstagung des Parlaments. (179) Vor der Eröffnung. (179) Die Mitteilungen der Regierung an das Parlament. (180) Das Vertrauensvotum für die Regierung. (184) Die Genehmigung des provisorischen Haushaltsplanes und die Vertagung. (188) [2 Abb.]: (1)Gabriele d'Annunzio hält in Aquileja eine Ansprahe am Gedenktage für die an der Front Gefallenen. (2)Der französische Ministerpräsident Briand verläßt bei seiner Ankunft in Rom mit dem italienischen Ministerpräsidenten Salandra das Bahnhofgebäude. ( - ) [3 Abb.]: (1)Kardinal Serafino Bannutelli † 18. August 1915. (2)Kardinal Rafaele Scapinelli. Apostolischer Nuntius in Oesterreich-Ungarn. (3)Kardinal Andreas Frühwirth. Apostolischer Nuntius in Deutschland. ( - ) Die Verhandlungen des Senats. (190) [3 Abb.]: (1)General Sir Charles Carmichael Monro. Der Oberbefehlshaber des Dardanellenkorps der Alliierten. (2)Generalmajor W.R. Birdwood. Kommandeur der Australier und Neu-Seeländer. (3)Ein englisches Truppentransportschiff für die Dardanellen bestimmt vor dem Auslaufen in Spithead. ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Das britische Schlachtschiff "Henry IV." vor den Dardanellen. (2)Aus einem Lager türkischer Truppen. ( - ) Die finanziellen und wirtschaftlichen Verhältnisse Italiens im dritten Kriegshalbjahr. (193) Kundgebungen der Regierung. (198) Die Rede des Ministers Barzilai in Neapel am 26. September 1915. (198) Die Rede des Justizministers Orlando in Palermo. Am 20. November 1915. (200) [Abb.]: Konstantinopel. ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Ein Truppenausschiffungsplatz in der Nähe von Gallipoli. (2)Konstantinopel. Mündung der "Süßen Wasser" von Europa in das "Goldene Horn". ( - ) Die Reden des Ministers Barzilai in Bologna, Padua und Mailand. Am 15., 17. und 25. Januar 1916. (202) Die Reise Salandras nach Turin, Mailand und Genua. Am 20. Januar und 1. bis 3. Februar 1916. (203) Vom König. Die amtlichen Meldungen. (204) Die Beziehungen zu den verbündeten Staaten. Nach amtlichen Meldungen und ergänzenden Mitteilungen. (205) Der militärische und wirtschaftliche Zusammenschluß der Entente. (205) Die Vorbereitungen für den zukünftigen Wirtschaftskrieg. (208) Der Vatikan. Nach amtlichen Meldungen und ergänzenden Mitteilungen. (208) Personalien. (208) Kundgebungen. (208) Die Kriegsfürsorge des Heiligen Stuhles. (212) Die römische Frage. (212) Der Besuch des Kardinals Mercier im Vatikan. Vom 14. Januar bis 25. Februar 1916. (213) Der türkische Krieg während des dritten Kriegshalbjahres. Von Anfang August 1915 bis Anfang Februar 1916. Fortsetzung von Band VIII, Seiten 175 bis 312. ([216]) Die Politik der Flankenbedrohung. ([216]) [2 Abb.]: (1)Kontre-Admiral Le Bon verteilt das französische Kriegskreuz an Mannschaften des Kreuzers "Dupleix" im Hafen von Mudros. (2)Generalmajor W. R. Birdwood, der Kommandeur der Australier und Neuseeländer, auf der Gallipoli-Halbinsel. ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Das türkische Linienschiff "Barbaroß Hairedin" (früher Kurfürst Friedrich Wilhelm), das am 8. August 1815 in den Dardanellen versenkt wurde. (2)Das britische Unterseeboot "E. 7", das am 4. September 1915 in den Dardanellen zum Sinken gebracht wurde. ( - ) Der Kampf um die Dardanellen und die Räumung der Gallipoli-Halbinsel. Vom 6. August 1915 bis 2. Februar 1916. (218) Vom Oberkommando des englisch-französischen Expeditionskorps. (218) Chronologische Uebersicht nach den Meldungen des türkischen Hauptquartiers. Die wichtigeren englischen und französischen Meldungen sind beigegeben. (218) [2 Abb.]: (1)Unterstände der "Anzac"-Truppen an der Suvla-Bucht. (2)Türkische Gefangene werden von britischen Truppen hinter die Front gebracht. ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Französisches Geschütz in Feuerstellung bei Sedd-ül-Bahr. (2)Blick über das Gelände gegen die Suvla-Bucht, in dem die "Anzac"-Truppen vorzudringen versuchten. ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Von der Räumung der Stellungen an der Suvla-Bucht. - Ein britisches Geschütz mit seiner Bedienungsmannschaft wird am hellen Tage auf einem Floß zu einem Transportdampfer gezogen. (2)Am Tage der Räumung der Südspitze der Halbinsel Gallipoli. - Eine türkische Granate schlägt nahe dem Landungssteg des Lancashire-Abschnittes ins Meer. ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Das englische Linienschiff "Cornwallis" im Feuer gegen die türkischen Stellungen in den Bergen zur Deckung der Räumung der englischen Dardanellen-Stellungen, die im Hintergrunde brennen. (2)Verwundete britische Soldaten werden im Hafen von Malta aus Barken in ein Hospitalschiff gebracht. ( - ) Zusammenfassende Darstellung. (250) Die Landung in der Suvla-Buch. Nach türkischen und deutschen Berichten und Meldungen. (253) Der Bericht des Generals Sir Jan Hamilton. (254) Nach englischen Berichten. (256) Die Schlachten bei Anafarta am 21., 28. und 29. August 1915. (260) [Karte]: Uebersichtskarte über die Umgebung der Suvla-Bucht. (261) Die Kämpfe im September und Oktober 1915. (262) Die Erbeutung des U-Bootes "Turquoise" am 30. Oktober 1915. (263) Der Entschluß zum Rückzug und die Räumung von Gallipoli. (264) [2 Abb.]: (1)Kampfflieger Hauptmann Buddecke. (2)Eine Fliegeraufnahme eines Teiles der Dardanellen. ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Das ehemalige französische Unterseeboot "Turquoise" verläßt nach der Taufe als "Müstedjib Onbaschi" die Landungstelle. (2)Der Turm des britischen Unterseebootes "E.15", der von einer Granate getroffen wurde (vgl. VIII, S. 218 und 232). ( - ) Die K. u. K. Mörser auf Gallipoli. (268) Aus den verlassenen Lagern der Entente auf der Gallipolihalbinsel. (270) Episoden. (272) Die englische Sorge für die türkische Marine. (272) "Goeben"- und "Breslau"-Leute im Kampfe um Gallipoli. (273) Das englisch-französische Dardanellenheer und seine Verluste. (274) Freude und Anerkennung über die Vertreibung der Entente von Gallipoli. Nach amtlichen Meldungen und ergänzenden Mitteilungen. (278) Die Ereignisse im Schwarzen Meer. Von Anfang August 1915 bis Anfang Februar 1916. (279) Chronologische Uebersicht nach den Meldungen des türkischen Hauptquartiers. Einige Meldungen des russischen Großen Generalstabs sind zur Ergänzung beigegeben. (279) Personalien. (280) Deutsche Unterseeboote im Schwarzen Meere. (280) [2 Abb.]: (1)Großfürst Nikolai Nikolajewitsch als Oberkommandierender an der Kaukasusfront. (2)Der russische General Judenitsch beim Studium des russischen Vormarsches auf Erzerum. ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Türkische Kolonne bei einem Einkehrhaus im Taurusgebirge. (2)Türkische Kolonne auf dem Marsch durch das Taurusgebirge. ( - ) Die Ereignisse im östlichen Mittelländischen und im Aegäischen Meer. Von Anfang August 1915 bis Mitte Februar 1916. Nach den amtlichen Meldungen und ergänzenden Mitteilungen. (281) Blockade-Maßnahmen. (281) Chronologische Uebersicht. Die zahlreichen Meldungen über die Versenkung von Handelsschiffen sind hier nicht berücksichtigt. (282) Die Kämpfe im Kaukasus und in Persien. Von Anfang August 1915 bis Anfang Februar 1916. (286) Der Wechsel im Oberbefehl der russischen Kaukasusarmee. (286) Chronologische Uebersicht nach den Meldungen des türkischen Hauptquartiers. Einzelne amtliche russische Meldungen sind beigegeben. (287) Zusammenfassende Darstellung. (297) Die deutsche Rote Kreuz-Expedition in Erzindien. (299) Die Kämpfe am Persischen Golf. Von Anfang August 1915 bis Anfang Februar 1916. (301) Die Verkündigung des Heiligen Kriegs für die Schiiten. (301) Vom Oberkommando der türkischen und britischen Irakarmeen. (301) Die Uebertragung des Oberbefehls der türkischen Bagdad-Armee an Feldmarschall von der Goltz. (301) Der Wechsel im Kommando der britischen Irak-Armee. (302) Chronologische Uebersicht nach den Meldungen des Türkischen Hauptquartiers. Einzelne amtliche britische Meldungen und Mitteilungen sind beigegeben. (302) Zusammenfassende Darstellung. (311) [2 Abb.]: (1)Der russische Oberkommandierende in Persien General Baratow nimmt am russischen Weihnachtstag am 8. Januar 1916 in Teheran die Parade einer Kosaken Brigade ab. (2)Kosaken im Kaukasus auf einem Erkundigungsritt. ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Eine britisch-indische Maschinengewehr-Abteilung in Mesopotamien. (2)Fliegeraufnahme einer britischen Schiffbrücke über den Tigris mit einem Kanonenboot zur Bewachung. ( - ) Vom britischen Expeditionskorps in Mesopotamien. (315) Die Ereignisse in Syrien und Aegypten. Von Anfang August 1915 bis Anfang Februar 1916. (317) Personalien. (317) Chronologische Uebersicht nach den Meldungen des türkischen Hauptquartiers und ergänzenden Mitteilungen. (317) Aus Syrien. (317) An der Ostgrenze Aegyptens. (318) An der Westgrenze Aegyptens. (318) Syrien, die empfindlichere Stelle der Türkei. (319) [3 Abb.]: (1)General Sir John Nixon. Der britische Kommandeur in Mesopotamien. (2)Generalleutnant Sir Percy Lake. Der neue britische Kommandeur in Mesopotamien. (3)Blick auf die Stadt Bagdad. ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)General Sir John Nixon mit den Offizieren seines Stabes in seinem Hauptquartier. (2)Der britische General Townshend auf dem Vormarsch nach Bagdad in seinem Hauptquartier. ( - ) Von der Verteidigung Aegyptens. (321) Die Kämpfe in Südwest-Arabien. (321) Die Araber des Hedschas für den "Heiligen Krieg". (321) Chronologische Uebersicht. Nach den amtlichen türkischen und britischen Meldungen und ergänzenden Mitteilungen. (321) Die englische Darstellung. (324) Vom Sultan und den osmanischen Heerführern. Nach den amtlichen Meldungen und ergänzenden Mitteilungen. (326) Vom Sultan. (326) Ernennungen und Auszeichnungen. (326) Völkerrechtsverletzungen der Alliierten. (327) Die Türkei während des dritten Kriegshalbjahres. Von Anfang August 1915 bis Februar 1916. Fortsetzung von Band VIII, Seiten 313 bis 320. ([328]) Von der türkischen Regierung. Nach amtlichen Meldungen und ergänzenden Mitteilungen. ([328]) Personalien. Die Erklärung des "Heiligen Kriegs" gegen Italien. Militärische und Verwaltungs-Maßnahmen. ([328]) Maßnahmen gegen die Angehörigen feindlicher Staaten. ([328]) [Abb.]: Generalfeldmarschall von der Goltz Pascha mit seinen Stabsoffizieren. Von links nach rechts: Adjut. Hauptmann Adil; Major Medschib; Oberst Schükri-Bey; von der Goltz Pascha; Oberleutnant Wilhelmi-Bey; Adjut. Hauptmann Riza-Bey. ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Ein britischer Pferdetransport auf dem Tigris beim Vormarsch auf Bagdad. (2)Fliegeraufnahme von Schützengräben (rechts) zum Schutze eines britischen Lagers zwischen einem Palmenhain und einem Sumpf am Ufer des infolge der Regenzeit stark gestiegenen Tigris. ( - ) Die Türkei, die Verbündeten und Neutralen. (329) Der Wechsel in der deutschen Botschaft. (329) Die Beziehungen zu den Verbündeten. (329) Von den Beziehungen zu Griechenland und zum Vatikan. (330) Vom türkischen Parlament. (331) Der Schluß der ersten Kriegstagung. Vom 28. September bis 13. November 1915. (331) Von der zweiten Kriegstagung. Vom 14. November 1915 bis Februar 1916. (334) [2 Abb.]: (1)Die türkische Wüstenarmee versorgt sich in einer Oase mit Wasser. (2)Blick auf ein türkisches Zeltlager in der ägyptischen Wüste. ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Deutsche Sanitätsoffiziere mit einem türkischen Hodscha vor einem türkischen Lazarett. (2)Aus dem Garnisonslazarett in Jerusalem. ( - ) Finanzielle und wirtschaftliche Maßnahmen. (337) Nachrichten aus Aegypten. Nach amtlichen Meldungen und ergänzenden Mitteilungen. (339) Aus Persien und Afghanistan. Von Februar 1915 bis Februar 1916. Fortsetzung von Band IV, Seiten 186 und 240. ([341]) Nachrichten aus Persien. ([341]) Nachrichten aus Afghanistan. (342) Die Ereignisse in Marokko. Von September 1914 bis Februar 1916. Fortsetzung von Band I, Seiten 155 und 156. ([343]) Amtliche Meldungen. ([343]) Die kriegerischen Ereignisse. ([343]) [2 Abb.]: (1)Halil-Bey. Der türkische Minister des Aeußeren. (2)Vom Begräbnis des Freiherrn v. Wangenheim, des verstorbenen deutschen Botschafters in Konstantinopel. - In erster Reihe die türkischen Minister. ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Der Schah von Persien (von links gesehen der zweite auf dem Bilde) besichtigt in Teheran ein russisches Flugzeug. (2)Persisches Militär in einer Straße von Teheran. ( - ) Der Völkerkrieg. Das deutsche Reich während des dritten Kriegshalbjahres. Die Ereignisse an der Ostfront im dritten Kriegshalbjahr. Von August 1915 bis Februar 1916. ( - ) Das deutsche Reich während des dritten Kriegshalbjahres. Von August 1915 bis Februar 1916. Fortsetzung von Band VII, Seiten 1 bis 73. ([1]) Die Deutschen auf dem Wege zur einigen und freien Nation. ([1]) Von der Reichsregierung. Nach amtlichen Meldungen und ergänzenden Mitteilungen. (4) Personalien. (4) Kundgebungen und Proteste. (4) Ueber die Kriegsziele und Friedensabsichten. (4) [3 Abb.]: (1)Dr. Karl Johannes Kaempf. Stadtältester von Berlin. Präsident des deutschen Reichstags. (2)Philipp Scheidemann. Redakteur; Erster Vizepräsident des deutschen Reichstags. (3)Heinrich Dove. Geh. Justizrat; Zweiter Vizepräsident des deutschen Reichstags. ( - ) [3 Abb.]: Karl Friedrich Oskar Freiherr v. Gamp-Massaunen. Wirkl. Geh. Ober-Regierungsrat und Mitglied des deutschen Reichstags. (2)Friedrich Viktor Kuno Graf v. Westarp. Oberverwaltungsgerichtsrat und Mitglied des deutschen Reichstags.(3)Dr. Ernst v. Heydebrand und der Lasa. Landrat a.D. und Mitglied des deutschen Reichstags. ( - ) Proteste. (6) Militärische Maßnahmen. (7) Maßnahmen gegen die Angehörigen feindlicher Staaten. Verwaltungsmaßnahmen. (8) Die fünfte Kriegstagung des deutschen Reichstags. Vom 19. bis 27. August 1915. (8) Die Rede des Reichskanzlers am 19. August 1915. (8) [3 Abb.]: (1)Dr. Peter Spahn. Oberverwaltungsgerichtspräsident und Mitglied des deutschen Reichstags. (2)Adolf Gröber. Landgerichtsrat und Mitglied des deutschen Reichstags. (3)Matthias Erzberger. Schriftsteller und Mitglied des deutschen Reichstags. ( - ) [3 Abb.]: (1)Eugen Schiffer. Oberverwaltungsgerichtsrat und Mitglied des deutschen Reichstags. (2)Ernst Bassermann. Rechtsanwalt und Mitglied des deutschen Reichstags. (3)Dr. Gustav Stresemann. Syndikus des Verbands sächsischer Industrieller und Mitglied des deutschen Reichstags. ( - ) Die Rede des Schatzsekretärs und die Bewilligung des neues Kriegskredits von 10 Milliarden Mark am 20. August 1915. (18) [3 Abb.]: (1)Dr. Friedrich Naumann. Pfarrer a.D. und Mitglied des deutschen Reichstags. (2)Friedrich v. Payer. Geh. Rat, Rechtsanwalt und Mitglied des deutschen Reichstags. (3)Dr. Konrad Haußmann. Rechtsanwalt und Mitglied des deutschen Reichstags. ( - ) [3 Abb.]: (1)Dr. Georg Gradnauer. Redakteur und Mitglied des deutschen Reichstags. (2)Eduard Bernstein. Schriftsteller und Mitglied des deutschen Reichstags. (3)Dr. Eduard David. Redakteur und Mitglied des deutschen Reichstags. ( - ) [Abb.]: Die deutsche Kaiserin Auguste Viktoria und die deutsche Kronprinzessin Cäcilie mit ihren Söhnen den Prinzen Wilhelm, Louis Ferdinand, Hubertus und Friedrich. ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Feldmarschall Graf Haeseler an der Front. (2)Die Ansprache des Reichskanzlers von Bethmann Hollweg bei der Enthüllung des "Eisernen Hindenburg" auf dem Königsplatz zu Berlin. Auf der Estrade Prinzessin August Wilhelm in der Mitte, links Frau v. Hindenburg, rechts Frau Ludendorff. ( - ) Die Sitzungen des Reichstags bis zum Schluß der fünften Kriegstagung. Vom 21. bis 27. August 1915. (29) Die sechste Kriegstagung des deutschen Reichstags. (32) Der erste Teil der Tagung. Vom 30. November bis 21. Dezember 1915. (32) Die Sitzung vom 30. November 1915. (32) [2 Abb.]: (1)Eine russische Schleichpatrouille. (2)Ein russisches Kampfflugzeug. Einer der Fliegeroffiziere befestigt eine Bombe am Apparat. ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Russische schwere Artillerie in Feuerstellung. (2)Ein bombensicherer russischer Unterstand an der Ostfront. ( - ) Die sozialdemokratische Friedensinterpellation und die Ansprachen des Reichskanzlers am 9. Dezember 1915. (33) [2 Abb.]: (1)Eine erbeutete russische Bomben-Schleudermaschine. (2)Erbeutete russische Leuchtraketen. ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Ein an der Ostfront erbeutetes japanisches Schiffsgeschütz. (2)Bei den Kämpfen an der Ostfront eroberte russiche Maschinengewehre. ( - ) Die Genehmigung eines neues Kriegskredits und anderer Vorlagen. Vom 14. bis 21. Dezember 1915. (44) Der zweite Teil der Tagung. Vom 11. bis 18. Januar 1916. (49) Aenderungen in den Reichstagsfraktionen. (53) Deutschlands wirtschaftliche und soziale Organisation während des dritten Kriegshalbjahres. (54) Die staatswirtschaftliche Organisation. (54) [2 Abb.]: (1)Gefangene Russsen werden von deutschen und österreichisch-ungarischen Offizieren verhört. (2)Der Beobachtungsposten einer deutschen Batterie. ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Ein deutscher Verwundetentransport aus der Feuerlinie der Ostfront nach einem Etappenort. (2)Eine deutsche Feldbäckerei hinter der Ostfront. ( - ) Der Kampf gegen den Kriegswucher. (59) Der Nahrungsmittelaufwand. (62) [Tabelle]: Die Konsumgenossenschaft Berlin und Umgegend, denen etwa 125 Großberliner Verkaufsstellen angeschlossen sind, haben nach den Preiszusammenstellungen des statistischen Amtes der Stadt Berlin folgende Normalpreise (für ein Pfund, bei Zitronen für ein Stück) genommen. (63) [3 Tabellen]: (64) [2 Abb.]: (1)Oesterreichisch-ungarische Arbeitssoldaten an der Ostfront beim Mittagessen. (2)Oesterreichisch-ungarisches Feldgeschütz in gedeckter Stellung an der Ostfront. ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Vernähen eines schwer verletzten Pferdes durch österreichisch-ungarische Veterinäre. (2)Vom Stiftungszug des Grafen Anton Karolyi. - Ein verwundeter österreichisch-ungarischer Soldat wird einwaggoniert. ( - ) Das Börsen- und Bankwesen. (65) [Tabelle]: (65) [2 Tabellen]: (1)Zweite Kriegsanleihe. Zeichnungsergebnis im Vergleich mit den früheren, wie folgt: (2)Die Gliederung der Zeichnungen zigt das nachstehende Bild: (67) [Tabelle]: Erfolge der dritten Kriegsanleihe: (68) [3 Tabellen]: (1)"Die wirtschaftlichen Kräfte Deutschlands im Kriege": (2)Deckung der Reichsbanknoten. (3)Goldbestand und Goldzuwachs. (69) Industrie, Handel und Handwerk. (71) [Tabelle]: Nach den Mitte Oktober 1915 vorliegenden Geschäftsabschlüssen gaben Dividenden: (72) [2 Abb.]: (1)Eine russische Artilleriestellung mit Fliegerdeckung. (2)Ein österreichisch-ungarischer 30,5 cm Mörser im Feuer. ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Erbeutete fahrbare russische Schützendeckung mit Schießscharten. (2)Eine erbeutete Maschine, die von den Russen bei ihrem Rückzug zum Aufreißen und Zerstören der Landstraßen benutzt wurde. ( - ) Der Arbeitsmarkt. (78) [2 Tabellen]: (1)Uebersicht über die Arbeitsmarktverhältnisse während des dritten Kriegshalbjahres: (2)Es kamen dabei Arbeitssuchende auf je 100 Stellen: (79) Die Kriegswohlfahrt. (81) Von den Beziehungen zu den verbündeten Staaten. Nach amtlichen Meldungen und ergänzenden Mitteilungen. (83) Kundgebungen, Auszeichnungen und Personalien. Nach amtlichen Meldungen und ergänzenden Mitteilungen. (84) Vom Kaiser. Personalien. (84) Des Kaisers Geburtstag. (85) Kundgebungen. (86) Auszeichnungen. (88) [2 Abb.]: (1)Russische Gefangene werden von deutschen Ulanen hinter die Front gebracht. (2)Eine österreichisch-ungarische Ulanen-Patrouille erhält Erfrischungen in einem russischen Dorfe. ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Ein österreichisch-ungarischer 30,5 cm Mörser auf dem Transport in die Stellung. (2)Eroberte russische Befestigungen und Unterstände am Ufer eines Flusses. ( - ) Von der deutschen Kaiserin und der Kronprinzessin. (89) Von den deutschen Bundesfürsten und freien Hansestädten. (89) Ernennungen. (89) Kundgebungen. (89) Ordensstiftungen. (90) Vom Reichskanzler. (91) Personalien. (93) Von Ostpreußens Kriegsnot. Von Anfang des Krieges bis Februar 1916. (93) Kundgebungen und Maßnahmen. (93) Von der Zerstörung Ostpreußens. (94) [2 Abb.]: (1)Von einem Kampffeld vor Riga unmittelbar nach der Beendigung des Kampfes. (2)Aus einem von den Russen fluchtartig verlassenen festungsartig ausgebauten Schützengraben. ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Das Quartier eines deutschen Bataillonsstabs vor Dünaburg. (2)Deutsche Soldaten vor einem Küchenunterstande im Walde vor Dünaburg. ( - ) Vom Wiederaufbau Ostpreußens. (97) Besuche und Auszeichnungen. Nach amtlichen Berichten und ergänzenden Mitteilungen. (98) Kriegsmaßnahmen in Elsaß-Lothringen. Von Beginn des Krieges bis Februar 1916. (99) Maßnahmen und Kundgebungen. Nach amtlichen Meldungen und ergänzenden Mitteilungen. (99) Die Kriegsschäden. (100) Maßnahmen zur Linderung der Kriegsschäden. (101) Die Ereignisse an der Ostfront im dritten Kriegshalbjahr. Von Anfang August 1915 bis Februar 1916. Fortsetzung von Band IX, Seiten 1 bis 192. ([103]) Der gemeine Soldat. Der Grundstein der deutschen Erfolge. ([103]) Zusammenfassende Darstellung. Von Anfang August 1915 bis Anfang Februar 1916. (104) Die völlige Zertrümmerung des westrussischen Festungssystems. Vom 11. August bis 4. September 1915. (104) [2 Abb.]: (1)Ansicht der Stadt Kowno mit der von deutschen Pionieren erbauten Pontonbrücke. (2)Blick auf die Festung Kowno am Zusammenfluß von Njemen und Wilia aus einem deutschen Flugzeug. ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Doppelte Eisengitter vor der Festung Kowno, im Hintergrund Drahtverhaue. (2)Deutsche Offiziere besichtigen die Wirkung deutscher schwerer Granaten in Fort I von Kowno. ( - ) Der Wechsel im Oberbefehl der russischen Armeen, ihre Neugruppierung, ihre Offensive im Süden und ihre Defensive im Norden. Von Anfang September bis 6. Oktober 1915. (110) Oberbefehl, Neugruppierung und Operationsplan der Russen. (110) Der Fortgang der Offensive der Verbündeten in Wolhynien und Galizien und die russische Gegenoffensive. (111) [Karte]: Uebersichtskarte über die Entwicklung der Ostfront von Mitte März bis Ende Oktober 1915. ([115]) Die Defensivschlacht zwischen Riga und Pinsk. (116) Der Stellungskampf und die russischen Vorstöße an der Düna, gegen Baranowitschi, gegen Styr- und Strypafront und gegen Czernowitz. Vom 6. Oktober 1915 bis 1. Februar 1916. (120) [2 Abb.]: (1)Eine von den Russen zerstörte Brauerei in der Festung Kowno. (2)Trichter eines 42 cm-Geschosses im Betonmauerwerk eines Forts der Festung Kowno. ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Eine "Grabenstreiche" in der Kehle des Forts VII der Festung Kowno. (2)Eine betonierte Grabenstreiche in der Kehle des Forts VIII der Festung Kowno. ( - ) Die Offensive der Heeresgruppe des Generalfeldmarschalls v. Hindenburg. Vom 12. August bis 14. September 1915. (123) Chronologische Uebersicht nach den Meldungen d. deutschen Obersten Heeresleitung. Einzelne Meldungen des russischen Großen Generalstabs sind zur Ergänzung beigegeben. (123) [2 Abb.]: (1)Die von den Russen gesprengten Festungswerke von Ossowiec. (2)Die Kehlkaserne im Zentralwerk des Forts I der Festung Ossowiec, mit bombensicheren Fensterläden. ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Die von den Russen vor ihrem Abzug gesprengten Kasematten der Festung Ossowiec. (2)Die von den Russen vor ihrem Abzug niedergebrannten Vorrätshäuser der Festung Ossowiec; im Hintergrund der Lagerplatz einer deutschen Proviantkolonne. ( - ) Der Vormarsch zwischen Dubissa und Düna. (131) Die Räumung von Riga, Dünaburg, Wilna und Minsk. (132) [2 Abb.]: (1)Deutsche Pioniere bauen eine Notbrücke über den Njemen in der Festung Grodno. (2)Gefangene Russen auf dem Abtransport bei Grodno. ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Aus dem erst kurz vor der Eroberung feriggestellten Forts der Höhe 202 der Festung Grodno. (2)Die von den Russen vor ihrem Abzug gesprengte Brücke über den Njemen in der Festung Grodno. ( - ) Die Erstürmung des Brückenkorps von Friedrichstadt. Am 3. September 1915. (133) Die Eroberung von Kowno. Vom 6. bis 17. August 1915. (134) [Karte]: Uebersichtskarte über das Kampfgelände um die Festung Kowno. (135) [2 Abb.]: (1)In einem Außenfort der Festung Grodno erobertes russisches Festungsgeschütz. (2)Das deutsche Artilleriedepot der Festung Grodno läßt unter der Leitung eines seiner Schittmeister durch hessischen Landsturm eine in der äußersten Fortslinie vergrabene 28 cm-Haubitzbatterie japanischer Herkunft bergen. ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Der Inhalt erbeuteter russischer Munitionswagen wird auf seine Brauchbarkeit hin untersucht. (2)Von der zerstörten Eisenbahnbrücke über den Njemen in der Festung Grodno. ( - ) Die Besetzung von Ossowiec. Am 23. August 1915. (141) [Karte]: Uebersichtskarte über das Gelände um die Festung Ossowiec. (143) Der Vormarsch nach der Eroberung von Kowno und die Räumung von Olita. Vom 19. bis 26. August 1915. (143) Die Einnahme von Grodno. Vom 1. bis 4. September 1915. (144) [Karte]: Uebersichtskarte über das Kampfgelände um die Festung Grodno. (145) Die Eroberung von Nowo-Georgiewsk (Modlin) vom 6. bis 20. August 1915. (147) Der Angriff und die Eroberung. (147) [Karte]: Uebersichtskarte über das Kampfgelände um Nowo-Georgiewsk. (Vgl. die Uebersichtskarte in Band IV vor S. 33). (149) [2 Abb.]: (1)Die Pontonbrücke zur Zitadelle der Festung Nowo-Georgiewsk. (2)Die von den Russen gesprengte Eisenbahnbrücke über den Narew in der Festung Nowo-Georgiewsk. ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Ein erbeutetes russisches 28 cm-Geschütz in der Festung Nowo-Georgiewsk. (2)Eine Beutesammelstelle in der Festung Nowo-Georgiewsk. ( - ) Die Beute. (154) Die Zustände in Nowo-Georgiewsk vor dem Fall. (154) [2 Abb.]: (1)Die Wirkung eines der schweren Mörser in den Festungswerken von Nowo-Georgiewsk. (2)Von den Kasematten des Forts II der Festung Nowo-Georgiewsk. Davor zerstörte Hindernisse. ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Deutsche Feldpost beim Sortieren der Postsäcke im Hofe eines von den russischen Bewohnern verlassenen Hauses hinter der Front. (2)Russische Gefangene werden in einem Dorfe hinter der Front zum Abtransport gesammelt. ( - ) Die Offensive der Heeresgruppen Prinz Leopold von Bayern und v. Mackensen. Vom 11. August bis 4. September 1915. (158) Chronologische Uebersicht nach den Meldungen der deutschen Obersten Heeresleitung und des österreichisch-ungarischen Generalstabs. (158) [2 Abb.]: (1)Deutsche Truppen lagern vor einem von den Russen vor ihrem Abmarsch in Brand gesteckten Dorfe. (2)Aus einem von den Russen bei ihrem Rückzug in Brand gesteckten russischen Dorfe. ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Ein russisches Dorf, das von den Russen vor ihrer Flucht in Brand gesteckt wurde. (2)Von den Russen auf ihrem Rückzug zur Auswanderung gezwungene polnische Juden rasten auf der Flucht. ( - ) Die Einschließung, Zerstörung und Einnahme von Brest-Litowsk. Vom 16. bis 26. August 1915. (165) Die Einschließung. (165) [Karte]: Uebersichtskarte über das Kampfgelände um Brest-Litowsk. (167) Die Eroberung und Zerstörung. (168) [2 Abb.]: (1)Die russische Kirche eines Dorfes im Bialowieska-Forst mit einer deutschen Reiterpatrouille. (2)Deutsche Soldaten im Quartier in einer russischen Kirche Russisch-Polens. ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Deutsche Kavallerie überschreitet den Bug bei Ogrodniki auf einer Pontonbrücke. (2)Die Maschinengewehre einer deutschen Abteilung werden auf Pferden an die Front gebracht. ( - ) Im Bialowieska-Forst. Vom 25. August bis 1. September 1915. (173) Auf den Spuren der Bug-Armee I. Polnische Eindrücke aus dem Sommer 1915. - Berichte aus dem deutschen Großen Hauptquartier vom 12. und 13. November 1915. (174) Die Offensive auf dem südöstlichen Kriegsschauplatz. Vom 11. August bis 1. September 1915. (184) Chronologische Uebersicht nach den Meldungen des österreichisch-ungarischen Generalstabs und der deutschen Obersten Heeresleitung. (184) [2 Abb.]: (1)Deutsche Soldaten bei den Aufräumungsarbeiten der von den Russen zerstörten Lesna-Brücke bei Wistycze nördlich von Brest-Litowsk. (2)Deutsche Soldaten bei den Bergungsarbeiten vor der von den Russen in Brand gesteckten Zitadelle in Brest-Litowsk. ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Ein von den Russen völlig niedergebrannter Stadtteil von Brest-Litowsk. - Es stehen nur noch die Oefen und vereinzelte Brandmauern. (2)Deutsche Soldaten beim Löschen eines brennenden Häuserblocks in dem von den Russen vor ihrem Abzug in Brand gesteckten Brest-Litowsk. ( - ) Der Durchbruch bei Gologory und Brzezany an der Zlota-Lipa. Am 27. August 1915. (188) Die Eroberung von Luck. Am 31. August 1915. (190) [2 Abb.]: (1)Die von den Russen gesprengte Bug-Brücke bei Brest-Litowsk. (2)Aus dem durch die Beschießung völlig zerstörten Fort Dubinniki bei Brest-Litowsk. ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Generalleutnant Hofmann. (2)General d. Inf. Freiherr v. Plettenberg, Kommandeur des Gardekorps , links von ihm Major von Kummer, rechts Prinz Eitel Friedrich und Hauptmann von Fritsch. ( - ) Die Einnahme von Brody. Am 1. September 1915. (193) Der Wechsel im russischen Oberkommando. Nach den amtlichen Meldungen und ergänzenden Mitteilungen. (193) Der Fortgang der Offensive südlich der Sumpfzone und die russische Gegenoffensive. Vom 2. September bis 4. Oktober 1915. (195) Chronologische Uebersicht nach den Meldungen des österreichisch-ungarischen Generalstabs und der deutschen Obersten Heeresleitung. (195) [2 Abb.]: (1)Deutsche Soldaten und gefangene Russen vor einer Kirche in Ostgalizien. (2)Oesterreichisch-ungarische Soldaten an einem Dorfbrunnen in Ostgalizien. ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Arbeitskolonnen der deutschen Südarmee auf der Rast. (2)Vor der deutschen Feldpost in Kolomea. ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Oesterreichisch-ungarische Ulanen durchqueren einen Fluß in Ostgalizien. (2)Aus einem russischen Zeltlager am Dnjestr. ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Aus einem vordersten österreichisch-ungarischen Schützengraben in Wolhynien. (2)Ein österreichisch-ungarisches Bataillonskommando vor seinen Unterständen in Wolhynien. ( - ) Der Vormarsch auf Dubno und seine Besetzung. Vom 2. bis 8. September 1915. (206) Die Panik in Wolhynien. (208) Von den Kämpfen zwischen Strypa uns Sereth. Vom 4. bis 18. September 1915. (209) Episoden. (211) Im Dorf. (211) Das Lösegeld. Die Heimkehr. (212) Die Defensiv-Schlacht zwischen Riga und Pinsk. Vom 5. September bis 4. Oktober 1915. (212) Chronologische Uebersicht nach den Meldungen der deutschen Obersten Heeresleitung und des österreichisch-ungarischen Generalstabs. (212) [2 Abb.]: (1)Offiziere eines vorgeschobenen deutschen Kommandos am Styr studieren die Karte. (2)Die Wirkung einer österreichisch-ungarischen Granate. ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Von österreichisch-ungarischen Truppen in Ostgalizien gefangen genommene Russen werden abtransportiert. (2)Ein von den Russen bei ihrem Rückzug völlig zerstörtes Dorf in Ostgalizien. ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Gefallene Russen werden unter Aufsicht deutscher Feldgendarmen von Ortsbewohnern in Ostgalizien beerdigt. (2)Eine österreichisch-ungarische Proviantkolonne beim Überschreiten eines Flusses in Ostgalizien. ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Oesterreichisch-ungarische Sanitätssoldaten beim Filtrieren von Trinkwasser. (2)Von einem österreichisch-ungarischen Verbandplatz hinter der Front. ( - ) Zwischen Jakobstadt und Friedrichstadt. (222) Die Kämpfe an der Dünafront im Monat September 1915. (223) [2 Abb.]: (1)Mit Roggen-Mieten verkleidete russische Drahtverhaue. (2)Maschinengewehr in einem deutschen Schützengraben. ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Deutsche Infanterie im Vorgehen. (2)Deutsche Kolonnen durchziehen eine Straßenenge vor Wilna. ( - ) Die deutsche Heereskavallerie östlich Wilna. Im September 1915. (225) Die Einnahme von Smorgon. Am 18. September 1915. (230) In Wilna nach dem Einzug der Deutschen. Am 18. September 1915. (232) [2 Abb.]: (1)Gefangene Russen auf dem Marsch hinter die Front. (2)Eine von den Deutschen gestürmte russische Feldstellung vor Wilna, unmittelbar nach dem Sturm. ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Der Stab der 1. Kavalleriedivision, die erfolgreich östlich Wilna operierte. Von links nach rechts: Vorne sitzend: Leutnant v. der Ley, Leutnant Fuchs, Leutnant Freiherr v. Lyncker, Oberleutnant Arndts. In der Mitte stehend: Katholischer Divisions-Pfarrer Wilke, Rittmeister von Falkenhayn, Rittmeister vonHauenschild, Hauptmann Freiherr von Gienanth, Generalleutnant Brecht, Major v. Diebitsch, Intendantur-Assessor Möller, Rittmeister Winter, Rittmeister Kloß, Oberleutnant Thies. Im Hintergrund stehend: Leutnant Ollmann, Oberleutnant Rexin, Oberstabsarzt Dr. Guß. (2)Die Stadt Wilna aus der Vogelschau. ( - ) Auf den Spuren der Bugarmee. II. Die Landzunge von Pinsk. - Bericht aus dem deutschen Großen Hauptquartier vom 20. November 1915 (vgl. S. 174 f.) (233) Episoden. Ein Besuch in der "Sanierungsanstalt". (236) Russische Geschichten. (237) Ein Reiterstück. Aus einem Feldpostbrief der "Kölnischen Volkszeitung". (238) Aus dem russischen Wilna. (238) Der Stellungskampf nördlich der Sumpfzone. Vom 5. Oktober 1915 bis 2. Februar 1916. (239) Chronologische Uebersicht nach den Meldungen der deutschen Obersten Heeresleitung und des österreichisch-ungarischen Generalstabs. (239) [Karte]: Der ungefähre Verlauf der Front der Verbündeten im Osten um die Jahreswende 1915/1916. Uebersichtskarte I. - Vom Rigaischen Busen bis zur Bahnlinie Tuckum - Riga. - Vgl. die Anschlußkarte S. 243. (241) [Karte]: Der ungefähre Verlauf der Front der Verbündeten im Osten um die Jahreswende 1915/1916. Uebersichtskarte II. - Um den Tirul-Sumpf; von der Aa bis zur Misse. - Vgl. die Anschlußkarten S. 241 und 247. (243) [Karte]: Der ungefähre Verlauf der Front der Verbündeten im Osten um die Jahreswende 1915/1916. Uebersichtskarte III, - Um Riga; von der Misse bis zur Düna. - Vgl. die Anschlußkarten S. 243 und 249. (247) [2 Abb.]: (1)Die von den Russen vor ihrem Rückzug zerstörte Holzbrücke über den Szczara-Fluß bei dem Dorfe Szczara, das im Hintergrund brennt. Neben der zerstörten Brücke ein Notsteg. (2)Ein Kampffeld an der Szczara mit dem Gefechtsstand eines deutschen Kommandeurs. ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Bei den deutschen Truppen im Gebiet der Nebenflüsse des oberen Njemen im "schwarzen Rußland". "Hurra! Die Etappe hat frische Wäsche gebracht!" (2)Eine deutsche rückwärtige Stellung im "schwarzen Rußland", die zum Teil in Anlehnung an vorhandene Häuser von Armierungsarbeiten unter Leitung von Pionieren ausgebaut wurde. ( - ) [Karte]: Der ungefähre Verlauf der Front der Verbündeten im Osten um die Jahreswende 1915/1916. Uebersichtskarte IV. - Der Düna entlang bis Friedrichstadt. - Vgl. die Anschlußkarten S. 247 und 251. ([249]) [Karte]: Der ungefähre Verlauf der Front der Verbündeten im Osten um die Jahreswende 1915/1916. Uebersichtskarte V. - Der Düna entlang bis Jakobstadt. - Vgl. die Anschlußkarten S. 249 und 255. ([251]) [Karte]: Der ungefähre Verlauf der Front der Verbündeten im Osten um die Jahreswende 1915/1916. Uebersichtskarte VI. - Der Düna entlang zwischen Jakobstadt und Illuxt. - Vgl. die Anschlußkarten S. 251 und 259. (255) [2 Abb.]: (1)Beschwerliche Fahrt einer k.u.k. Goulaschkanone im Sumpfgebiet der Poljesje. (2)Blick auf ein hügeliges Schlachtfeld bei Pinsk nach der Vertreibung der Russen durch die Verbündeten. ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Deutsche Soldaten mit ihren Maschinengewehren quartieren sich für die Nacht in einem verlassenen Hause ein. (2)Rast deutscher Truppen auf der Verfolgung der Russen durch das Sumpfgebiet der Poljesje. ( - ) Vor Riga. Mitte Oktober und Anfang November 1915. (257) Vor Dünaburg. (258) [Karte]: Der ungefähre Verlauf der Front der Verbündeten im Osten um die Jahreswende 1915/1916. Uebersichtskarte VII. - Vor Dünaburg; von Illuxt bis über die Bahnlinie Wilna - Dünaburg. - Vgl. die Anschlußkarten S. 255 und S. 261. (259) [Karte]: Der ungefähre Verlauf der Front der Verbündeten im Osten um die Jahreswende 1915/1916. Uebersichtskarte VIII. - Der Widsy; vom Dryswjaty-See bis über die Disna.- Vgl. die Anschlußkarten S. 259 und S. 263. (261) Russische Stimmen über die deutschen Wintervorbereitungen. (262) [Karte]: Der ungefähre Verlauf der Front der Verbündeten im Osten um die Jahreswende 1915/1916. Uebersichtskarte IX. - Ueber die Bahnlinie Swenzjany - Glubokoje bis zum Narocz-See. - Vgl. die Anschlußkarten S. 261 und S. 265. (263) Im Poljesjegebiet. (264) [2 Abb.]: (1)Von der deutschen Küstenverteidigung Kurlands an der Ostsee. (2)Von den Russen auf ihrem eiligen Rückzug in einem Walde Kurlands zurückgelassene Wagen und Pferde. ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Partie aus dem Sumpfgebiet der Poljesje in Wolhynien. (2)Drahthindernisse vor einer Stellung der Verbündeten im Sumpfgebiet der Poljesje in Wolhynien. ( - ) [Karte]: Der ungefähre Verlauf der Front der Verbündeten im Osten um die Jahreswende 1915/1916. Uebersichtskarte X. - Vom Narocz-See bis zur Wilia. - Vgl. S. 263 und S. 267. (265) Episoden. (266) Der Bergarbeiter aus Oberschlesien. (266) [Karte]: Der ungefähre Verlauf der Front der Verbündeten im Osten um die Jahreswende 1915/1916. Uebersichtskarte XI. - Von der Wilia um Smorgon bis zur Berezyna. - Vgl. die Anschlußkarten S. 265 und S. 269. (267) Nachts im Unterstand. (268) [Karte]: Der ungefähre Verlauf der Front der Verbündeten im Osten um die Jahreswende 1915/1916. Uebersichtskarte XII. - Von Wischnew der Olschanka und Beresina entlang. - Vgl. die Anschlußkarten S. 267 und S. 271. (269) Der Stellungskampf südlich der Sumpfzone und die russischen Offensiven. Vom 5. Oktober 1915 bis 1. Februar 1916. (270) Chronologische Uebersicht nach den Meldungen des österreichisch-ungarischen Generalstabs und der deutschen Obersten Heeresleitung. (270) [Karte]: Der ungefähre Verlauf der Front der Verbündeten im Osten um die Jahreswende 1915/1916. Uebersichtskarte XIII. - Von der Beresina bis zum Serwetsch. - Vgl. S. 269 und S. 273. (271) [Karte]: Der ungefähre Verlauf der Front der Verbündeten im Osten um die Jahreswende 1915/1916. Uebersichtskarte XIV. - Vor Baranowitschi; der Schtschara entlang. - Vgl. die Anschlußkarten S. 271 und S. 275. (273) [Karte]: Der ungefähre Verlauf der Front der Verbündeten im Osten um die Jahreswende 1915/1916. Uebersichtskarte XV. - Der Schtschara entlang. - Vgl. die Anschlußkarten S. 273 und S. 277. (275) [Karte]: Der ungefähre Verlauf der Front der Verbündeten im Osten um die Jahreswende 1915/1916. Uebersichtskarte XVI. - Von der Schtschara am Oginski-Kanal entlang. - Vgl. die Anschlußkarten S. 275 und S. 279. (277) [Karte]: Der ungefähre Verlauf der Front der Verbündeten im Osten um die Jahreswende 1915/1916. Uebersichtskarte XVII. - Vor Pinsk; vom Oginski-Kanal bis zum Strumen. - Vgl. die Anschlußkarten S. 277 und S. 281. (279) [2 Abb.]: (1)Eine österreichisch-ungarische Telegraphen-Fernsignal-Station an der Nordostfront. (2)Russische Stellungen am Steilufer des Pruth nach ihrer Erstürmung. ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Eine österreichisch-ungarische Kavallerie-Patrouille zieht in ein Dorf Ostgaliziens ein. (2)Ein österreichisch-ungarisches 30,5 cm-Geschütz wird geladen. ( - ) [Karte]: Der ungefähre Verlauf der Front der Verbündeten im Osten um die Jahreswende 1915/1916. Uebersichtskarte XVIII. - Südlich Pinsk. - Vgl. die Anschlußkarten S. 279 und S. 283. ([281]) [Karte]: Der ungefähre Verlauf der Front der Verbündeten im Osten um die Jahreswende 1915/1916. Uebersichtskarte XIX. - Von der Wiesielucha zum Styr. (283) [Karte]: Der ungefähre Verlauf der Front der Verbündeten im Osten um die Jahreswende 1915/1916. Uebersichtskarte XX. - Am Styr und am Kormin. (285) [2 Karten]: Der ungefähre Verlauf der Front der Verbündeten im Osten um die Jahreswende 1915/1916. Maßstab und Legende vgl. S. 285. - Vgl. die Anschlußkarten S. 285 und S. 291. (1)Uebersichtskarte XXI. - Vom Kormin bis zur Putilowka. (2)Uebersichtskarte XXII. - Von der Putilowka bis zur Ikwa. ([287]) [2 Abb.]: (1)Kaiser Wilhelm verabschiedet sich nach dem Besuch einer ungarischen Honved-Division an der Strypa von General Emanuel Werz. (2)Kaiser Wilhelm schreitet beim Besuch der Truppen der Verbündeten an der Strypa mit General Graf v. Bothmer die Front österreichisch-ungarischer Truppen ab. ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Großherzog Friedrich II. von Baden beim Besuch der Festung Grodno. Rechts neben ihm General v. Scholz, der Führer der VIII. Armee, links General v. Held, der deutsche Gouverneur von Grodno. (2)Erzherzog Thronfolger Karl Franz Josef bei einem Besuch der besetzten Teile Polens in Lublin. ( - ) [Karte]: Der ungefähre Verlauf der Front der Verbündeten im Osten um die Jahreswende 1915/1916. Uebersichtskarte XXIII. - Von Dubno bis Krzemieniec. - Maßstab vgl. S. 287 u. 295. (291) Die Schlacht bei Szartorysk. Vom 16. Oktober bis 14. November 1915. (294) [Karte]: Der ungefähre Verlauf der Front der Verbündeten im Osten um die Jahreswende 1915/1916. Uebersichtskarte XXIV. - Von der Ikwa bis zum Sereth. - Vgl. S. 291 und 297. (295) [2 Abb.]: (1)General d. Inf. v. Bothmer mit seinem zweiten Generalstabschef Oberstleutnant Hemmer. (2)General d. Inf. v. Beseler, der Eroberer von Nowo-Georgiewsk, mit seinen Offizieren. ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Der Armeekommandant Feldzeugmeister Paul Puhallo v. Brlog mit seinem Stabe. (2)Der Armeekommandant Freiherr v. Pflanzer-Baltin nimmt die Meldung eines von einem Aufklärungsfluge zurückgekehrten Fliegeroffiziers entgegen. ( - ) [Karte]: Der ungefähre Verlauf der Front der Verbündeten im Osten um die Jahreswende 1915/1916. Uebersichtskarte XXV. - Vom Sereth der Strypa entlang. - Vgl. S. 295 u. 299. (297) [Karte]: Der ungefähre Verlauf der Front der Verbündeten im Osten um die Jahreswende 1915/1916. Uebersichtskarte XXVI. - Vor Buczacz der Strypa entlang. - Vgl. S. 297 u. 301. (299) [Karte]: Der ungefähre Verlauf der Front der Verbündeten im Osten um die Jahreswende 1915/1916. Uebersichtskarte XXVII. - Dem Dnjestr entlang, von der Strypa-Mündung bis zur Sereth-Mündung. Maßstab und Legende vgl. S. 299. - Vgl. die Anschlußkarten S. 299 und 305. ([301]) Die Kämpfe um Siemikowce. Vom 31. Oktober bis 5. November 1915. (302) Die Durchbruchsschlacht an der bessarabischen Grenze. Vom 24. Dezember 1915 bis 20. Januar 1916. (303) Die Absichten und Vorbereitungen der russischen Offensive. (303) Die "Weihnachtsschlacht". (304) [Karte]: Der ungefähre Verlauf der Front der Verbündeten im Osten um die Jahreswende 1915/1916. Uebersichtskarte XXVIII. - Vom Dnjestr bis zur rumänischen Grenze. - Vgl. S. 301. ([305]) Die "Neujahrsschlacht". (306) Die "Wasserweiheschlacht". (307) Auf den übrigen Teilen der Front südlich der Sumpfzone. (309) General Iwanows neue Angriffstaktik. (310) In Czernowitz während des russischen Durchbruchsversuchs. (311) Episoden. (311) Ein Kampf der Seelenkraft. (311) Aus der Durchbruchsschlacht an der bessarabischen Grenze. (312) Von den russischen Verlusten. (313) Vergeltung russischer Völkerrechtsverletzungen. (313) Von den Fürsten und Heerführern der Verbündeten. Nach amtlichen Meldungen und ergänzenden Mitteilungen. (314) Kundgebungen und Auszeichnungen. (314) Besuche an der Front, in den eroberten Festungen und in den besetzten Gebieten. (316) [2 Abb.]: (1)Der russische Generalissimus Großfürst Nikolai Nikolajewitsch mit seinem Stabe und den englischen, französischen und japanischen Militärattachés vor dem Hauptquartier in Baranowitschi Anfang September 1915. (2)Zar Nikolaus schreitet mit dem Thronfolger Großfürst Alexei Nikolajewitsch die Front eines Kosaken-Regiments ab. ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Generalfeldmarschall Prinz Leopold von Bayern mit dem Stabe der Division v. Menges. (2)General d. Inf. Fabeck (†) mit seinem Stabe. ( - ) Die Feier des 86. Geburtstages des Kaisers Wilhelm. Die Feier des 58. Geburtstages des Kaisers Wilhelm. (318) Vom Zaren und den russischen Heerführern. Nach amtlichen Meldungen und ergänzenden Mitteilungen. (318) Vom Zaren. Besuche an der Ostfront. (318) Auszeichnungen. Von den russischen Heerführern. (320) Aus den besetzten Gebieten. (321) Von der deutschen Verwaltung in Kurland. Von der deutschen Verwaltung in Litauen und Suwalki. (321) Von der Verwaltung der Verbündeten in Polen. Von Juni 1915 bis Februar 1916 (Fortsetzung von Bd. VI, S. 244 bis 248). (322) Die Abgrenzung der Verwaltungsbezirke und allgemeine Notstandsmaßnahmen. (322) Von der deutschen Verwaltung. (322) Von der österreichisch-ungarischen Verwaltung. (324) Vom Wiederaufbau Galiziens. (324) [2 Abb.]: (1)Generalmajor Erich Freiherr v. Diller, österreichisch-ungarischer Generalgouverneur in Russisch-Polen. (2)Der Armeekommandant Feldmarschall Erzherzog Friedrich und Freiherr Konrad v. Hötzendorf bei der Feier des Geburtstages des Kaisers Franz Josef am 18. August 1915 im Standort des Hauptquartiers. ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Die Generalität und Geistlichkeit Warschaus erwartet den Generalgouverneur v. Beseler zur Eröffnungsfeier der Universität Warschau. (2)Die Verteilung von Lebensmitteln an die Zivilbevölkerung auf dem Marktplatz von Lodz durch die deutsche Verwaltung. ( - ) Einband ( - ) Einband ( - )
2012/2013 ; There is an increasingly widespread acknowledgement among all active actors in the development co-operation sector that the Public Private Partnership (PPP) can be a new important tool, not only to build important infrastructure (public works) but also to provide services to the citizens at central and local level as well as to have a strategic value in the Cross-Border Co-operation (CBC) in the next future. The European Commission defines PPPs in a rather broad and general way without giving a proper legal definition of this partnership. For the EU PPP is a form of cooperation between public authorities and economic operators concerning design, funding, execution, renovation or exploitation (operation and maintenance) of public infrastructure, or the provision of public utility service. However, there is not a uniform, common definition of this form of partnership. Considering the present global economic and financial crisis affecting almost all the regions of the world and bearing in mind that the public resources destined on development cooperation are decreasing more and more, building partnerships and synergies between these two ranges of actors is not only a great possibility but a compelling necessity in order to continue to sustain the development cooperation sector. This is also a good chance for both public and private sector, not only to mutually reinforce each other but also to learn lessons and best practices from one another. The PPPs, in fact, if applied correctly, enable a reduction in total costs, better distribution of risks, a more rapid execution of public services and activities, as well as a better quality of offered services and implemented activities. Not to mention the fact that the overcoming of the rigid distinction between public and private opens the possibility to find solutions and to respond to questions that the public administration itself is not able to answer independently. In international cooperation and in particular in the cross-border cooperation, more and more public administrations in beneficiary and donor countries are acknowledging the subsidiary role of civil society and private sector in the activities of general interest, and therefore, also in the delivery of public functions and services. Considering the extensive work experience in the international development cooperation sector with the Italian Ministry of Foreign Affairs and other International Organizations in different areas in the world, i.e. OSCE, believing on the utility and potentiality of this instrument and directly verified that it could be more utilized in the international cooperation, it was decided to analyse the use of PPPs in this sector with a special focus on IPA CBC Programme. In fact, the scope of the dissertation and of the implementation of its conclusions is steaming from the author interest and working ties. Indeed, the author is living and working in Albania and has a huge experience on it due to the fact that she was the Albania Desk Officer for the Italian Development Cooperation for several years. She is also studying the Albanian language and she is very fascinated from the history of this small country so close, not only geographically speaking, to Italy. The focus on Macedonia as neighbour country is due simply to the fact that to collect information on this IPA CBC Programme was easier than others similar financial instruments. Building on extensive field experience, this dissertation will try to answer the following question: 'Which is the winner strategy to increase the effectiveness of the CBC projects through the use of PPP?'. The thesis overall objective is to identify a set of strategies that can enhance the effectiveness of cross-border cooperation through the use of the PPP instrument, beyond specific cross-border project interventions that until now have mainly been carried out though institutional channels and implemented through European projects and programs. The strategies that the conclusion of the dissertation draws are based on the SWOT analysis of five projects funded by the EU through the IPA CBC Albania – Macedonia during the 2007-2013 programming period and the consequent elaboration of the results. These strategies would hence open up new possibilities for the development of CBC's activities applicable in the ambit of the EU's regional policy 2014-2020, without necessarily relying upon more EU financial means. This is also in line, with the EU auspices for the CBC not to be just another way to access funding but rather to become a model of cross-border cooperation sustainable on its own devise. The dissertation is based on collection and analysis of data available within the existing legal-institutional framework and will make use of the investigative qualitative method with the aim of verifying the hypothesis mentioned above. The thesis envisages a number of working phases chronologically distinct and mutually supportive and it is based on the utilisation of a number of diverse theoretic constructs and methodologies. The dissertation makes use of different sources such as for instance existing literature, statistics, on line documentation available and its content is conducted on the various official documents and projects documentation obtainable. The results are cross referenced and presented based on a SWOT analysis and process of data/results interpretation. As far as the structure of the work is concerned, the first Chapter, after an analysis of the theoretical tools supporting PPP, presents a background and an overview of the PPP in Europe, and the way it is applied in the context of international cooperation and cross-border cooperation; this is to understand how it was established and what its original objectives were, and to explain its evolution up to now. In particular, the chapter after shows that PPP was born in '30s mostly linked to the energetic and mining sectors, it presents that PPPs are growing and are seen as an important instrument of economic and social development also in the international and cross-border cooperation. It is seen that an instrument which opens the way to potential PPPs is the Inter-Municipal Cooperation Instrument (IMC) which permits to bridge the gaps in the municipalities and make them stronger also in applying to donor funds. Through this instrument established by the Council of Europe (CoE) the municipalities can also sub-contract a private company or creating an IMC entity constitutes a viable market attracting private investors. PPP is also encouraged by United Nations (UN) since 1999 through the 'Global Compact' project and different are the example of PPP around the world established by various UN Agencies. It can be affirmed that PPP is considered useful in the public sector also because can contribute in solving difficulties caused from public balance cuts as well as to overcome the bureaucratic and the scarcity of technical and management competencies of the public administration. The PPP is therefore an actual, innovative and complementary instrument to promote development, reforms as well as investments, policies and good practises in different sectors including the development cooperation also at trans-border level. Therefore, thanks to PPP it can be affirmed that the private sector also has become at all its effects a privileged actor of the international development cooperation. The second Chapter of the dissertation analyses the European Policies interconnecting PPP and their related instruments, as well as more in detail how these policies have applied PPPs in the cross-border cooperation as well as how CBC became more explicit in the EU context and in particular in the context of the stabilisation and association processes. In fact, starting from the 1950 Schuman Declaration, the chapter introduces the founding EEC Treaty, examines the Single European Act and analyses the European Cohesion Policy (or Regional Policy). In addition the chapter views the European Enlargement Policy (Pre-accession Policy) analysing the three membership criteria established during the Copenhagen European Council in 1993, the various stages of the membership process and the reasons for further enlargement taking into consideration the historic enlargement of 2004, the different strategic objectives involved in it and its new approach in view of the so-called Arab Spring. In addition, the chapter analyses the European Neighbourhood Policy (Proximity Policy) as well as its related instruments, with regard to both its partner countries and candidate states. Moreover the chapter identifies the possibilities of PPP within the EU's financial instruments that are currently being concluded. Even where those policies do not provide explicitly the adoption of PPP instrument, it is however not excluded. This means that the policies at issue give valuable support to the adoption and use of PPP. The dissertation is interested in to give evidence of the strong points of PPP application, and shows that, when there is a lack of applied PPP framework, as it is the case of the country cases (Albania and Macedonia) under analysed, the CBC component of IPA programme may be due not to give envisaged results to achieve the objectives. After having looked into the European policies intersecting PPPs and CBC, the third Chapter introduces a brief analysis of the concept of border, not only in the physical administrative sense, due to the fact that this concept is a key element to understand the cross-border co-operation processes existing in the EU and in general all over the world. With this aim in mind, after studying the main theoretical approaches on this domain, the analysis focuses on the cross-border co-operation not only in its theoretical dimension but also in its deriving pragmatic aspects. The analysis of the border concept and of the border and peripheral area, as well as the general theory of the system applied to the general theory of boundaries, is essential to anticipate the concept of the cross-border cooperation and its practical application. After this analysis, the chapter describes the legal institutional framework in order to analyse the effectiveness of the various legal instruments that have been put in place to encourage and facilitate forms of cooperative engagement across borders. Starting with the European Outline Convention of Transfrontier Co-operation between territorial communities or authorities (Madrid Convention 1980), a central instrument for the CBC that was born in the frame of CoE, the chapter introduces the three protocols of the Madrid Convention. The additional Protocol essentially gives the possibility to create an organism for cross-border cooperation; the second Protocol (no 2) provides above all a legal framework for the inter-territorial cooperation between the parties; and the third Protocol (no 3) concerns the possibility of forming the ECG by creating the legal status, the institution and the functioning of such Groups. In addition, in view of how cross-border cooperation has acquired more importance through time, the chapter explains the functioning of European Grouping of Territorial Cooperation (EGTC) institution, its modality of action and its fields of applications. The EGTC has come to be a new legal/financial instrument that integrates the Madrid Convention and the relevant Protocols. The chapter also touches upon the various aspects of cross-border co-operation and in particular some milestones from the EU experiences, and presents the European Macro-Regional Strategy and its related legislative framework as an example. In addition the chapter shows the Baltic, the Danube and the Adriatic – Ionian Macro-Region and describes the main differences between EGTs and Macro- Regions. In addition, the chapter considers appropriate to present the steps that have been taken from the EU with regard to the cross-border cooperation which, more particularly, have consisted of making available important financial instruments such as INTERREG that supports from the top to the bottom the Strategy of Macro-Regions. Following the fourth Chapter describes the 2014-2020 EU's Regional Policy as the context of application of the PPP and its change with respect to the 2007-2013 EU's Regional Policy. In particular after introducing the EU programming period 2007-2013 and the changes intervened in the following programming period also having a political/historical nature like the Arab spring and the interests to further develop economic interactions between the EU and the Middle Eastern partners, the chapter analyses the useful instruments for the realization of the cross-border cooperation; especially the European Regional Development Found (ERDF). In addition, this chapter, will identify the possibilities of PPP within the financial instruments that are about to be activated in the new European Programming Cycle. To this regard it is important to mention that, in general, all the EU policies must contribute to the implementation of the Europe 2020 Strategy that in order to fulfil its ambitious objectives identified as key instrument the instrument of partnership, among which that with the private sector. Here it is worth to emphasize that, generally, the overall objectives of the regional policy, both at national and European level, are all of an economic nature, i.e. increasing the national economy by attenuating and eliminating economic disparities between different development levels of the regions. In particular, the European Policies aim to improve the investment climate through public investment in the regions presenting some gaps and to manage the local regional resources in a more efficient way. The dissertation shows how in both cases, PPPs can help in the achievement of these important aims. In addition, the chapter observes that there are changes in various aspects and procedures of the implementation of the new regional policy as well as in the legal frame, and examines the IPA instrument and the ENPI instrument in the two seven-years programming periods because they are closely related to the European Territorial Cooperation (ETC). Between this two latter instruments IPA is a more relevant for this dissertation. For this reason, after on overview of the Albanian context considering some economic, demographic, social and political aspects, including the criteria Albania has to fulfil to receive the candidate status from the EU as well as a brief introduction to the Albanian Law on PPP, the fifth Chapter presents its relations in the region, especially with the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM) and stresses the IPA CBC Albania – FYROM related to 2007-2013 and 2014-2020 programming periods. In addition, the chapter presents the main differences between these two programming periods focussing mainly on the Albanian part. With the aim to focus on the Albanian opportunities in the new programming period, it will be stressed what will change in the next future and which are the positive effects on PPP considering also the concept of Social Corporate Responsibility and the UN Global Compact initiative already mentioned in the first Chapter. All this to introduce the last Chapter which, through the analysis of the methodologies used during the various phases of this work, and especially through the explanation of the SWOT analysis, aims to identify a set of winning strategies to increase the effectiveness of the Cross-border cooperation through the use of the PPP instrument. The first part of the dissertation made use of several documentary sources, most notably and especially in the early stage the work will carry out what it is commonly defined as a secondary analysis, in particular this was articulated through: collection and review of existing literature and of the official documentation and statistics available mainly on-line but also with the Albanian Ministries and national institutes, i.e. the Albanian National Institute of Statistics, as well as with the various donors and international organisation in the Country, and especially with the Delegation of the European Commission to Albania. Instead, the second part of the dissertation focuses on the analysis of the IPA CBC program in general, and IPA CBC Albania - Macedonia in particular. To this end it was decided to proceed with the analysis of specific projects activated in the context of this program to highlight the role of actual or potential PPP projects in developing virtuous CBC. Although the PPP is not explicitly defined among the tools used in the implementation of these projects, it was decided to identify the prodromal factors present in some PPP projects with the end purpose of assessing their potentials, especially in view of the next programming period of the EU (2014-2020). The detailed information on the projects carried out or that are in progress are not publicly available as they are under the 'ownership' of the Delegation of the European Commission in Albania and of the Managing Authority of the program. In order to collect the necessary materials to identify the most relevant projects and, subsequently, to proceed to their analysis, it has proved necessary to proceed through in-depth interviews with qualified actors. Given that, interviews have been conducted with interlocutors, mainly from the European Commission in Albania, the Albanian Ministry of Integration and of Austrian Cooperation. Through these interviews, specific information relating to five concluded projects, in which the instrument of the PPP was present at least in embryonic form, has been added to the data relating to the context and to the program. The information gathered has been structured so as to proceed to a qualitative analysis of the data through the development of a SWOT analysis of these five projects funded by the IPA CBC Albania - FYROM - First Call for Project Proposals. Finally, this work presents the results of this analysis through a process of data interpretation. After this presentation, and before starting the SWOT analysis, the chapter presents the Annual Work Programme for Grants 2009 of the DG Enlargement related to the first Call for Proposals and the Guidelines related to the CBC Programme Albania - FYROM which aims is to facilitate the cooperation between the two countries to improve living conditions in the target area. The Programme in fact, already mentioned in the fifth Chapter, it aims to fostering cross-border economic, environmental and social development and includes three different measures and for each measure a list of potential activities for projects. Furthermore, the chapter analyses - through the SWOT analysis above mentioned - five projects funded by the EU within the IPA I CBC Albania – FYROM first call. In particular, in this dissertation, the SWOT analysis is the tool to identify the strengths (S), weakness (W), opportunities (O) and threats (T) that characterize projects which are analysed in relation to PPPs. In other words, it seeks to identify the strengths and internal resources of projects capably to push the development of PPPs (strengths), as well as the internal project limitations and weaknesses that impede PPP development in the relevant area (weaknesses), the external project opportunities that can be developed to overcome identified weaknesses (opportunities) and external factors that may hamper the future development of PPPs (threats). Considering that there is no project where the applicant is a PPP, although an analysis of the guidelines of the Call for Proposals relative to IPA Albania - FYROM CBC Programme found an explicit reference to PPPs, it has been choose to make a screening of projects in which the instrument of the PPP was present at least in embryonic form, in other words having the private sector as a direct or indirect beneficiary. As already mentioned, Macedonia was chosen as an example because of the availability of information related to projects. So, on these terms, 5 projects were selected out of 15 under review. The projects are the following: • Cross-border shared integrated alternative tourism, • Business without borders, • Cross-border Civil Society Forum, • Promoting business women enterprises in the cross-border area, • Borders without boundaries. The dimensions chosen for the analysis are: • related to the internal context to identify strengths and weaknesses: objectives, actors and target, • related to the external context to identify opportunities and threats: actors, target and expected results. After the SWOT analysis, the chapter finally presents the key results of the dissertation proposing some possible actions that could improve the CBC through the use of the PPP emerged from the initiatives analysed. The conclusion reviews the major points of the dissertation showing the main results such as the strategies, which may result from the conclusions, thus potentially establishing an alternative approach aiming at opening up new possibilities for the development of better, more effective and sustainable CBC project/programs/activities, without necessarily relying upon more EU funds. For what above mentioned and to answer to the question 'Which are the winner strategies to increase the effectiveness of the CBC projects through the use of PPP?', it is possible to affirm that to present more successful projects in the future increasing the effectiveness of the CBC projects through the use of PPP, the development strategies are essentially the enhancement strategy and the overcoming strategy. In particular, to reinforce the internal and external positive aspects and factors in the cross border area and to mitigate and/or dissipate internal negatives as well as to attenuate the external ones, the recommended actions referred to the public and private sectors are: • to organize jointly regular meetings in which they can know each-other, exchange information and best practices in either of the neighbouring countries, so that there can be discussions on the potentials of development and the new economic undertakings and new instruments to be employed, such as the PPP. Tourism can serve as a pilot sector in which it can be started with the actualization of gender policies facilitating in some way the inclusion of women in business activities, • jointly organize awareness campaigns on PPPs and training courses, which could serve to overcome the lack of ability to establish efficient PPPs for both public and private sector, • to organize, for the numerous actors present in the territory, specific courses and/or informative events related to the revision processes of normative policies that could facilitate and reinforce both the cooperation between different stakeholders and the capacity of doing business and create PPPs, • to enhance the existing networks and creates new ones through continuous meetings between different stakeholders with the aim of overcoming the threats considering that the improved and expanded relations between the various actors could bring an improvement in raising needed funds. Finally, it is important to mention that there are also some actions recommended only to the public sector. These are: • (especially at local level) institutions such as the municipalities can organize meetings, inviting the traditional and non-traditional private actors, in order to facilitate communication. Through this communication there could be achieved the introduction between various stakeholders interested in the PPP instrument, by at the same time laying the basis for the foundation of a network. This would be useful for increasing the credibility of each other and also to contributing to the overcoming of the lack of cooperation problem. These meetings could be used for an exchange of best practices in the sectors that are present in the certain areas. By employing a participatory methodology, these meetings could also serve to the construction of a sort of roadmap (lines of action during a defined time) that could enable the definition of the obstacles to be overcome in order to effectively and efficiently realize this type of partnership, • the authorities should first change their national optics and then transform their national policies into regional ones, starting from the cross-border policies with neighbouring countries, in which PPP should be promoted as a development instrument. In addition, when necessary, they should review the legal framework in order to facilitate the establishment of PPP. After this, they should organize meetings between the different stakeholders, and more generally between citizens living in the border areas of the neighbouring countries, with the end objective of promoting the necessary knowledge for overcoming the prejudices and for opening way to partnerships and cooperation activities, • to implement policies for purposes of facilitating investments in diversified sectors, taking an advantage of the actors from different sectors and directing them to training courses to gain knowledge in areas of investment that are different from their traditional ones. ; Vi è un riconoscimento sempre più diffuso tra tutti gli attori attivi nel settore della cooperazione allo sviluppo che il partenariato pubblico privato (PPP) può essere un importante nuovo strumento, non solo per costruire grandi infrastrutture (quindi per il settore dei lavori pubblici), ma anche per offrire servizi ai cittadini sia a livello centrale, sia locale e avere, in un prossimo futuro, un valore strategico nella cooperazione transfrontaliera (CBC). E' stato visto come la Commissione Europea definisca il PPP in un modo piuttosto ampio e generico, senza dare una definizione giuridica adeguata di questo partenariato. Infatti, per l'Unione Europea il PPP è una forma di cooperazione tra le autorità pubbliche e gli operatori economici riguardante la progettazione, il finanziamento, la realizzazione, il rinnovamento o lo sfruttamento (funzionamento e manutenzione) delle infrastrutture pubbliche, così come la fornitura di un servizio di pubblica utilità (CIT). Tuttavia, non vi è un'uniforme, comune definizione di questa forma di partenariato. Considerando che l'attuale crisi economica e finanziaria globale ha colpito quasi tutte le regioni del mondo e tenendo presente che le risorse pubbliche stanno diminuendo sempre più, tra cui soprattutto quelle destinate alla cooperazione allo sviluppo, costruire partenariati e sinergie tra il settore pubblico e privato non è solo una grande possibilità ma una necessità che diventa impellente se si vuole continuare a sostenere gli interventi di cooperazione. Inoltre, questo tipo di partenariato è una buona occasione per entrambi i settori in quanto aiuta non solo a rafforzare i rapporti reciproci, ma anche a scambiare le reciproche esperienze e le migliori pratiche. Si è visto come se applicato correttamente, il PPP consenta una riduzione dei costi totali, una migliore distribuzione dei rischi, un'esecuzione più rapida dei servizi e delle attività pubbliche, nonché una migliore qualità dei servizi offerti e delle attività prodotte. Senza contare che il superamento della rigida distinzione tra pubblico e privato apre la possibilità di trovare soluzioni e di rispondere alle domande a cui la pubblica amministrazione non è in grado di rispondere autonomamente. Si sottolinea come nella cooperazione internazionale ed in particolare nella cooperazione transfrontaliera, sempre più spesso le amministrazioni locali dei paesi beneficiari e donatori stiano riconoscendo il ruolo sussidiario della società civile e del settore privato nelle attività d'interesse generale e quindi anche nell'erogazione di servizi e funzioni pubbliche. Considerando la vasta esperienza di lavoro nel settore della cooperazione allo sviluppo con il Ministero degli Affari Esteri italiano in diverse aree del mondo così come con altre organizzazioni internazionali, da ultimo con l'Organizzazione per la Sicurezza e Cooperazione in Europa (OSCE), credendo sull'utilità e le potenzialità dello strumento del PPP e verificato direttamente che potrebbe essere utilizzato maggiormente nella cooperazione internazionale, l'autore ha deciso di analizzare l'uso di tale partenariato in questo settore focalizzandosi in particolare sul programma IPA I CBC Albania - Macedonia. Infatti, lo scopo di questa tesi e della potenziale applicazione delle sue conclusioni deriva dall'interesse personale e dall'attività lavorativa dell'autore. Infatti, vive e lavora in Albania e ha una grande esperienza del paese perché è stato per diversi anni responsabile per la Cooperazione Italiana dei progetti che questa ha realizzato nello stesso. Inoltre, sta anche studiando la lingua albanese ed è molto affascinato dalla storia di questo piccolo paese così vicino all'Italia, non solo geograficamente parlando. L'attenzione per la Macedonia come paese confinante, invece, è dovuta semplicemente al fatto che è stato più facile reperire informazioni sul programma IPA I CBC Albania - Macedonia rispetto agli strumenti finanziari simili. Sulla base di una ricca esperienza sul campo, questa tesi cercherà di rispondere alla seguente domanda: "Quali sono le strategie vincenti per aumentare l'efficacia dei progetti di cooperazione transfrontaliera attraverso l'uso del PPP?". L'obiettivo generale della tesi è di individuare, infatti, le strategie che possono migliorare l'efficacia della cooperazione transfrontaliera attraverso l'uso di tale partenariato, al di là di specifici interventi che fino ad ora sono stati principalmente effettuati attraverso canali istituzionali e attuati attraverso progetti e programmi europei. Le strategie che la conclusione della tesi identifica si basano sull'analisi SWOT di cinque progetti e la conseguente elaborazione dei dati/risultati. Questi cinque progetti sono stati selezionati tra quelli finanziati dall'UE tramite l'IPA I CBC Albania/Macedonia durante il periodo di programmazione 2007 - 2013, in quanto presentanti il PPP almeno in fase embrionale. Tali strategie potrebbero aprire nuove possibilità per lo sviluppo di attività di CBC applicabili nell'ambito della politica regionale 2014 - 2020 dell'Unione Europea, senza necessariamente fare affidamento su ulteriori mezzi finanziari della stessa. Questo è anche in linea con gli auspici dell'UE che crede che la CBC non sia solo un altro modo per accedere ai finanziamenti, ma possa piuttosto diventare un modello di cooperazione sostenibile di per sé. La tesi si basa sulla raccolta e l'analisi dei dati disponibili nell'ambito del quadro giuridico-istituzionale esistente e fa uso del metodo qualitativo di ricerca con l'obiettivo di verificare l'ipotesi di cui sopra. La tesi prevede una serie di fasi di lavoro cronologicamente distinte e reciprocamente sostenibili e si basa sull'utilizzo di diversi costrutti teorici e varie metodologie avvalendosi di diverse fonti come ad esempio la letteratura esistente, le statistiche effettuate e più in generale la documentazione disponibile soprattutto in internet. Il suo contenuto deriva quindi dal reperimento e dall'analisi di varia documentazione ufficiale e di cinque documenti progettuali, così come verrà maggiormente esplicato qui di seguito. Seguendo la struttura della tesi, si può affermare che il primo capitolo presenta il quadro normativo e finanziario dei PPP in Europa, così come il modo in cui questo strumento viene utilizzato nel contesto della cooperazione internazionale e della cooperazione transfrontaliera, al fine di comprendere quando è nato questo tipo di partenariato e quali siano i suoi obiettivi e le evoluzioni che ha avuto fino ad oggi. Nello specifico, il capitolo mostra come il PPP sia nato negli anni '30 soprattutto collegato al settore energetico e minerario e come, pur non avendo ancora una comune definizione a livello europeo, oggi sia in crescita e venga visto come un importante strumento di sviluppo economico e sociale anche nel settore della cooperazione internazionale e transfrontaliera. Il capitolo, inoltre, presenta la cooperazione inter-municipale (IMC) come uno strumento che può aprire buone potenzialità all'applicazione del PPP in quanto permette di colmare le deficienze delle municipalità. Attraverso questo strumento, stabilito in seno al Consiglio d'Europa (CoE), le municipalità possono infatti anche sub-contrattare imprese private o creare un'entità nuova (IMC) per poter attrarre investitori e donatori. Il capitolo inoltre mostra come lo strumento del PPP venga incoraggiato anche dalle Nazioni Unite (UN) fin dal 1999 - anno in cui viene creato il progetto 'Global Compact' - e come vi siano diversi esempi di PPP nel mondo realizzati da Agenzie UN. E' importante sottolineare che il PPP è considerato utile dal settore pubblico anche perché può contribuire a risolvere difficoltà causate dai tagli di bilancio così come dalla burocrazia e dall'insufficiente capacità tecnica e manageriale che spesso caratterizza la pubblica amministrazione. Il PPP è quindi uno strumento attuale, innovativo e anche complementare capace di promuovere sviluppo, riforme ed investimenti oltre a promuovere politiche e buone pratiche in diversi settori tra cui quello della cooperazione allo sviluppo anche a livello transfrontaliero. Grazie al PPP si può quindi affermare che il settore privato è diventato a tutti gli effetti un attore privilegiato della cooperazione allo sviluppo internazionale. Il secondo capitolo della tesi analizza le politiche dell'Unione Europea e i relativi strumenti che presentano una connessione con i PPP. Più nel dettaglio, viene visto come attraverso queste politiche sia stato applicato il partenariato in parola nella cooperazione transfrontaliera e come la stessa sia divenuta più esplicita a livello europeo, soprattutto nel contesto del processo di stabilizzazione ed associazione. Infatti, partendo dalla Dichiarazione di Schumann del 1950, il capitolo introduce il Trattato istitutivo della CEE del 1957, esamina l'Atto Unico Europeo, per poi prendere in considerazione la politica di coesione o regionale. Proseguendo, il capitolo analizza la politica di allargamento o pre-accessione inclusi i tre criteri necessari per l'adesione stabiliti durante il Consiglio Europeo di Copenaghen nel 1993, i vari stadi del processo di adesione e le ragioni per cui l'Unione Europea promuove l'allargamento, considerando le diverse tappe di tale processo tra cui quella storica del 2004 e le sue prossime sfide. Dopo aver inoltre analizzato il quadro delle negoziazioni e gli strumenti previsti in ambito della strategia di pre-adesione, si è finito per affrontare la politica di vicinato o prossimità prendendo in analisi i suoi relativi strumenti, i suoi diversi obiettivi strategici e il suo nuovo approccio in seguito alla primavera araba. Dopo aver identificato come queste politiche presentino un'intersezione con la cooperazione transfrontaliera, è stata analizzata la loro intersezione con il PPP con il risultato di sottolineare che anche laddove tali politiche non prevedono esplicitamente il ricorso a questo tipo di partenariato, non lo escludono. Questo significa quindi che esse forniscono validi supporti all'uso di tale strumento, elemento importante per la tesi che è infatti volta a mettere in evidenza i punti di forza di tali politiche per l'applicazione dei PPP e a mostrare al contempo che vi è una mancanza applicazione degli stessi. Questo verrà evidenziato nel corso della tesi dal caso preso in esame di IPA I CBC Albania - Macedonia. Il terzo capitolo presenta come prima cosa il concetto di confine. E' importante sottolineare come questo concetto viene esplicitato non solo da un punto di vista fisico-amministrativo ma in un senso più ampio, tenendo conto di come il concetto di confine sia un elemento chiave per capire la cooperazione transfrontaliera. Infatti, è solo partendo dall'analisi di questo concetto e da questo a quello di frontiera e area periferica, passando anche alla teoria generale dei sistemi applicata alla teoria generale dei confini, che si può pervenire alla nascita del concetto di cooperazione transfrontaliera e della sua applicazione pratica. Per tale motivo si è ritenuto necessario esplicare i concetti sopra menzionati secondo le definizioni di vari studiosi di varie discipline, per poi presentare i principali strumenti legali che regolano e facilitano la cooperazione transfrontaliera a livello europeo così come i meccanismi ad hoc che la implementano. Si è partiti da quelli nati in seno al CoE e precisamente dalla Convenzione di Madrid del 1980, strumento quadro per il tipo di cooperazione oggetto di questa tesi in quanto introduce per la prima volta la possibilità di cooperare e concludere accordi ad enti di Paesi contigui geograficamente. Vengono poi presentati i suoi 3 Protocolli: il Protocollo aggiuntivo, che dà essenzialmente la possibilità di creare un organismo di cooperazione transfrontaliera ad essa preposto, il secondo Protocollo che fissa soprattutto un quadro giuridico della cooperazione interterritoriale tra le parti e il terzo Protocollo che concerne la possibilità di istituire i Gruppi Europei di Cooperazione (GEC) dotati di personalità giuridica. Inoltre, a dimostrazione di come la cooperazione transfrontaliera nel tempo abbia acquistato sempre più importanza, si è ritenuto opportuno illustrare l'istituzione dei Gruppi Europei di Cooperazione Territoriale (GECT), le loro modalità di azione e i loro ambiti di applicazione. Tali Gruppi, che si rivelano quindi essere un nuovo strumento giuridico/finanziario che integra la Convenzione di Madrid ed i relativi Protocolli, sono stati creati al fine di facilitare la cooperazione transfrontaliera e superare gli ostacoli incontrati fino ad allora. Il capitolo continua focalizzandosi sui passi compiuti dall'UE in relazione a questo tipo di cooperazione che in particolare consistono nella messa a disposizione di importanti strumenti finanziari quali per esempio INTERREG. Il terzo capitolo si conclude quindi affrontando anche la Strategia delle Macroregioni che, pur non avendo una loro definizione ufficiale in ambito europeo, forse anche a causa della loro recente istituzione e pratica, si dimostra essere veramente utile nel contribuire a realizzare la politica di coesione e più nello specifico il suo obiettivo n. 3 (Cooperazione Territoriale Europea). Considerando che all'interno di questa politica vi è una programmazione settennale, nel quarto capitolo vengono presentate sia quella appena terminata 2007-2013, sia la nuova 2014 - 2020 per verificarne i cambiamenti nel contesto di applicazione dei PPP. Viene infatti introdotta la programmazione dell'UE 2007-2013 per comprendere maggiormente cosa sarebbe cambiato nel settennio successivo, anche a causa di avvenimenti storico/politici avvenuti durante gli ultimi anni come la cosiddetta primavera araba e l'interesse a sviluppare maggiormente l'integrazione economica tra l'Unione Europea e i partner orientali. Si prosegue con l'analisi più dettagliata degli strumenti utili per la realizzazione della cooperazione transfrontaliera (CBC) nel nuovo settennato e le possibilità di applicazione del PPP all'interno di questi. A tale riguardo è importante sottolineare come in generale tutte le politiche europee, tra cui quella regionale ha un ruolo centrale, dovrebbero contribuire al raggiungimento degli obiettivi della Strategia Europa 2020. Si sottolinea come questa strategia, che ha portato alla definizione della nuova programmazione 2014-2020, sia molto ambiziosa e abbia individuato come uno degli strumenti chiave per la sua realizzazione quello del partenariato, tra cui anche il partenariato con il settore privato. Qui è importante evidenziare che gli obiettivi generali della politica regionale, sia a livello europeo, sia a livello nazionale, sono principalmente di natura socio-economica per es. orientati ad attenuare le disparità esistenti tra regioni aventi diverso livello di sviluppo. In particolare, le politiche europee hanno l'obiettivo di migliorare l'ambiente/contesto per attrarre investimenti al fine di incrementare investimenti in lavori pubblici nelle regioni che presentano maggiori necessità e migliorare la gestione delle risorse regionali locali in maniera più efficiente ed efficace. La tesi mostra come in entrambi i casi, lo strumento del PPP può essere di aiuto nel raggiungere questi importanti obiettivi. Inoltre, il capitolo in parola, dopo aver osservato che nella nuova programmazione settennale vi sono diversi cambiamenti dovuti al nuovo quadro legislativo e alle nuove modalità di attuazione della nuova politica regionale, esamina i due strumenti collegati alla CTE, IPA ed ENPI, nei due settenni di programmazione sopra menzionati. Il quinto capitolo invece, dopo una presentazione generale del contesto Albanese che prende in considerazione alcuni aspetti economici, demografici, sociali e politici del paese, includendo anche i criteri che questo deve soddisfare per poter ricevere lo status di candidato dall'Unione Europea, presenta brevemente la legge albanese sui PPP. In seguito, descrive le relazioni tra l'Albania e la Macedonia e il relativo Programma IPA CBC in relazione ai due periodi di programmazione suddetti 2007 - 2013 e 2014 - 2020 per presentarne le principali differenze. Concentrandosi sulle opportunità che l'Albania potrà avere nel prossimo futuro, viene sottolineato cosa cambia nel nuovo periodo di programmazione e con quali effetti positivi sul PPP, tenendo in considerazione anche il concetto di Responsabilità Sociale e l'iniziativa 'Global Compact' delle Nazioni Unite già menzionata precedentemente. Tutto questo per introdurre l'ultimo capitolo che, attraverso un'analisi della metodologia usata nelle varie fasi di preparazione della presente tesi, tra cui la SWOT analisi, identifica le strategie considerate vincenti per accrescere e migliorare l'efficacia della cooperazione transfrontaliera attraverso l'uso dello strumento di PPP. Nello specifico, la prima parte della tesi si è avvalsa di diverse fonti documentarie. Specialmente nella sua fase di inizio, il lavoro è stato definito attraverso ciò che è comunemente chiamata 'analisi secondaria'. E' stata effettuata infatti la ricerca e analisi della letteratura esistente e della documentazione ufficiale disponibile on-line e nei Ministeri albanesi così come nell'Istituto Nazionale di Statistica albanese. E' stata inoltre reperita e analizzata la documentazione in possesso di diversi donatori e organismi internazionali presenti nel paese e in particolare della Delegazione della Commissione Europea in Albania. La seconda parte della tesi si è concentrata sull'analisi del programma IPA CBC in generale ed IPA CBC Albania - Macedonia in particolare. A tal fine si è voluto procedere con l'analisi di progetti specifici attivati e conclusi nel contesto di tale programma per evidenziare il ruolo effettivo o potenziale del PPP nello sviluppo virtuoso di progetti di CBC. Sebbene il PPP non venga esplicitamente definito tra gli strumenti utilizzati nell'attuazione di queste iniziative, si è scelto di individuare i fattori prodromici del PPP presenti in alcuni progetti al fine di valutarne le potenzialità soprattutto nell'ottica del prossimo periodo di programmazione europea (2014-2020). Le informazioni dettagliate relative ai progetti realizzati o in fieri non sono pubblicamente disponibili essendo 'proprietà' della Delegazione della Commissione Europea in Albania e dell'Autorità di Gestione del programma. Per raccogliere dunque il materiale necessario ad identificare i progetti più rilevanti e, successivamente, a procedere alla loro analisi si è dimostrato necessario procedere attraverso interviste in profondità con attori qualificati. Sono state così condotte interviste con interlocutori principalmente della Delegazione della Commissione Europea in Albania, del Ministero dell'Integrazione albanese e della Cooperazione Austriaca. Attraverso queste interviste, ai dati relativi al contesto ed al programma si sono quindi aggiunte informazioni specifiche relative a cinque progetti in cui lo strumento del PPP fosse presente almeno in forma embrionale. Le informazioni raccolte sono state strutturate in modo da procedere ad un'analisi qualitativa e ad un incrocio dei dati attraverso lo sviluppo di una SWOT analisi dei suddetti cinque progetti finanziati da IPA I CBC Albania - Macedonia al fine di presentare i risultati di tale analisi attraverso un processo di interpretazione dei dati. Prima di iniziare la SWOT analisi, il capitolo presenta anche il programma annuale per i fondi 2009 della Direzione Generale Allargamento dell'Unione Europea che specifica anche gli obiettivi della CBC tra i due paesi presi in esame che consistono essenzialmente nella promozione dell'economia transfrontaliera e dello sviluppo sociale e ambientale. Il quinto capitolo, così come sopra detto, analizza quindi attraverso una SWOT analisi, cinque progetti finanziati dall'UE all'interno del programma IPA I CBC Albania - Macedonia primo bando. In particolare, in questa tesi, la SWOT analisi, è lo strumento che permette di identificare i punti di forza (S), di debolezza (W), di opportunità (O) e di minacce (T) che caratterizzano i progetti che verranno analizzati in relazione al PPP. In altre parole quali sono i punti forza/risorse interne ai progetti che possono favorire lo sviluppo di tale partenariato e quali le loro limitazioni/punti di debolezza che lo possono ostacolare, così come le opportunità/fattori positivi esterni al progetto che possono, del caso, essere sviluppati per superare i punti di debolezza individuati e quali le minacce/fattori negativi esterni che derivano dal contesto locale e che impediscono lo sviluppo del PPP nell'area di interesse. Basandosi sulle informazioni ottenute non essendoci progetti in cui i candidati sono formati da un PPP, anche se da un'analisi delle linee guida del bando ('Call for Proposal') relative al Programma IPA I CBC Albania - Macedonia primo bando, è stato rilevato che non vi è un riferimento esplicito a questi, è stato scelto di fare uno screening dei progetti verificando quelli che nel loro interno presentavano almeno come beneficiari diretti e/o indiretti il settore privato. Così come sopra illustrato, tra i paesi confinanti l'Albania è stata scelta la Macedonia a titolo esemplificativo. Tra i 15 progetti presi in considerazione, i 5 progetti selezionati sono: 1. 'Cross-border shared integrated alternative tourism' (Turismo transfrontaliero alternativo integrato e condiviso), 2. 'Business without borders' (Impresa senza confini), 3. 'Cross-border Civil Society Forum' (Forum transfrontaliero della società civile), 4. 'Promoting business women enterprises in the cross border area' (Promozione dell'impresa femminile nell'area transfrontaliera), 5. 'Borders without boundaries' (Confini senza limiti). Queste le dimensioni scelte e di volta in volta da verificare per ogni progetto selezionato: • relativamente al contesto interno, al fine di identificare i punti di forza e di debolezza, sono obiettivi, attori e beneficiari, • relativamente al contesto esterno, al fine di identificare le opportunità e le minacce, sono attori, beneficiari e risultati attesi. Dopo la SWOT analisi, il capitolo da ultimo presenta i risultati chiave della tesi proponendo le strategie che potrebbero migliorare la cooperazione transfrontaliera attraverso l'uso del PPP. Le considerazioni conclusive della tesi riprenderanno tali strategie ripercorrendo inoltre i punti principali del lavoro svolto. Per rispondere alla domanda che sottende questa tesi, le strategie identificate come approcci alternativi che si possono applicare al fine di consentire ai programmi/progetti di cooperazione transfrontaliera di essere sviluppati in misura maggiore e in maniera più sostenibile, efficace ed efficiente utilizzando lo strumento del PPP e senza usare necessariamente ulteriori strumenti finanziari europei sono quelle cosiddette del 'rafforzamento' e del 'superamento'. In particolare, per rafforzare gli aspetti e i fattori positivi nell'area transfrontaliera e per mitigare e/o dissipare quelli negativi emersi dall'analisi effettuata, le azioni raccomandate sia al settore pubblico, sia al settore privato, possono essere così riassunte: • organizzare congiuntamente degli incontri regolari nei quali i diversi attori possano conoscersi meglio reciprocamente così come scambiare informazioni e migliori pratiche relativamente ai paesi vicini in modo che la discussione possa vertere man mano sul potenziale sviluppo in particolare dell'economia attraverso l'impiego di nuovi strumenti come il PPP, iniziando magari da un settore pilota quale il turismo, • organizzare congiuntamente campagne di informazione sul PPP e corsi di formazione che potrebbero servire al superamento della comune mancanza di capacità di istituire efficienti PPP, • organizzare per i numerosi attori presenti sul territorio dei corsi o eventi finalizzati ad informare sui processi di revisione normativa utile a facilitare e rafforzare la cooperazione tra i diversi attori, la capacità di fare impresa e creare PPP, • rafforzare congiuntamente le reti esistenti e crearne delle nuove attraverso continui incontri capaci di mettere assieme i diversi attori aventi l'obiettivo di superare gli ostacoli/minacce e consideranti il rafforzamento delle relazioni un valore aggiunto atto a migliorare anche la capacità di reperire i fondi necessari. Le azioni invece che si raccomandano solo al settore pubblico sono: • (specialmente a livello locale) gli attori istituzionali quali le municipalità potrebbero organizzare delle riunioni invitando il settore privato, tradizionale e non, al fine di facilitare la comunicazione tra i partecipanti introducendo al contempo il PPP e facilitando l'istituzione di partenariati, • le autorità istituzionali dovrebbero cambiare la loro ottica trasformando le loro politiche nazionali, a partire da quelle transfrontaliere relative ai paesi confinanti, in modo da promuovere il PPP quale strumento di sviluppo agevolandone l'istituzione attraverso le modifiche del quadro normativo laddove necessarie, • realizzare delle politiche aventi l'obiettivo di facilitare gli investimenti diversificando i settori degli stessi e organizzando al contempo dei corsi di formazione professionale per dare l'opportunità alla popolazione in età attiva di diversificare le loro conoscenze e capacità. ; XXIV Ciclo ; 1970
COCO'S IDENTITY CRISIS AND LOVE IN WEI HUI'S SHANGHAI BABY Rosandina Amalia English Literature, Faculty of Languages and Arts, Surabaya State University Ochan.strezz@gmail.com Drs. Much. Khoiri, M.Si English Department, Faculty of Languages and Arts, Surabaya State University much_choiri@yahoo.com Abstrak Identity adalah tanda seseorang untuk membuat mereka berbeda dari yang lain. Dalam hal perbedaan, sering menjadi krisis bagi mereka yang tidak bisa mengendalikan identitas mereka. Mereka mengalami identity crisis; itu adalah masalah yang membawa orang ke jalan yang sesat. Ada begitu banyak faktor yang menyebabkan krisis ini; dalam penelitian ini salah satu faktor terbesar adalah love. Selain itu, love adalah akar dari identitas masyarakat karena itu adalah pusat untuk mengenali diri mereka dan juga orang lain. Penelitian ini memfokuskan pada identity crisis Coco dan pengaruh love yang dapat mempengaruhi identity crisisnya di Wei Hui Shanghai Baby. Tujuan dari penelitian ini adalah untuk mengidentifikasi identity crisis Coco di Wei hui Shanghai Baby dan menganalisis love Coco yang mempengaruhi identity crisisnya. Penelitian ini menggunakan dua teori, identity crisis mengacu pada teori Erikson yang menunjukkan gejala identity crisis. Teori love yang mempengaruhi identity crisis diambil dari Robert. J. Stenberg. Hasil analisis menunjukkan bahwa identity crisis Coco memiliki dua gejala; mereka adalah kebingungan peran dan keintiman. Identity crisis Coco itu sendiri disebabkan oleh love. Love memiliki tiga komponen-keintiman, gairah dan komitmen-dan masing-masing komponen memiliki empat jenis yang menjadi pembangunan komponen tersebut. Pengaruh identity crisis pada Coco memiliki semua komponen love. Terakhir dari semua, identity crisis adalah gangguan yang dapat menyebabkan seseorang untuk menuju ke jalan yang sesat, dengan cara yang berlebihan. Kelebihan ini membuat orang memaksa diri mereka untuk menutupi semua kebutuhan itu, termasuk love. Dengan demikian, love bisa menjadi aspek untuk pembangunan sebuah identity. Kata kunci: identity, identity crisis and love Abstract Identity is the sign of someone to make it different from another. In terms of differences, it often becomes a crisis for those who can not control their identity. They face an identity crisis; it is the problems that bring people into an astray way. There are so many factors that lead this crisis; in this study one of the biggest factors is love. Additionally, love is the root of people's identity because it is the ground to recognize their self and also someone else. This study focuses on Coco's identity crisis and the influences of love that can influence her identity crisis in Wei Hui's Shanghai Baby. The purpose of this study is to identify Coco's identity crisis in Wei hui's Shanghai Baby and to analyze the way Coco's love influences her identity crisis. This study uses two theories, the identity crisis refers to Erikson's theory that shows the symptoms of identity crisis. The theory of love that influences the identity crisis is taken from Robert. J. Stenberg. The result of the analysis shows that Coco's identity crisis has two symptoms; they are role confusion and intimacy. Coco's identity crisis itself is caused by love. Love has three components—intimacy, passion and commitment—and each component has four types that become the construction of the components. Coco's influence of identity crisis has all of the components of love. Last of all, identity crisis is the disorder that can lead someone to an astray way, an excessive manner. This excess makes people force their selves to cover all of the necessity, including love. Thus, love can be an aspect for the construction of an identity. Keywords: identity, identity crisis, and love. INTRODUCTION Identity is one of the most favourable themes because it is the parts of human life. Identity is ubiquitous in contemporary of social value, cutting across psychoanalysis, psychology, sciences, history, politics, culture and also sociology. Identity is defined as all information associated with an individual or organization. It defined a set of meaning applied to the self in a social role or situation defining what it means to be who one is (Jacobson, 2003: 3). The relative usages of identity is in terms of the essential to the culture of a people, to common identification with a collectivity or a social category, also in contemporary works on social movement, thus creating a common culture among participants. Individual, ethnic, national, transnational are the instructors of the identity hierarchy that some of them are acquisitive and selective whereas some of them are non-acquisitive, depending on the structure and circumstances person's opportunity. Identity crisis is a universal issues and each of every person can actually experiences the crisis. Identity crisis is the reflection of person life that can make them stronger or even weakness in the identity. Identity crisis is one of the biggest problems for human life because it brings people that face it into an astray way. Another thing is that people that have an identity crisis will have an excessive to something. They will have something pleonastic to something that they think its important and can make them happy, comfortable and also feeling better. It means people who have the identity crisis will do something that can make their self happy even its too much and they never care about what other people thought about her/him as long as they satisfied about something that they need. So, the identity crisis is the identity problem of a person that brings them into an astray way, an awkward character and even an excessive to something. Its interesting when Shanghai Baby (1999) by Wei Hui has much controversy in Chinese culture and beyond in the earlier of millennium era, because it is generally a taboo novel in People's Republic of China (PRC). It is rightfully banned in China because of its controversy, things that make it becomes as the controversy is not only about the audacious topics such as sex, pornography portrayed, desire and all taboo subjects in Chinese literature, cultural criticism imagine and also the construct tension between a gender, race and ethnicity. It is about a young urban woman leading a wild and an extravagant lifestyle. Her high desire to her couple makes her forget for a while about her identity as a Chinese woman. These presences of the love and the identity crisis of a woman as the main character in the novel, Coco, indeed, are portrayed clearly. The love in this novel is something that can make the main character in the novel has the crisis in her identity. Love is the one that has a big influenced to find the right identity. It depends on the people that choose the love. Love can control everything, include the identity of a person. The crisis of a person can show by their character to the people and the society around. People that usually have a problem with their identity, they have an identity crisis inside their identity. In Wei Hui's Shanghai Baby, the main character here is a woman named Coco, 25 years old. Her real name is actually Nikky, but she called Coco because her idol named Coco Chanel. She is a waitress but she is also a writer for her novel but she still does not finish her literary works until she meet with a guy named Tian Tian. Then he becomes Coco's boyfriend but he is an impotent boyfriend which leads her to another man because Tian Tian can not give her the satisfaction in her sexuality. Coco feels so frustration because she can not get her satisfaction with her boyfriend. This brings her to the other man named Mark. He is a foreign guy from Germany. He only becomes a man that will give her the satisfaction in the bed. Beside she had a frustration with her boyfriend, she also faced a role confusion which makes her has only limited friends. She also often isolates her self alone in the apartment of her boyfriend that she placed it to finish her novel. Furthermore, she has an intimacy with her 2 lover, whether from her real boyfriend and also from her affair man. Because she is a writer, she also has a good imagination of something, but she also can not distinguish which one is the imagination and which one is the reality. Her dreams is always blows her up, it brings her everywhere until she goes everywhere that she did know where should she go and what should she did. She confused which man than she loves. The ending of the story is so ironic which is her Germany lover should back and live forever in Berlin and after that not long after the leaving of Mark, her beloved Tian Tian death cause of he consumed drugs. Coco finally decided to go to Berlin to publish her novel. Coco loses her lovers, both of them but she still alive even she only has a limited power to live. It gives clear portrayed that Coco has a problem with her identity, especially with her love identity. She can not choose the man that she loves because she loves both of them while the balance in life is people should choose only one person to be our lover, to be the one only that can share a future together. In accordance of background study above, it can be simplify to discuss among two problems that emerge as significant concern toward this novel. How is Coco's identity crisis reflected in Wei Hui's Shanghai baby? How does Coco's love influence her identity crisis in Wei Hui's Shanghai baby? Based on all of the facts above, this study intended to a key which is about the human identity crisis by one of the post-Freudian theories, Erik H Erikson. Beside the theory of identity crisis, it uses the theory of love to give a clear explanation about Coco's love that influences her into the crisis of the identity. The love theories come from Robert Stenberg that has 3 main components of love that related to the main character in the novel to solve the statements of problems. RESEARCH METHOD It must be a data in every researches, even the literary research has a data. The data is not contains of a numeric data but it contains of a qualitative data which emerge a fascination to interpret literary works. Qualitative data are attractive. They are sources of well-grounded rich description, and explanation of processes occurring in local context (Miles and Huberman, 1984: 11). It means that the qualitative data in literary research indeed more interesting because it contains of a deep and clearly explanation and description about the literary works as an object of the data. Here, it will present the data from 2 kinds of classify, they are: Data Source Data source is a subject of the research. There will be 2 kinds of data sources, first is the primer data. It takes from the subjects of the research. The concrete data sources that will be used in this thesis is the novel itself, entitled Shanghai Baby by Wei Hui. It published in 1999. It will envolves quotations, fragments and dialogues or monologues that indicate the factors and the resolution leading to Coco's identity crisis and her love. And the second is secondary data which can take from many kinds of books, journal, magazine, previous studies about the related topic. It also puts to the references where the researcher finds the secondary data. Data Collection During the collected of the data, the researcher had read the novel as the subjects, comprehend the contents of the novel and also understand about the concepts of the topic. It called as the library research. Analysis during data collection lets the fieldworker cycle back and forth between thinking about the existing data and generating strategies for collecting new-often better quality data (Miles and Huberman, 1984: 49). It means an extensively and intensively close reading through to the novel. And then finding some proper quotations which are used to reveal the main idea of the novel that emerge the identity crisis of the main character in the novel. The data collection will have a long process during the research as long as the researcher feels that the data is accurate or not. The researcher will move forward and even move back again to make the research becomes better. ANALYSIS The first section is about Coco's identity crisis. the related theory of identity crisis comes from Erik H. Erikson. It decided into 8 stages and each stage has a psychosocial crisis (Erikson, 1974: 90). The psychosocial crisis is symptoms that every stage of age will have the different crisis. There are many symptoms that emerge an identity crisis, such as shame and doubt, guilty feeling, inferiority, role confusion, intimacy and isolation, self-absorption, and despair. In this case, Coco's character emerge two symptoms that really related to the crisis. They are role confusion that has in the fifth stage and then an intimacy that put in the sixth stage which in the adulthood. Role confusion is the act of confusing or the state of being confused. As Erikson said that human experience an identity confusion in an area's, such as career, and some path areas of interest choice of friends relationship and etc (Erikson, 1974: 93). Role confusion is the act of confusing or the state of being confused. As Erikson said that human experience an identity confusion in an area's, such as career, and some path areas of interest choice of friends relationship and etc (Erikson, 1974: 93). I sat on the sofa, my hand cradling my head, asking myself if I really understood myself as a woman. Was I really attractive? Wasn't I a bit hypocritical, snobbish, and fuzzy minded, too? The problems of my life stacked up one on another, and it would take an entire lifetime just to overcome them. (Weihui, 1999: 105) When she is alone while holding her head, she often thought about something. Even it is about her self, another thing about life, her fantasized and she always has a thought about something when she is in a lonely circumstances. In this time, she thought about her self as a woman. She is still in a confused condition with her gender as a real woman. It gives the real fact that her confusion about her minds. She is confused about her characteristic as a woman. She thought that she is a woman but she still can't understand about her self as a woman. She even can't choose who really she is. She actually has the quality of attracting to the men. She is a charming woman. But, she is still confused about that. Whether she is a woman with a certain character or not she still does not know well about it. "Wasn't I a bit hypocritical, snobbish, and fuzzy minded, too?" (Weihui, 1999: 105). She told to her mind that is she a liar, hypocrite, or even a person that has a big heart but really likes to show off to everyone, and also between her fussy minded that talks too much. It is so complicated problem for her. She faces a professing feelings or virtues one does not have. She has a characteristic of those who incline to social exclusiveness and who rebuff the advances of people considered inferior. This is the causes of her problem that stacked and being mess up. "I didn't know what to do, what day it was, or who I was" (Weihui, 1999: 239). She never be a normal person if she still has a fussy minded and confusion about her self. For instance, she always has confusion between her self. One day, when she has no friends in her apartment, she has nothing to do, not even has a plan to go out to do something. But she also confused what day is that and who really she is. Her problems will overcome to her as her fussy minded emerge. "Agitated, I circled the room. At last, I decided I had to leave the apartment, for where I didn't know, but I had money in my handbag and my face was made up." (Weihui, 1999: 105). She is a fussy minded but sometimes she also has a nothing thought. It proves when there is no one in her room, she decided to leave. But she even does not know about where she would go after she is leaving her room. Her mind told that as long as she had enough money, she can go everywhere she likes. She is totally out of focus of something. She can not focus only in one way, to finish her novel. "I'm in Beijing," I said, as my heart was seized by a sharp wave of tired tenderness. I didn't even know why I was in Beijing at this moment." (Weihui, 1999: 111). After she circled her room, she decided to go to Beijing to meet her old friend. She went there only for spending her time, not to be alone and lonely in the apartment. But, she actually didn't know exactly what her purpose to go to Beijing. It was so useless when she told to Tian Tian on the phone. This really shows that her minds is still wishy washy. She even didn't know about the place that she went at that time. The second role confusion is between a woman in the real life or as the writer in the unreliable life. Her grandmother decided what she wants to be in the future. In fact, it was my grandmother who predicted that I would be a writer. With a literary star shining down on me and a belly full of ink, I would, she said, make my mark one day. (Weihui, 1999: 18). By the predicted of her grandmother, Coco's feeling had been hypnotic that she will be a writer. She fetch up all standing by her grandmother's predicted. "Coco, I've got an idea," he said. "What idea?" "Why don't you give up you job at the cafe?" Tian Tian said. "Then what would I do?". "We have enough money, not to have work all the time. You could write your novel." (Weihui, 1999: 6) In a time, when she mets Tian Tian at the first time and Tian Tian asked her to be a writer, she suddenly agreed with that decision without thinking about another risk. Actually, she had already made a several job, it is in the magazine company publisher and also she had already wrote a several short stories but it didn't make succeed. That is the causes she quits become a writer until she met Tian Tian. She started to write again as Tian Tian grant to her. Tian Tian asks Coco to become a writer again because he trusts Coco that she can write again. It brings the clear explanation that she still uncertain about her ability to be a writer. After she met Tian Tian that makes her ability suddenly appear again. "From the moment I first saw you at green stalk, I just feel you were cut out to be writer." Tian Tian went on (Weihui, 1999: 23). As Tian Tian said that he totally sure that Coco's life were being set as a writer. He saw Coco at the first time when she done her job in Green stalk cafe. Started at that time, Tian Tian saw Coco that she is correctly to set as being a writer. But she still uncertainty about her self to be a writer. The novel had brought me in a worry. I didn't know how to disguise myself effectively to my readers. In other words, I didn't want to mix my novel up with my real life and to be honest, I was even more worried that as the plot developed, it could have an impact for my future. (Weihui, 1999: 92) This is become her trouble to become a famous author. The novel that she wrote, she had to be an invisible woman. She had to separate between herself in the real life with her self in her novel. She needs to modify the manner in order to conceal her identity of her character in the novel. Because if she wrote her real life in the works, people thought about her life is abnormal. By the time she felt so worry if she went so far. She feels truly sad and becomes so pessimistic about her novel. Her pessimistic appears since her novel did not make any significant change or even she has no feeling that her novel will become a sensational novel or she will become a famous author. She even more worries when she can't distinguish her real life that proper to be written in her works. It gives an impact in her future, what is the impact of it she still does not know about it. Who knows what the future brings, but she has to avoid the bad things happen in her life. The way to avoid the bad thing is not to invoke her real life in her novel that she wrote. She wants to be a writer but not to write about her real life as public consumptions. Another thing that can appear her spirit to become a writer is her psychologist, David. He is not only suggested her as a writer but also give a value to Coco's character. The third Coco's role confusion comes from her love. She has two different characteristics of her lover. Between her real love Tian Tian and also her affair Mark. After she quits from her job in the Green Stalk cafe and her parents forbid her to live in Tian Tian's apartment, she gets so out of control. She meets with the Germany man in her friend party, Madonna. The Germany man named Mark. Mark's abilities seemed to have been a gift from the gods, whereas Tian Tian was the total opposite. They were like beings from two different universes. Their existences met in inverted images of themselves projected onto my body (Weihui, 1999: 177). Her role confusion to choose between Mark and Tian Tian started when all of them show their differences. Mark has so much abilities and much power to attrack his opposite. He is also a business man that has so much relation everywhere. He is a business man that work for a while in Shanghai. Tian Tian just couldn't handle sex. I'm not sure if it was related to the tragedy that caused his mental problems, but I remember the first time I held him in bed. When I discovered he was impotent, I was devastated, so much so that I didn't know if I could stay with him. Ever since college I had seen sex as a basic necessity (although I've since changed my mind about this). (Weihui, 1999: 5) In that quotation shows that the men named Tian Tian is Coco's boyfriend that she just recognised him not too long. Tian Tian also has a problem with his identity because his background of his life is not really good. "Grandmother was convinced it was murder. My dad didn't have any history of heart disease; she said my mother killed him. That she had another man over there, and they plotted it together" (Weihui, 1999: 3). In addition, the background life of Tian Tian is because of the mystery death of his father and the unfaithful mother. But, he still does not believe her grandmother, it can probably true. These bring his silent and cool characterisation in his daily life. "Tian Tian just couldn't handle sex" (Weihui, 1999: 5) from the quotation, it gives clear description that Tian Tian has a trouble with his sex ability. He can not handle his lust even he has a trouble with his sex ability. He is an impotent, but Coco does not know the cause of his impotent. "I'm not sure if it was related to the tragedy that caused his mental problems, but I remember the first time I held him in bed" (Weihui, 1999: 5). Perhaps, it has a relation to his mental tragedy that caused his mental problem. That is the causes of his impotent. He has no desire to a women, Coco is the one that he loves much. In the other hand, Coco feels disappointed with the sexual of Tian Tian. "I was devastated, so much so that I didn't know if I could stay with him" (WeiHui, 1999: 5). Until she is speechless to lay waste and think about what should she does for the next after she knew he was an impotent. If it takes a look to the Erikson stages, this case has a problem with Coco's love that has in the sixth stage. The sixth stage believed that love could become something that heal everything, include the crisis of identity. But, in this case, it would never happen because the cause of the crisis itself is love. Coco's feeling is so shatter when she knows that her lover can not give her a satisfaction. Coco has a big lust to a man that she loves. "Ever since college I had seen sex as a basic necessity (although I've since changed my mind about this)" (Weihui, 1999: 5). It shows when she was in the college, she really likes sex and she makes sex as her necessary in her life even she tried to handle this but she can't. In this case, she has role confusion in her adolescence period that can cause the refusal from the society because of her attitude. It proves in her last sentence. Furthermore, for her sex is her basic necessity, it is also for everyone. She has a life compulsion. As it mentions, she needs a sexual satisfaction to give her alive and defend her self. "The man I love can't give me a sexual satisfaction, and worse, he can't give me a sense of security. He smokes drugs, and he's disengaged from the world. Now he's carried his kitten off to the south, and it seems as if he could leave me at any time. I mean forever. Meanwhile, a married man is giving me physical satisfaction but has no impact on my emotions. We use our bodies to interact and rely on them to sense each other's existence, but they're also a protective layer between us, keeping us from connecting mentally" (Weihui, 1999: 104) That is all of her explanation to her psychologist, David. It is clear enough that she really has a serious trouble with her life, the people that she loves. Her first serious problem is with her real love, Tian Tian. He can't give her satisfaction in the bed. She is lack of the gratification of a desire's needed. She is insecure from many bad things around because Tian Tian can't save her. He unconnected him self from something that holds fast and entangles. He is a serious drugs smoker. He is also alienate him self from the world. He really likes to be alone and push him self away from people. This is really bad for Coco that has an ambition's character. Another side comes from her affair. Mark is a husband from a Germany woman. But Coco felt satisfaction with Mark. He gives too much about a lust to Coco. Unfortunately she has no emotion to Mark, even it is only about caring him even less for loving him. He is capable of giving protection to Coco but she only relies on Mark's body to give her a satisfaction in the bed. She only separates herself with Mark as a sex partner to give a mental satisfaction. Her purpose to hang affair with Mark is only to give her alive. Without a lust from the man, Coco's feeling will be so wild because she can't life without a sex from a man. Without sex, she is never being an existed woman. She is really in trouble. As it mentions in the first paragraph, "ever since college I had seen sex as a basic necessity (although I've since changed my mind about this)." (Weihui, 1999: 5). This novel has a thick relation to love. Love is something that Coco's need to life alive. Indeed, she has so many people around that really love her so much. But, she needs the special person to love her, to share her life together for her future. Sometimes, love can become the cause of someone's problem. It becomes the causes of an identity, characteristics and also another psychological problem. In this case, Coco faces an identity problem that influenced by her love. Intimacy love appears because of there is comfortable feeling, ability to intimate a relationship between people. Intimacy as the component to create a love, intimacy emerges in the Coco's love. There are also several types of love that will make this intimacy appears. They are types of liking as a friendship, romantic love, companionate love, and also consummate love. All of those types emerge in Coco's love. For the first types of love in this intimacy is the type of liking as a friendship. It only happens between her friends, Madonna. As she knows her not too much from Tian Tian, she spends not too much time with her. But one day, they spend a couple days to share about their love in warmth. "Poor you! Your worries have used up all your endorphins. You need to watch your health!" (Weihui, 1999: 173). It shows when Madonna feels so worry about Coco's condition because of her bad mood circumstances. She tired in her worries about her novel. Until, she spends a week to write a lot, finish her novel until she never gets out form her room. She needs refresh her mind, then Madonna comes and stays there. That's what a friend for. The next type of love that emerges her identity crisis is the type of companionate. Companionate of love occurs in the family, when there is a big commitment but has no passion at all. Coco's commitment to her family is about her life as being a good woman in front of her family. A well-manner man, he spoiled me from the start. By the time I was three, he had trained me to appreciate operas such as La Boheme. He always worried that when I grew up I'd lose my body and soul to a sex maniac. I'm his most precious baby, he says, and I should treat men cautiously and never shed tears over them. (Weihui, 1999: 19) This fact shows that she doesn't grow as a good woman as the wishing of her parents. Her family had reined her to become a good woman. But her parents are totally go in the wrong way. Her father comes from a well manner man contains of a lot of knowledge as the lecture in one of the university in Shanghai. He is so worried about her daughter. When Coco still in the three years old, he often brought her to see an appreciate opera such as La Boheme. He thought that it would trained her about how to be a good woman. But, that's all about her father's efforts is totally useless. She won't to disappoint her father, and she hides her real self in front of her family. As long as she doesn't make them cry or disappointed, she still stay calm in front of them. Even thought she has no one to share about her boyfriend, about her novel and even about all of the whole cruel life that she faced. The next type of love in this intimacy is the romantic love. The deepest love comes from Tian Tian, a man younger than her. Their introduction from one to each other is too fast. Until, that is, the day he gave me a note said "I love you" along with his name and address." (Weihui, 1999: 2). It's clearly enough that Tian Tian falling in love with Coco at his first sight when Coco still does a job in the cafe. He directly gives her a note that he loves her by not saying any words or even knowing her name. "I don't know why. I just wanted you to make love to me perfectly just once. I want you so much, because I love you." (Weihui, 1999: 245). The strength of romantic love appears. Romantic love also has a passion beside the intimacy to the closeness. Even she has an impotent boyfriend, but she still wants to heal her boyfriend. Her statement proves that she really loves her boyfriend even she has to convey to herself that he never has sex with her. This leads her intimacy to another man that can satisfied her. She really wants him to be a normal person in order to feel the real sex from the one that she really begs on her life. This passion brings her to the deepest romantic love. The passion's component of love is one of the parts that take much in this novel. It has a lot of impact to Coco's identity crisis because of this component of love. There are types of love that can be the shape of passion. They are infatuation love, fatuous love and also romantic love. As it explained in the previous chapter, infatuation love is a love at the first sight and also a crazy love because of something that interact people to stay with their couple. In this case, Coco also faced love at the first sight to Mark. "His eyes were shining in the darkness, like those of an animal lurking in the shrubbery. I was surprised by the feeling those eyes gave me." (Weihui, 1999: 29). She suddenly feels so attracted by Mark's gaze on her. His eyes is so glistening with his sharp sight. She feels like she has no power at all not to look his eyes stared at her. This is the symbol of the love at the first sight to Mark. Started her meeting with Mark, she begins affair from Tian Tian. Her first sight to Mark is the inception of her problem with her confusing love, confusing identity and confusing her intimacy. While her fatuous love started when she was in a college. Coco's infatuation love emerges when she was in college. It shows that she has a big lust since she was in her college. She told about her crazy boyfriend. He is the person that teaches Coco about sex. Started at that time, she has a big lust, a high desire to the man that she loves. "My ex just happened to cater to several of those dispositions, from dependence to masochism to narcissism, and my need to atone to my mother for my sins would be an emotional theme throughout my life." (Weihui, 1999: 35). He leads Coco to the bad characteristic. Masochism brings Coco to an abnormal condition in which pleasure, especially sexual pleasure, is derived from pain or from humiliation, domination by her ex boyfriend. She has the tendency to derive sexual gratification, from being physically or emotionally abused. Romantic love from Coco between her relationship with Tian Tian and also her affair with Mark is appears. She is deliberately behaves in such a way as to attract attention from Tian Tian. She performs dangerous stunts to attract attention and also a compulsive desire to expose her genitals. He showed no pity, never stopping for a second. The pain burst into a kind of apoplexy. "I opened my eyes wide and looked at him, half in love, half in hate. I was aroused by his naked white body." (Weihui, 1999: 63). It happens when they had a sex. Mark is really lustful to Coco, he until didn't give Coco a chances to take a breath. He has no compassion to Coco because he is in the top of his lust. He had a sex with Coco such a fit of an extreme anger to her. He is just like loss of his consciousness. She also stimulated her sexual desire by Mark's body. She feels a great sexual desire with Mark. "That very night he successfully improved his knowledge of me, from my breast down to my toes, from my heavy breathing to my loud cries." (Weihui, 1999: 69). Until, Coco feels so satisfied with Mark's act in the bed. She is really enjoying that sexual affair. I promised Tian Tian I would visit him often and that I would take a good care Fur Ball and myself. I would write seriously and finish my novel. I wouldn't let myself sink into nightmares. I had to believe I was the luckiest and most beautiful woman alive and that miracles do happen. It was all I could do. I swore I would await his return. I love you. And that's how my love is (Weihui, 1999: 165). Fatuous love is love pushes by desire and also a commitment to go to the future, it is marriage. This happens between Tian Tian and Coco. Coco wants Tian Tian to go to the Reproduction Healthy Centre because she really wants him to recover him self. It means that she really hopes to Tian Tian's health. She really cares to Tian Tian but Tian Tian never cares about his health. Beside Tian Tian has a problem with his genital, he is an impotent, he is also a drugs user. He becomes so drugs user when he was far away from Coco. He took morphine. Unfortunately, he doesn't realize that Coco wants him so much in the future. Beside her care to Tian Tian is too much, she also has a commitment to her self that she will finish her novel. Her novel is the only hopes for Tian Tian's life. She wants to grant Tian Tian's hope. She won't disappoint him. Her commitment here will bring her to the spirit of a life instinct, so does Tian Tian. Commitment love also has a several type of love that built this component. They are an empty love, companionate love, fatuous love and the last is consummate love. The companionate love and fatuous love had been discussed in the previous component of love. They also emerge the strong commitment. an empty love appears because of a compulsion from someone. Even a strong love suddenly can become an empty love because of the broken role of a relationship, but it still has a commit through to the future. In the commitment component, Tian Tian had to fix him self to life with Coco but he had no responsibility to her. While the opposite happens to Coco, she had to take a full responsibility to Tian Tian because he has not much friends to share, dissociable from her family and also his society around. She has to be more carefully also to Tian Tian because he consumes morphine too much everyday. "For no good reason, I felt responsible for him – and also a sense of remorse." (Weihui, 1999: 23). She feels a sense of deep regret and guilt for some misdeed. She has to be more patient and has a strong enough emotion to face Tian Tian's character as being a drug user. Coco also is a woman that has a strong desire for success or achievement. He describes Coco is a person who wishes to rise above her present position or condition. She has full of power to be a success woman that has an enough effort for her better life. She is also a loyalty person to her future. From all of Coco's power to be a success woman, it gives an impact to Tian Tian. He has to commit to him self that he has to be alive because of Coco. He stated to him self of being committed or pledged to Coco that he had to have a good effort for his better future. In order to convince Coco about his committed. CONCLUSION In Wei Hui, Shanghai Baby, the main character is Coco. She has an identity crisis and it influences by her love. As the identity emerges problem for Coco, it followed by the appearing of 2 statements of analysis in this study. Therefore, based from all of the recent analysis of the data, the result can be concluded that there are two conclusions. Firstly, she has a different character because in her previous period she can't choose a certain identity for her self. She has a problem with her identity. If an identity can't be the people's necessity, they will out of control and have a divergent in their identity. It called as an identity crisis. She faces an identity crisis with the role confusion and also an intimacy. Her role confusion emerges between her profession as a writer and also her self as a woman. She can't choose which one that will be the most important for her life. She is a writer, she also has a good imagination of something, but she can not distinguish which one is the imagination and which one is the reality. Her dreams is always blows her up, it brings her everywhere until she goes everywhere that she did know where should she go and what should she did. Her role confusion emerges because of her lover too. She has 2 lover, but her real lover is an impotent while another one is a foreigner from German. This brings her a sexual disorder with her boyfriend, Tian Tian while Tian Tian is an impotent. She can not choose which one is the best for her. So, her choice is just only depending on her 2 lover whether Tian Tian will leave her or Mark that leave her away. Whereas her intimacy between 2 lover run well, she has no problem when she met with Mark. She can not get what she wants from Tian Tian. Mark only becomes a man that will give her the satisfaction in the bed. She does an affair with Mark, she really satisfied with Mark but she won't to fall in love with Mark because she still has Tian Tian. Even she has Tian Tian, he can't give her the best secure for her, lack of attention because Tian Tian is too busy with his morphine. She can not choose the man that she loves because she loves both of them while the balance in life is people should choose only one person to be our lover, to be the one only that can share a future together. Secondly, an identity crisis appears because of many factors. Actually the identity can go weakness because of the society around. Identity of someone sometimes annoys by many factors. The biggest factor from this novel that emerges the identity crisis is because of love. Love is a general way to healing something. But in this case, love becomes a trouble for Coco's identity. There are components of love that leads Coco to her identity problem. Her love contains of an intimacy, passion and also a big commitment for her future. All of the components appear a trouble for her life in searching for her identity about her self as a woman or as a writer. In every components of love, it has a several types of love that built becomes one strong component. The deepest love of Coco is only to Tian Tian but he can't give the satisfactions to her. This leads her to affair with Mark. She breaks the law of faithful, this brings her minds so blind until she can not think about what the future brings. She makes a relationship without thought what are the consequences that emerge by her relationship. Love needs a sacrifice to get the immortality of it. Tian Tian sacrificed his love to affair with another man even he knew it exactly what her lover did behind him, he still did not care much about it. He realizes that he can not give her the satisfaction. As final words, love can emerge not only as a happiness for people who feels it but also it can be a trouble for people who has not understanding well about their identity. Everybody wants the love and to be loved by people around. Love also can emerge the crisis of identity. REFERENCE Alwisol. (2009). Psychology Kepribadian. Malang: UMM Press. Arkoff. Abe, (2006). Psychology and Personal Growth. Allyn and Bacon Burns, D. D., (1985), Intimate Connections: The Clinically Proven Program for Making Close Friends and Finding a Love Partner. New York: Signet (paperback) Erikson, E. H. (1950). Childhood and Society. New York. _________. (1968). Dimensions of a New Identity. New York. _________. (1974). Identify: Youth and Crisis. Norton; New York. _________. (1964). 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Smoking is a major heritable and modifiable risk factor for many diseases, including cancer, common respiratory disorders and cardiovascular diseases. Fourteen genetic loci have previously been associated with smoking behaviour-related traits. We tested up to 235,116 single nucleotide variants (SNVs) on the exome-array for association with smoking initiation, cigarettes per day, pack-years, and smoking cessation in a fixed effects meta-analysis of up to 61 studies (up to 346,813 participants). In a subset of 112,811 participants, a further one million SNVs were also genotyped and tested for association with the four smoking behaviour traits. SNV-trait associations with P < 5 × 10-8 in either analysis were taken forward for replication in up to 275,596 independent participants from UK Biobank. Lastly, a meta-analysis of the discovery and replication studies was performed. Sixteen SNVs were associated with at least one of the smoking behaviour traits (P < 5 × 10-8) in the discovery samples. Ten novel SNVs, including rs12616219 near TMEM182, were followed-up and five of them (rs462779 in REV3L, rs12780116 in CNNM2, rs1190736 in GPR101, rs11539157 in PJA1, and rs12616219 near TMEM182) replicated at a Bonferroni significance threshold (P < 4.5 × 10-3) with consistent direction of effect. A further 35 SNVs were associated with smoking behaviour traits in the discovery plus replication meta-analysis (up to 622,409 participants) including a rare SNV, rs150493199, in CCDC141 and two low-frequency SNVs in CEP350 and HDGFRP2. Functional follow-up implied that decreased expression of REV3L may lower the probability of smoking initiation. The novel loci will facilitate understanding the genetic aetiology of smoking behaviour and may lead to the identification of potential drug targets for smoking prevention and/or cessation. ; The authors would like to thank the many colleagues who contributed to collection and phenotypic characterisation of the clinical samples, as well as genotyping and analysis of the GWA data. Special mentions are as follows: CGSB participating cohorts: Some of the data utilised in this study were provided by the Understanding Society: The UK Household Longitudinal Study, which is led by the Institute for Social and Economic Research at the University of Essex and funded by the Economic and Social Research Council. The data were collected by NatCen and the genome wide scan data were analysed by the Wellcome Trust Sanger Institute. The Understanding Society DAC have an application system for genetics data and all use of the data should be approved by them. The application form is at: https://www.understandingsociety.ac.uk/about/health/data. The Airwave Health Monitoring Study is funded by the UK Home Office, (Grant number 780-TETRA) with additional support from the National Institute for Health Research Imperial College Health Care NHS Trust and Imperial College Biomedical Research Centre. We thank all participants in the Airwave Health Monitoring Study. This work used computing resources provided by the MRC- funded UK MEDical Bioinformatics partnership programme (UK MED-BIO) (MR/L01632X/1). Paul Elliott wishes to acknowledge the Medical Research Council and Public Health England (MR/L01341X/1) for the MRC-PHE Centre for Environment and Health; and the NIHR Health Protection Research Unit in Health Impact of Environmental Hazards (HPRU-2012-10141). Paul Elliott is supported by the UK Dementia Research Institute which receives its funding from UK DRI Ltd funded by the UK Medical Research Council, Alzheimer's Society and Alzheimer's Research UK. Paul Elliott is associate director of the Health Data Research UK London funded by a consortium led by the UK Medical Research Council. SHIP (Study of Health in Pomerania) and SHIP-TREND both represent population-based studies. SHIP is supported by the German Federal Ministry of Education and Research (Bundesministerium für Bildung und Forschung (BMBF); grants 01ZZ9603, 01ZZ0103, and 01ZZ0403) and the German Research Foundation (Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft (DFG); grant GR 1912/5-1). SHIP and SHIP-TREND are part of the Community Medicine Research net (CMR) of the Ernst-Moritz-Arndt University Greifswald (EMAU) which is funded by the BMBF as well as the Ministry for Education, Science and Culture and the Ministry of Labor, Equal Opportunities, and Social Affairs of the Federal State of Mecklenburg-West Pomerania. The CMR encompasses several research projects that share data from SHIP. SNP typing of SHIP and SHIP-TREND using the Illumina Infinium HumanExome BeadChip (version v1.0) was supported by the BMBF (grant 03Z1CN22). LifeLines authors thank Behrooz Alizadeh, Annemieke Boesjes, Marcel Bruinenberg, Noortje Festen, Ilja Nolte, Lude Franke, Mitra Valimohammadi for their help in creating the GWAS database, and Rob Bieringa, Joost Keers, René Oostergo, Rosalie Visser, Judith Vonk for their work related to data-collection and validation. The authors are grateful to the study participants, the staff from the LifeLines Cohort Study and Medical Biobank Northern Netherlands, and the participating general practitioners and pharmacists. LifeLines Scientific Protocol Preparation: Rudolf de Boer, Hans Hillege, Melanie van der Klauw, Gerjan Navis, Hans Ormel, Dirkje Postma, Judith Rosmalen, Joris Slaets, Ronald Stolk, Bruce Wolffenbuttel; LifeLines GWAS Working Group: Behrooz Alizadeh, Marike Boezen, Marcel Bruinenberg, Noortje Festen, Lude Franke, Pim van der Harst, Gerjan Navis, Dirkje Postma, Harold Snieder, Cisca Wijmenga, Bruce Wolffenbuttel. The authors wish to acknowledge the services of the LifeLines Cohort Study, the contributing research centres delivering data to LifeLines, and all the study participants. Niek Verweij was supported by NWO VENI (016.186.125). Fenland authors thank Fenland Study volunteers for their time and help, Fenland Study general Practitioners and practice staff for assistance with recruitment, and Fenland Study Investigators, Co-ordination team and the Epidemiology Field, Data and Laboratory teams for study design, sample/data collection and genotyping. We thank all ASCOT trial participants, physicians, nurses, and practices in the participating countries for their important contribution to the study. In particular we thank Clare Muckian and David Toomey for their help in DNA extraction, storage, and handling. We would also like to acknowledge the Barts and The London Genome Centre staff for genotyping the Exome Chip array. The BRIGHT study is extremely grateful to all the patients who participated in the study and the BRIGHT nursing team. We would also like to thank the Barts Genome Centre staff for their assistance with this project. Patricia B. Munroe, Mark J. Caulfield, and Helen R. Warren wish to acknowledge the NIHR Cardiovascular Biomedical Research Unit at Barts and The London, Queen Mary University of London, UK for support. Mark J. Caulfield are Senior National Institute for Health Research Investigators. EMBRACE Collaborating Centres are: Coordinating Centre, Cambridge: Daniel Barrowdale, Debra Frost, Jo Perkins. North of Scotland Regional Genetics Service, Aberdeen: Zosia Miedzybrodzka, Helen Gregory. Northern Ireland Regional Genetics Service, Belfast: Patrick Morrison, Lisa Jeffers. West Midlands Regional Clinical Genetics Service, Birmingham: Kai-ren Ong, Jonathan Hoffman. South West Regional Genetics Service, Bristol: Alan Donaldson, Margaret James. East Anglian Regional Genetics Service, Cambridge: Joan Paterson, Marc Tischkowitz, Sarah Downing, Amy Taylor. Medical Genetics Services for Wales, Cardiff: Alexandra Murray, Mark T. Rogers, Emma McCann. St James's Hospital, Dublin & National Centre for Medical Genetics, Dublin: M. John Kennedy, David Barton. South East of Scotland Regional Genetics Service, Edinburgh: Mary Porteous, Sarah Drummond. Peninsula Clinical Genetics Service, Exeter: Carole Brewer, Emma Kivuva, Anne Searle, Selina Goodman, Kathryn Hill. West of Scotland Regional Genetics Service, Glasgow: Rosemarie Davidson, Victoria Murday, Nicola Bradshaw, Lesley Snadden, Mark Longmuir, Catherine Watt, Sarah Gibson, Eshika Haque, Ed Tobias, Alexis Duncan. South East Thames Regional Genetics Service, Guy's Hospital London: Louise Izatt, Chris Jacobs, Caroline Langman. North West Thames Regional Genetics Service, Harrow: Huw Dorkins. Leicestershire Clinical Genetics Service, Leicester: Julian Barwell. Yorkshire Regional Genetics Service, Leeds: Julian Adlard, Gemma Serra-Feliu. Cheshire & Merseyside Clinical Genetics Service, Liverpool: Ian Ellis, Claire Foo. Manchester Regional Genetics Service, Manchester: D Gareth Evans, Fiona Lalloo, Jane Taylor. North East Thames Regional Genetics Service, NE Thames, London: Lucy Side, Alison Male, Cheryl Berlin. Nottingham Centre for Medical Genetics, Nottingham: Jacqueline Eason, Rebecca Collier. Northern Clinical Genetics Service, Newcastle: Alex Henderson, Oonagh Claber, Irene Jobson. Oxford Regional Genetics Service, Oxford: Lisa Walker, Diane McLeod, Dorothy Halliday, Sarah Durell, Barbara Stayner. The Institute of Cancer Research and Royal Marsden NHS Foundation Trust: Ros Eeles, Nazneen Rahman, Elizabeth Bancroft, Elizabeth Page, Audrey Ardern-Jones, Kelly Kohut, Jennifer Wiggins, Jenny Pope, Sibel Saya, Natalie Taylor, Zoe Kemp and Angela George. North Trent Clinical Genetics Service, Sheffield: Jackie Cook, Oliver Quarrell, Cathryn Bardsley. South West Thames Regional Genetics Service, London: Shirley Hodgson, Sheila Goff, Glen Brice, Lizzie Winchester, Charlotte Eddy, Vishakha Tripathi, Virginia Attard. Wessex Clinical Genetics Service, Princess Anne Hospital, Southampton: Diana Eccles, Anneke Lucassen, Gillian Crawford, Donna McBride, Sarah Smalley. Understanding Society Scientific Group is funded by the Economic and Social Research Council (ES/H029745/1) and the Wellcome Trust (WT098051). Paul D.P. Pharoah is funded by Cancer Research UK (C490/A16561). SHIP is funded by the German Federal Ministry of Education and Research (BMBF) and the German Research Foundation (DFG); see acknowledgements for details. F.W. Asselbergs is funded by the Netherlands Heart Foundation (2014T001) and supported by UCL Hospitals NIHR Biomedical Research Centre. The LifeLines Cohort Study, and generation and management of GWAS genotype data for the LifeLines Cohort Study is supported by the Netherlands Organization of Scientific Research NWO (grant 175.010.2007.006), the Economic Structure Enhancing Fund (FES) of the Dutch government, the Ministry of Economic Affairs, the Ministry of Education, Culture and Science, the Ministry for Health, Welfare and Sports, the Northern Netherlands Collaboration of Provinces (SNN), the Province of Groningen, University Medical Center Groningen, the University of Groningen, Dutch Kidney Foundation and Dutch Diabetes Research Foundation. Niek Verweij is supported by Horizon 2020, Marie Sklodowska-Curie (661395) and ICIN-NHI. Phenotype collection in the Lothian Birth Cohort 1921 was supported by the UK's Biotechnology and Biological Sciences Research Council (BBSRC), The Royal Society and The Chief Scientist Office of the Scottish Government. Phenotype collection in the Lothian Birth Cohort 1936 was supported by Age UK (The Disconnected Mind project). Genotyping was supported by Centre for Cognitive Ageing and Cognitive Epidemiology (Pilot Fund award), Age UK, and the Royal Society of Edinburgh. The work was undertaken by The University of Edinburgh Centre for Cognitive Ageing and Cognitive Epidemiology, part of the cross council Lifelong Health and Wellbeing Initiative (MR/K026992/1). Funding from the BBSRC and Medical Research Council (MRC) is gratefully acknowledged. Paul W. Franks is supported by Novo Nordisk, the Swedish Research Council, Påhlssons Foundation, Swedish Heart Lung Foundation (2020389), and Skåne Regional Health Authority. Nicholas J Wareham, Claudia Langenberg, Robert A Sacott, and Jian'an Luan are supported by the MRC (MC_U106179471 and MC_UU_12015/1). The BRIGHT study was supported by the Medical Research Council of Great Britain (Grant Number G9521010D); and by the British Heart Foundation (Grant Number PG/02/128). The BRIGHT study is extremely grateful to all the patients who participated in the study and the BRIGHT nursing team. The Exome Chip genotyping was funded by Wellcome Trust Strategic Awards (083948 and 085475). We would also like to thank the Barts Genome Centre staff for their assistance with this project. The ASCOT study and the collection of the ASCOT DNA repository was supported by Pfizer, New York, NY, USA, Servier Research Group, Paris, France; and by Leo Laboratories, Copenhagen, Denmark. Genotyping of the Exome Chip in ASCOT-SC and ASCOT-UK was funded by the National Institutes of Health Research (NIHR). Anna F. Dominiczak was supported by the British Heart Foundation (Grant Numbers RG/07/005/23633, SP/08/005/25115); and by the European Union Ingenious HyperCare Consortium: Integrated Genomics, Clinical Research, and Care in Hypertension (grant number LSHM-C7-2006-037093). Nilesh J. Samani is supported by the British Heart Foundation and is a Senior National Institute for Health Research Investigator. Panos Deloukas is supported by the British Heart Foundation (RG/14/5/30893), and NIHR, where his work forms part of the research themes contributing to the translational research portfolio of Barts Cardiovascular Biomedical Research Centre which is funded by the National Institute for Health Research (NIHR). The LOLIPOP study is supported by the National Institute for Health Research (NIHR) Comprehensive Biomedical Research Centre Imperial College Healthcare NHS Trust, the British Heart Foundation (SP/04/002), the Medical Research Council (G0601966, G0700931), the Wellcome Trust (084723/Z/08/Z, 090532 & 098381) the NIHR (RP-PG-0407-10371), the NIHR Official Development Assistance (ODA, award 16/136/68), the European Union FP7 (EpiMigrant, 279143) and H2020 programs (iHealth-T2D, 643774). We acknowledge support of the MRC-PHE Centre for Environment and Health, and the NIHR Health Protection Research Unit on Health Impact of Environmental Hazards. The work was carried out in part at the NIHR/Wellcome Trust Imperial Clinical Research Facility. The views expressed are those of the author(s) and not necessarily those of the Imperial College Healthcare NHS Trust, the NHS, the NIHR or the Department of Health. We thank the participants and research staff who made the study possible. JC is supported by the Singapore Ministry of Health's National Medical Research Council under its Singapore Translational Research Investigator (STaR) Award (NMRC/STaR/0028/2017). The research was supported by the National Institute for Health Research (NIHR) Exeter Clinical Research Facility and ERC grant 323195; SZ-245 50371-GLUCOSEGENES-FP7-IDEAS-ERC to T.M. Frayling. Hanieh Yaghootkar is funded by Diabetes UK RD Lawrence fellowship (grant:17/0005594) Anna Dominiczak was funded by a BHF Centre of Research Excellence Award (RE/13/5/30177) GSCAN participating cohorts: The Collaborative Study on the Genetics of Alcoholism (COGA), Principal Investigators: B. Porjesz, V. Hesselbrock, H. Edenberg, L. Bierut. The study includes eleven different centers: University of Connecticut (V. Hesselbrock); Indiana University (H.J. Edenberg, J. Nurnberger Jr., T. Foroud); University of Iowa (S. Kuperman, J. Kramer); SUNY Downstate (B. Porjesz); Washington University in St. Louis (L. Bierut, J. Rice, K. Bucholz, A. Agrawal); University of California at San Diego (M. Schuckit); Rutgers University (J. Tischfield, A. Brooks); Department of Biomedical and Health Informatics, The Children's Hospital of Philadelphia; Department of Genetics, Perelman School of Medicine, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia PA (L. Almasy), Virginia Commonwealth University (D. Dick), Icahn School of Medicine at Mount Sinai (A. Goate), and Howard University (R. Taylor). Other COGA collaborators include: L. Bauer (University of Connecticut); J. McClintick, L. Wetherill, X. Xuei, Y. Liu, D. Lai, S. O'Connor, M. Plawecki, S. Lourens (Indiana University); G. Chan (University of Iowa; University of Connecticut); J. Meyers, D. Chorlian, C. Kamarajan, A. Pandey, J. Zhang (SUNY Downstate); J.-C. Wang, M. Kapoor, S. Bertelsen (Icahn School of Medicine at Mount Sinai); A. Anokhin, V. McCutcheon, S. Saccone (Washington University); J. Salvatore, F. Aliev, B. Cho (Virginia Commonwealth University); and Mark Kos (University of Texas Rio Grande Valley). A. Parsian and M. Reilly are the NIAAA Staff Collaborators. COGA investigators continue to be inspired by their memories of Henri Begleiter and Theodore Reich, founding PI and Co-PI of COGA, and also owe a debt of gratitude to other past organizers of COGA, including Ting-Kai Li, P. Michael Conneally, Raymond Crowe, and Wendy Reich, for their critical contributions. COGA investigators are very grateful to Dr. Bruno Buecher without whom this project would not have existed. The authors also thank all those at the GECCO Coordinating Center for helping bring together the data and people that made this project possible. ASTERISK, a GECCO sub-study, also thanks all those who agreed to participate in this study, including the patients and the healthy control persons, as well as all the physicians, technicians and students. As part of the GECCO sub-studies, CPS-II authors thank the CPS-II participants and Study Management Group for their invaluable contributions to this research. The authors would also like to acknowledge the contribution to this study from central cancer registries supported through the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention National Program of Cancer Registries, and cancer registries supported by the National Cancer Institute Surveillance Epidemiology and End Results program. Another GECCO sub-study, HPFS and NHS investigators would like to acknowledge Patrice Soule and Hardeep Ranu of the Dana Farber Harvard Cancer Center High-Throughput Polymorphism Core who assisted in the genotyping for NHS, HPFS under the supervision of Dr. Immaculata Devivo and Dr. David Hunter, Qin (Carolyn) Guo and Lixue Zhu who assisted in programming for NHS and HPFS. HPFS and NHS investigators also thank the participants and staff of the Nurses' Health Study and the Health Professionals Follow-Up Study, for their valuable contributions as well as the following state cancer registries for their help: AL, AZ, AR, CA, CO, CT, DE, FL, GA, ID, IL, IN, IA, KY, LA, ME, MD, MA, MI, NE, NH, NJ, NY, NC, ND, OH, OK, OR, PA, RI, SC, TN, TX, VA, WA, WY. The authors assume full responsibility for analyses and interpretation of these data. PLCO, a substudy within GECCO, was supported by the Intramural Research Program of the Division of Cancer Epidemiology and Genetics, and additionally supported by contracts from the Division of Cancer Prevention, National Cancer Institute, NIH, DHHS. Additionally, a subset of control samples were genotyped as part of the Cancer Genetic Markers of Susceptibility (CGEMS) Prostate Cancer GWAS1, CGEMS pancreatic cancer scan (PanScan)2, 3, and the Lung Cancer and Smoking study4. The prostate and PanScan study datasets were accessed with appropriate approval through the dbGaP online resource (http://cgems.cancer.gov/data/) accession numbers phs000207.v1.p1 and phs000206.v3.p2, respectively, and the lung datasets were accessed from the dbGaP website (http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/gap) through accession number phs000093.v2.p2. For the lung study, the GENEVA Coordinating Center provided assistance with genotype cleaning and general study coordination, and the Johns Hopkins University Center for Inherited Disease Research conducted genotyping. The authors thank Drs. Christine Berg and Philip Prorok, Division of Cancer Prevention, National Cancer Institute, the Screening Center investigators and staff or the Prostate, Lung, Colorectal, and Ovarian (PLCO) Cancer Screening Trial, Mr. Tom Riley and staff, Information Management Services, Inc., Ms. Barbara O'Brien and staff, Westat, Inc., and Drs. Bill Kopp and staff, SAIC-Frederick. Most importantly, we acknowledge the study participants for their contributions to making this study possible. We also thank all participants and staff of the André and France Desmarais Montreal Heart Institute's (MHI) Biobank. The genotyping of the MHI Biobank was done at the MHI Pharmacogenomic Centre and funded by the MHI Foundation. HRS is supported by the National Institute on Aging (NIA U01AG009740). The genotyping was funded separately by the National Institute on Aging (RC2 AG036495, RC4 AG039029). Our genotyping was conducted by the NIH Center for Inherited Disease Research (CIDR) at Johns Hopkins University. Genotyping quality control and final preparation of the data were performed by the University of Michigan School of Public Health. CHDExome+ participating cohorts: BRAVE: The BRAVE study genetic epidemiology working group is a collaboration between the Cardiovascular Epidemiology Unit, Department of Public Health and Primary Care, University of Cambridge, UK, the Centre for Control of Chronic Diseases, icddr,b, Dhaka, Bangladesh and the National Institute of Cardiovascular Diseases, Dhaka, Bangladesh. CCHS, CIHDS, and CGPS collaborators thank participants and staff of the Copenhagen City Heart Study, Copenhagen Ischemic Heart Disease Study, and the Copenhagen General Population Study for their important contributions. EPIC-CVD: CHD case ascertainment and validation, genotyping, and clinical chemistry assays in EPIC-CVD were principally supported by grants awarded to the University of Cambridge from the EU Framework Programme 7 (HEALTH-F2-2012-279233), the UK Medical Research Council (G0800270) and British Heart Foundation (SP/09/002), and the European Research Council (268834). We thank all EPIC participants and staff for their contribution to the study, the laboratory teams at the Medical Research Council Epidemiology Unit for sample management and Cambridge Genomic Services for genotyping, Sarah Spackman for data management, and the team at the EPIC-CVD Coordinating Centre for study coordination and administration. MORGAM: The work by MORGAM collaborators has been sustained by the MORGAM Project's recent funding: European Union FP 7 projects ENGAGE (HEALTH-F4-2007-201413), CHANCES (HEALTH-F3-2010-242244) and BiomarCaRE (278913). This has supported central coordination, workshops and part of the activities of the The MORGAM Data Centre, at THL in Helsinki, Finland. MORGAM Participating Centres are funded by regional and national governments, research councils, charities, and other local sources. PROSPER: collaborators have received funding from the European Union's Seventh Framework Programme (FP7/2007-2013) under grant agreement n° HEALTH-F2-2009-223004 PROMIS: The PROMIS collaborators are are thankful to all the study participants in Pakistan. Recruitment in PROMIS was funded through grants available to investigators at the Center for Non-Communicable Diseases, Pakistan (Danish Saleheen and Philippe Frossard) and investigators at the University of Cambridge, UK (Danish Saleheen and John Danesh). Field-work, genotyping, and standard clinical chemistry assays in PROMIS were principally supported by grants awarded to the University of Cambridge from the British Heart Foundation, UK Medical Research Council, Wellcome Trust, EU Framework 6-funded Bloodomics Integrated Project, Pfizer. We would like to acknowledge the contributions made by the following individuals who were involved in the field work and other administrative aspects of the study: Mohammad Zeeshan Ozair, Usman Ahmed, Abdul Hakeem, Hamza Khalid, Kamran Shahid, Fahad Shuja, Ali Kazmi, Mustafa Qadir Hameed, Naeem Khan, Sadiq Khan, Ayaz Ali, Madad Ali, Saeed Ahmed, Muhammad Waqar Khan, Muhammad Razaq Khan, Abdul Ghafoor, Mir Alam, Riazuddin, Muhammad Irshad Javed, Abdul Ghaffar, Tanveer Baig Mirza, Muhammad Shahid, Jabir Furqan, Muhammad Iqbal Abbasi, Tanveer Abbas, Rana Zulfiqar, Muhammad Wajid, Irfan Ali, Muhammad Ikhlaq, Danish Sheikh and Muhammad Imran. INTERVAL: Participants in the INTERVAL randomised controlled trial were recruited with the active collaboration of NHS Blood and Transplant England (www.nhsbt.nhs.uk), which has supported field work and other elements of the trial. DNA extraction and genotyping was funded by the National Institute of Health Research (NIHR), the NIHR BioResource (http://bioresource.nihr.ac.uk/) and the NIHR Cambridge Biomedical Research Centre (www.cambridge-brc.org.uk). The academic coordinating centre for INTERVAL was supported by core funding from: NIHR Blood and Transplant Research Unit in Donor Health and Genomics, UK Medical Research Council (MR/L003120/1), British Heart Foundation (RG/13/13/30194), and NIHR Research Cambridge Biomedical Research Centre. A complete list of the investigators and contributors to the INTERVAL trial is provided in reference.
Ziele und Befunde der Arbeit Das durchgeführte Forschungsvorhaben zeigt durch einen holistischen, gleichzeitig politikwissenschaftlichen wie auch historischen Ansatz Folgendes: Nämlich, warum und wie das liberale, regelbasierte Weltordnungssystem im Untersuchungsraum der US-Präsidentschaften von Clinton bis Obama kontinuierlich durch ein System der realistischen, kurzfristig wirkenden Durchsetzung vitaler Interessen mittels militärischer Instrumentenpräferenz unter fortlaufender militärischer Optimierung ergänzt bzw. ersetzt wird. Dies erklärt auch, warum die "transaktionale Führung Trumps"(1), die nach dem Untersuchungsraum von 1993 bis 2017 mit Außenwirkung die Reduktion idealistischer "Grand Strategy"-Elemente bzw. wohlwollender Ordnungsmacht unter Kostenabwälzung und Vorteilsverringerung europäischer Nato-Verbündeter vornimmt, in Kontinuität zur ausgeübten Führungsmacht der Amtsvorgänger steht. Ergebnisse dieser Dissertation wie die sich ab 1993 immer nachdrücklicher abzeichnende Auflösung der multilateralen Grundordnung legen damit nahe, Trumps bisherige Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik als deutlich spürbares Krisensymptom und nicht als Ursache dieses Abbaus der nach 1945 eingerichteten Weltordnung einzustufen. Diese Auflösung ist mit einer Erosion des letztlich transatlantisch angestoßenen bipolaren "amerikanischen Systems" gleichzusetzen. Die Implementierung dieses Systems erfolgte als "Lernstunde zweier Weltkriege" auf Basis der mit der Aufklärung und den amerikanischen Gründungskennziffern eingeleiteten neuzeitlichen Ordnungskonzeptionen: Daher ist diese Auflösung auch ein Indikator für das Scheitern neuzeitlicher Ordnungskennziffern, die sich im "American way of life" entfalten konnten. Als ursächlich für die geschilderte Entwicklung wird eine von Clinton bis Obama konstant ansteigende Gesamtbedrohung nachgewiesen, mit der die konsequente Schwächung amerikanischer Vormacht verknüpft ist. Diese fußt u.a. auf der Basis von seit 1979 postulierten Klimawandeleffekten als Bedrohungsverstärker bei erreichter amerikanischer Förderspitze in fossilen Rohstoffen und ansteigendem Ressourcenbedarf im Kontext schrumpfender Rohstoffvorkommen. Weiter sind für den Untersuchungsraum die zunehmende Einwirkung der in den 1980er Jahren begonnenen "US-Konservativen Revolution" auf die Ausübung der Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik unter Einflusszugewinn von Konzernen und Lobbygruppen auf beispielsweise policy-Implementierung sowie die neuen Rahmenbedingungen zu addieren. Darunter fallen die sich ausformende Digitalisierung, die hohen Ressourcenverbrauch mit sich bringt, und die ansteigende Weltbevölkerung unter spezifischen demographischen Vorzeichen. Darüber hinaus sind beispielsweise die Beibehaltung des bipolar angewachsenen Rüstungssektors als ökonomische Basis militärischer Vormacht und das langsame Abbröckeln der Dollar-Hegemonie seit etwa 1973 zu berücksichtigen. Durch komplexes Zusammenspiel von "Grand Strategy"-Umsetzung gemäß der Prämisse amerikanischen Führungsmachtausbaus unter neokonservativem bzw. christlich-rechtem Einfluss mit asymmetrischen sowie reaktivierten konventionellen Bedrohungsgegenständen, Bedrohungsverstärkern und neuen Rahmenbedingungen wird der lineare Verlauf der Gesamtbedrohung im Zeitraum von 1993 bis 2017 verständlich: Im Kontext der "Grand Strategy"-Ausführungen erklären insbesondere das Bedrohungsabwehr-, Bedrohungsverstärker- und Marktwirtschaftsverständnis der US-Far Right in komplexer Wechselwirkung mit erstarkenden transnationalen Konzernen, Lobbygruppen, Individuen(2), informellen Netzwerken und staatlichen Akteuren in Bezug auf Bedrohungsgegenstände sowie Bedrohungsverstärker(3) im Zusammenhang mit der post-bipolaren, globalen Verankerung amerikanischer Wirtschafts- und Konsummuster das Folgende: Nämlich die Anpassung der amerikanischen Bedrohungsabwehr - unter Aufbau der "imperial presidency"(4) bzw. Einhegung des Systems von "checks and balances" - samt deren Implikationen auf das bipolare liberale Ordnungssystem. Sodann wird die notwendige Weiterführung in der Nato durch amerikanisch aufgeworfenen Nato-Umbau zur entsprechenden Umsetzung transformierter amerikanischer Bedrohungsabwehr bzw. Legitimierung der systemischen Anpassung begreifbar. Genauso wird nachvollziehbar, dass die so eingerichtete Bedrohungsabwehr nur kurzfristig abwehrt: Stattdessen verstärkt sie asymmetrische und konventionelle Bedrohung wie auch Bedrohungsverstärker - unter Einleitung von Rüstungsspiralen bzw. Demontierung der Rüstungskontrolle - und damit die Gesamtbedrohung. Dies lässt einen Konfliktausbruch jenseits des bisher Vorstellbaren konstant näher rücken. Gleichzeitig ist der dringende Bedarf an Mobilisierung der transatlantischen Zusammenarbeit im Hinblick auf Förderung der globalen Kooperation staatlicher, aber auch nichtstaatlicher Akteure hinsichtlich der Bedrohungswurzeln samt der sich verschlechternden Voraussetzungen illustriert: Denn mit jedem Anstieg der Gesamtbedrohung ist durch die eingeleitete amerikanische sicherheitspolitische Anpassung und deren Weiterführung in der Nato ein Abbau der regelbasierten Basiskennziffern im Untersuchungsraum verknüpft. Dies reduziert in fortlaufender Konsequenz die Grundlage für oben genannte, konstant zentraler werdende Zusammenarbeit, um eine sukzessive Erosion des bipolaren "amerikanischen Systems" unter künftigen Dystopien zu verhindern bzw. zumindest zu begrenzen. Durch die Forschungsergebnisse wird der bisherige Forschungsstand auf den Kopf gestellt, da so beispielsweise gezeigt werden kann, dass mittels der Transformation der Nato keine gleichberechtigte transatlantische Lastenteilung oder eine Weiterentwicklung der Nato gemäß der Nato-Gründungskennziffern erzeugt wird. Dies gilt auch für den europäischen Widerstand gegenüber der tatsächlichen Verankerung der Natotransformationspositionen(5), der auf die Erosion des bipolaren liberalen Ordnungssystems bzw. der US-Vorteilsgewährung sowie so begünstigter Partikularinteressensicherung abhebt. Außerdem wird deutlich, dass eine Kontinuitätslinie in der Bedrohungsabwehr von Clinton bis Obama unter unterschiedlicher Außenwirkung und dem Grundmuster "Battleship America" vorliegt - und eben nicht eine multilateral ausgerichtete Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik unter Clinton, die als Folge von 9/11 in einen unilateralen Pendelausschlag unter G. W. Bush 43 mündet, der durch die Obama-Administration wieder zurückgenommen wird. Die Arbeit basiert auf einer umfassenden Fülle an Literatur, die das aufwendige Literaturverzeichnis widerspiegelt: Darunter fallen vielfältige amerikanische und europäische Publikationen, Monographien und entsprechende Sekundärliteratur, wie Biographien, Veröffentlichungen unterschiedlichster Natur wichtiger Vertreter der transatlantischen Forschungselite, Akteure der entsprechenden Politikplanung und -ausführung und wissenschaftliche Artikel aus Fachzeitschriften zu allen Forschungsbereichen bzw. politikwissenschaftlicher Methodik und Theorie. Weiter wurden u.a. Veröffentlichungen bzw. relevante Dokumente von Regierungen, Außenministerien, Verteidigungsministerien, Regierungsorganen, Denkfabriken, universitären Forschungszentren sowie der Nato verwendet. Struktur der Arbeit Konkret ist die vorliegende Dissertation in zwei Bände sowie einen Anhangsband unterteilt: Band 1 umfasst Schwerpunkt 1, eine Prozessanalyse unter offensiver neorealistischer Verortung, Band 2 den darauf aufbauenden Schwerpunkt 2, einen Vergleich ("structured focussed comparison") unter defensiver neorealistischer Verortung. Im Anhangsband finden sich ergänzende Ausführungen zu Kapitel 1, Band 1 in Bezug auf den Forschungsstand, Literatur und Quellenlage, theoretische Verortung sowie Wahl des Untersuchungsraumes bzw. ausgewählter europäischer Nato-Partner. Weiter sind ein historisches Kapitel als Voraussetzung zum "process-tracing" in Kapitel 2, Band 1 und ein Abbildungs- und Abkürzungsverzeichnis wie auch ein Literaturverzeichnis enthalten. Insgesamt ermitteln die beiden aufeinander aufbauenden Schwerpunkte mittels qualitativer Methoden das Folgende: Nämlich die übergeordnete amerikanische sicherheitspolitische Reaktion auf eine neue Gesamtbedrohung sowie deren Weiterführung und Legitimierungschance in der Nato im Untersuchungsraum von Clinton bis Obama. Auf Basis des ersten Teils der Hypothese wird in Schwerpunkt 1, Band 1 ein Zusammenhang zwischen der Beibehaltung des bipolaren "US-Grand Strategy"-Ziels amerikanischer Führungs- und Ordnungsmacht sowie bipolarer außenpolitischer "Grand Strategy"-Kennziffern bzw. einer sich komplex entwickelnden neuen Gesamtbedrohung, amerikanischer sicherheitspolitischer Anpassung und der notwendigen Weiterführung in der Nato durch Natotransformation mittels amerikanisch aufgeworfener Natotransformationspositionen hergestellt. In Schwerpunkt 2, Band 2 wird auf Basis des zweiten Teils der Hypothese der transatlantische Aushandlungsprozess zur Etablierung der amerikanisch vorgeschlagenen Natotransformationspositionen in Augenschein genommen: Vor diesem Hintergrund wird überprüft, ob diese tatsächliche Verankerung bzw. Konkretisierung des Ausbaus amerikanischen Vormacht am Widerstand der ausgewählten europäischen Nato-Bündnispartner Frankreich, Deutschland und Großbritannien scheitert. Im Gesamtergebnis zeigt sich, dass aufgrund einer sich entwickelnden komplexen, linear ansteigenden Gesamtbedrohung die Chance zum Ausbau amerikanischer Führungsmacht konstant abnimmt. Dies muss mittels amerikanischer sicherheitspolitischer Anpassung kompensiert werden. Die daher erfolgende amerikanische sicherheitspolitische Neuausrichtung auf Basis der eingeleiteten "Revolution im Militärwesen" modifiziert wiederum die Kennziffern bipolarer kollektiver Sicherheitsgewährleistung. Alles wird mittels tatsächlicher Verankerung der amerikanischen Natotransformationspositionen ermöglicht bzw. legitimiert. Das tatsächliche Erreichen der - die sicherheitspolitische amerikanische Anpassung konsequent weiterführenden - Transformation der Nato ermöglicht eine missionsorientierte, reaktionsbeschleunigende, flexible und globale Sicherheitsprojektion. Außerdem ist die Voraussetzung für "alliances of choice" innerhalb der Nato geschaffen. Weiter zementiert die Modifikation der "bipolaren Nato" die mittels sicherheitspolitischer amerikanischer Anpassung eingeleitete Erosion zentraler zivilisatorischer Errungenschaften bzw. Aufgaben bipolarer kollektiver Sicherheitsgewährleistung unter Vorteilsverringerung europäischer Nato-Bündnispartner. Die tatsächliche Verankerung der Natotransformationspositionen erfolgt mittels der Reaktivierung konventioneller Bedrohung im Kontext der Ukraine-Krise von 2014 und der Erweiterung der Nato-Partnerschaftsringe auf globaler Ebene, ohne diesen den Status eines Nato-Mitgliedsstaates zu gewähren. Damit wird der Bündnisfall nicht globalisiert. Der ausgeübte deutsch-französische Widerstand wird besonders intensiv durch den Einbezug der europäischen Gründungsstaaten befördert, dagegen unterbleibt die Ausbildung einer europäischen Führungstroika durch Frankreich, Deutschland und Großbritannien. Darüber hinaus zeigt insbesondere die entsprechende Ursachenermittlung, dass trotz konstanter, aufeinander aufbauender amerikanischer sicherheitspolitischer Reaktion unter unterschiedlicher Außenwirkung sowie tatsächlicher Weiterführung in der Nato die Gesamtbedrohung nicht langfristig abgebremst wird: Dies führt zu einem konstanten Anstieg der Gesamtbedrohung unter fortlaufendem Einflussverlust staatlicher Akteure bzw. Machtdiffusion und -konzentration samt einer sukzessiven Chancenerhöhung reaktivierter konventioneller, nuklearer, Cyber- und ökologischer Zerstörungsszenarien. Auf dieser Basis entsteht die Konsequenz einer immer umfassenderen und die Reaktion beschleunigende Präzisionsabwehr unter ansteigender Versicherheitlichung, um die kontinuierliche Einengung amerikanischer Vormacht auszugleichen. Dies erzeugt im Fortlauf einen konstanten Abbau der Strahlungs- und Schlagkraft des liberalen, regelbasierten, bipolaren "amerikanischen Systems" sowie der Etablierung "idealistischer, liberaler" "Grand Strategy"-Elemente. Weiter ist damit - auf der Grundlage der aufeinander aufbauenden Natotransformationspositionen sowie Obamas "smart power"(6) im Untersuchungsraum - eine zunehmende Vorteilsverringerung der europäischen Nato-Verbündeten bzw. ein ansteigender Bedarf an US-Kostendämpfung verquickt. Zudem entwickelt sich eine immer geringer werdende Chance zur Entfaltung des postbipolar als "nicht verhandelbar" postulierten und global ausgebreiteten amerikanischen Lebensentwurfes in individueller, innerstaatlicher Ausprägung: Deren Artikulation erfolgt beispielsweise mittels zunehmendem Rechtspopulismus, Wahl von Außenseiterkandidaten, Zerfall traditioneller Parteiensysteme, isolationistischen Tendenzen unter ethnischer, regionaler Erstarkung, und Ablehnung von Supranationalität oder religiösem Fundamentalismus. Gleichzeitig ist die fortlaufende Erosion der globalen öffentlichen Güter identifizierbar. Damit ebnet all das oben Genannte den Boden für die Begrenzung amerikanischer wohlwollender Ordnungsmacht bzw. der Handlungsspielräume staatlicher Akteure - und für die Rückkehr zu klassischer Machtpolitik im Kontext entstandener Machtdiffusion bzw. -konzentration. Dies erschwert angesichts der Dringlichkeit einer langfristigen Eindämmung asymmetrischer bzw. konventioneller Sicherheitsbedrohungsgegenstände, -verstärker, -cluster und globalen Rahmenbedingungen folgende Chance: Nämlich die zu transatlantischer Zusammenarbeit in der Nato unter Wiederbelebung der politischen Organisation derselben sowie Erweiterung auf zusätzliche Ebenen und Akteure im Sinne von Vorbeugung bzw. vernetzter Sicherheit zur Erreichung entsprechender globaler Kooperation in Bezug auf Einhegen der Bedrohungswurzeln. Insgesamt wird durch diese Forschungsarbeit transparent, wie und warum die für den Untersuchungsraum von 1993 bis 2017 antizipierte "Friedensdividende" und das durch Präsident Clinton postulierte "age of hope" kaum spürbar wurden. Fußnoten (1) Vgl. Braml, Josef (2018), Trumps transaktionaler Transatlantizismus, in: Jäger, Thomas (Hrsg.), Zeitschrift für Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik, Oktober 2018, Volume 11, Ausgabe 4, S. 439-448, Wiesbaden. (2) Vgl. National Intelligence Council (Hrsg.) (2012), Global Trends 2013: Alternative Worlds (NIC 2012-001), https://publicintelligence.net/global-trends-2030/, letzter Zugriff: 12.04.19. Vgl. dazu auch das "international financial leadership, self-selected at Davos" bei McCoy, Alfred W. (2017), In the Shadows of the American Century. The Rise and Decline of US Global Power, Chicago. (3) Vgl. zu Bedrohungsverstärkern beispielsweise Mazo, Jeffrey (2010), Climate Conflict. How global warming threatens security and what to do about it, London, Abingdon. 1990 wurde bereits in Bezug auf den Bedrohungsverstärker Klimawandel für die entstehenden asymmetrischen bzw. konventionellen Bedrohungsgegenstände komplexe Cluster konstatiert: "Over the next half century, the global average temperature may increase by approximately 4 degrees C. (…) All nations will be affected. (…) How much time will there be to confirm the amount of change and then to act? (…) However, many believe that we will have waited too lang to avoid major dislocation, hardship and conflict - on a scale not as yet seen by man". Vgl. Kelley, Terry P. (1990), Global Climate Change. Implications For The United States Navy (The United States Naval War College, Newport, RI), http://documents.theblackvault.com/documents/weather/climatechange/globalclimatechange-navy.pdf, letzter Zugriff: 30.03.19. Dies lässt Hinweise auf die sich entwickelnde, konstant ansteigende Gesamtbedrohung im Untersuchungsraum von 1993-2017 zu. (4) Vgl. Schlesinger, Arthur M., Jr. (1973), The Imperial Presidency, Boston. (5) Die amerikanisch vorgeschlagenen Positionen zur Anpassung der Nato, die Nato Response Force sowie die Global Partnership Initiative, werden als "Natotransformationspositionen" bezeichnet: Mit deren tatsächlicher Etablierung war eine Transformation der Nato in konsequenter Weiterführung amerikanisch erfolgter sicherheitspolitischer Anpassung verknüpft. (6) Smart power geht auf Suzanne Nossel, Mitarbeiterin des UN-Botschafters Holbrooke während der Clinton-Administration, zurück: Vgl. Nossel, Suzanne (2004), Smart Power. Reclaiming Liberal Internationalism, http://www.democracyarsenal.org/SmartPowerFA.pdf, letzter Zugriff: 26.08.17. Weiter wird er Joseph Nye im Jahre 2003 als Reaktion auf die unilaterale Konzentration auf das militärische Instrument der G.W. Bush–Ära zugeschrieben. Vgl. Nye, Joseph S. Jr. (2011), The Future of Power, New York bzw. Nye, Joseph S. Jr. (2011), Macht im 21sten Jahrhundert. Politische Strategien für ein neues Zeitalter, München. Vgl. Rodham Clinton, Hillary (2010), Leading Through Civilan Power. Redefining American Diplomacy and Development, in: Foreign Affairs, November/December 2010, Vol. 89, No.6, S. 13-24. ; Aims and findings of the dissertation The completed research uses holistic, politological and historical approaches to present how, during the studied period of the administrations of Clinton to Obama, the liberal, rule-based world order system is gradually supplemented and replaced by a system of realist imposition of vital interests that have short-term effects, preferring military means combined with continuous military optimisation. This also explains a continuity between the leading-power policy of administrations in this study (1993-2017) and the subsequent period of the "transactional leadership of Trump"(1), with its recognizable, far-reaching effects of aiming to reduce idealistic Grand Strategy elements and measures of a benevolent order by passing on costs to and reducing the benefits of European NATO allies. The results of this dissertation, such as the increasingly evident dissolution of a multilateral fundamental order, therefore indicate that Trump's foreign and security policy to date should be regarded as a clearly noticeable crisis symptom, rather than the cause of a decline in the world order established after 1945. This decline is synonymous with the erosion of the transatlantically initiated bipolar "American system". Its implementation was the result of the "lesson of two world wars", based on modern concepts of order introduced by the Enlightenment and the founding criteria of the United States: thus its dissolution is also an indicator of the failure of contemporary criteria of order that thrive in the "American way of life". The cause of the described development is shown to be a constantly exacerbating overall threat, from Clinton to Obama, which is connected to the consistent erosion of US supremacy. Among other aspects, this is based on climate change effects postulated in 1979, which multiply the threat while coinciding with American peak production of fossil fuels and increased demand on resources in the context of dwindling raw material resources. Furthermore, during the period of this study, the "US conservative revolution", which began in the 1980s, increasingly affected foreign and security policy, combining with a consolidation in the influence of corporations and lobby groups in fields such as policy implementation and new underlying conditions. They include the onset of digitisation, entailing a high consumption of resources, and a growing world population faced with specific demographic indicators. Additionally, the maintenance of the armaments sector, originally a result of bipolar development, as the economic basis of military supremacy and the slow decline of the Dollar hegemony since around 1973, should also be taken into account. Complex interaction between Grand Strategy implementation according to the premise of expanding US-American dominance under neoconservative and Christian Right-wing influences, as well as asymmetrical and reactivated conventional security threats and threat multipliers clearly indicate the linear development of the overall threat in the period between 1993 and 2017: in the context of Grand Strategy statements, above all the understanding of defence against this threat, of the latter's multiplying factors and the market economy explains the following with respect to the US far-right in a complex interaction with the growth of transnational corporations, lobby groups, individuals(2), informal networks and state actors with respect to objects of threat and threat multipliers(3) in connection with the post-bipolar, global anchoring of US economic and consumer patterns: US adaptation of its reaction to this threat – while consolidating imperial presidency(4) and weakening the system of checks and balances – including its implications of a bipolar liberal order. In this way, the necessary continued leadership within NATO through the US-proposed NATO reform can be seen as an appropriate implementation of transformed threat-reaction measures and the legitimisation of systemic adaptation. It equally becomes clear that the established threat reaction measures only provide a short-term defence: instead, they enhance the asymmetric and conventional threat, as well as threat multipliers – by introducing arms races and breaking down arms control – thereby heightening the overall threat. The consequence is the consistently growing likelihood of a conflict of hitherto unimaginable proportions. At the same time, the urgent need to mobilise transatlantic cooperation with respect to supporting global cooperation between state and non-government actors is illustrated with respect to the roots of the threat and its deteriorating underlying conditions: each increase in the overall threat, the adapted US security policy and its continuation in NATO is connected to an erosion of rule-based underlying criteria during the studied period. This continuously and consistently undermines the basis of the above-stated, ever-increasingly important cooperation, to prevent or at least limit the successive erosion of the bipolar "American system" under future dystopias. The research results completely overturn the state of research to date, since for instance it is possible to show that, by means of NATO transformation findings, no transatlantic sharing of burdens on an equal footing and no NATO reform in accordance with its founding principles can be achieved. The same also applies to European opposition to the actual anchoring of NATO transformation positions(5), which is based on the erosion of the bipolar liberal order system and the maintenance of US advantages as well as the consolidation of particular interests they facilitate. Furthermore, it is apparent that a line of continuity in the threat-reaction measures from Clinton to Obama exists with varying external effects, along with an underlying pattern of "Battleship America" – as opposed to a multilaterally orientated foreign and security policy under Clinton, which merged into a unilateral, radical swing under G. W. Bush 43 following 9/11, but was reverted by the Obama administration. A comprehensive wealth of literature was used of the doctoral thesis, as reflected by the extensive bibliography: they firstly include diverse American and European publications, monographs and relevant secondary literature, including biographies, publications of various kinds of important political planning and implementation, as well as collected volumes and research articles from specialist journals on all fields of research and politological methodology and theory. The same applies to publications by leading European and American institutions, research centres and think tanks. Furthermore, this author used publications and documents by governments, foreign ministries, defence ministries, other government bodies and Nato. Dissertation structure This dissertation is divided into two volumes and one Appendix: Volume 1 discusses Focus 1, namely a process-tracing in the context of offensive neorealist positioning. Volume 2 presents Focus 2, which is based on the preceding focus in making a structured, focussed comparison in the context of defensive neorealist positioning. The Appendix volume contains further discussion of Chapter 1, Volume 1 with respect to the state of research, literature and sources, theoretical positioning and the choice of the region of study and selected European NATO partners. Furthermore, a historical chapter provides underlying information for process-tracing in Chapter 2, Volume 1, an index of images and abbreviations, and a bibliography. The entire dissertation uses qualitative methods to focus on these two mutually supporting, building on each other, themes to investigate the following from a US-perspective: firstly the overriding US security-policy reaction to a new overall threat and secondly, its continuation combined with the opportunity of for enabling and legitimising it within and through NATO during the studied period from Clinton to Obama. Based on the first part of this hypothesis, Focus 1 (Volume 1) establishes a connection between, on the one hand, maintaining the bipolar Grand Strategy target of consolidating the USA as a leading, regulating power, bipolar foreign-policy Grand Strategy indicators and a new overall threat that is developing in a complex way, and, on the other, the necessity of its continued leadership within NATO and the required NATO transformation according to US-proposed NATO transformation positions. Focus 2 (Volume 2) is based on the second part of the hypothesis, investigating the transatlantic negotiation process to establish these US-proposed NATO transformation positions: in this context, Volume 2 investigates whether the attempt to actually secure and consolidate such US supremacy was unsuccessful in the face of resistance from selected European NATO partners, namely France, Germany and the United Kingdom. The overall result shows that due to a complex, developing, linear increase in the overall threat, the chance for the USA to consolidate its status as a leading power is steadily diminishing. This must be compensated by adapting US security policy. The resulting American security-policy realignment based on the initiated "revolution in military affairs" in turn modifies the indicators of bipolar collective security guarantees. Everything is enabled and legitimised by means of actually securing US NATO-transformation positions. The actual implementation of such NATO transformation – representing the consistent adaptation of US security policy – enables a mission-orientated, rapid response, flexible, global security projection. It also creates conditions for "alliances of choice" within NATO. Furthermore, the modification of a "bipolar NATO" exacerbates the erosion of key achievements of civilisation as a result of adapted US security policy, as well as undermining the tasks of bipolar collective security guarantees through diminished benefits to European NATO partners. The actual anchoring of NATO transformation positions is achieved by reactivating the conventional threat in the context of the Ukraine crisis of 2014 and the extension of NATO partnership rings on a global level, without providing them with NATO membership status, thus avoiding globalisation in a mutual defence case. The German and French resistance is particularly intensive through the involvement of European founder states, while the formation of a European leadership triumvirate consisting of France, Germany and the United Kingdom does not take place. Moreover, a relevant investigation of causes particularly shows that despite constant mutually supporting US security reaction measures with varying international effects and actual continued leadership within NATO, the overall threat is not receding: this leads to a constant increase in the overall threat, a loss of influence of state actors, the diffusion and concentration of power and the increased probability of reactive conventional, nuclear, cyber and ecological destruction scenarios. On this basis, the consequence is an increasingly comprehensive and rapidly responding precision defence combined with growing securitization to compensate for the ongoing containment of US supremacy. This developing process steadily diminishes the reach and power of a liberal, rule-based, bipolar "American system" and the establishment of "idealistic, liberal" elements of US-Grand Strategy. This entails a further reduction in benefits for European NATO allies and increasing US cost-cutting demands – based on the successive NATO transformation positions that build on each other and Obama's "smart power"(6) during the period studied in this dissertation. Thus the chance is receding of developing the post-bipolar, globally adopted American way of life with individual national character, which is regarded as "non-negotiable": for instance its articulation is expressed through increasing right-wing populism, the election of outsider-candidates, the dissolution of traditional party systems, isolationist tendencies combined with burgeoning ethnic, regional movements, the rejection of supranationalism, and religious fundamentalism. At the same time, the ongoing erosion of global public goods is apparent. This all paves the way to limiting the benevolent American regulating power and state actors' leverage – and therefore to a return to classic power politics in the context of a resulting diffusion and concentration of power. In view of the urgency of a long-term containment of asymmetrical or conventional threats to security, or aspects that exacerbate such threats or clusters thereof, as well as underlying global conditions, this undermines the ability to achieve the following: to achieve transatlantic cooperation by broadening the range of levels and actors in the spirit of proactive and expanded, networked security to achieve according global cooperation with respect to containing the root causes of threats. Overall, this research work reveals how and why the anticipated "peace dividend" and the notion of an "age of hope", as postulated by President Clinton, were hardly perceptible during the period of study between 1993 and 2017. Notes (1) Cf. Braml, Josef (2018), Trumps transaktionaler Transatlantizismus, in: Jäger, Thomas (Hrsg.), Zeitschrift für Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik, Oktober 2018, Volume 11, Ausgabe 4, S. 439-448, Wiesbaden. (2) Cf. National Intelligence Council (Ed.) (2012), Global Trends 2013: Alternative Worlds (NIC 2012-001), https://publicintelligence.net/global-trends-2030/, last accessed: 12.04.19. See also the "international financial leadership, self-selected at Davos" cit. McCoy, Alfred W. (2017), In the Shadows of the American Century. The Rise and Decline of US Global Power, Chicago. (3) In 1990, the threat-enhancing nature of climate change was already postulated with respect to asymmetric objects of threat as well as conventional and complex clusters: "Over the next half century, the global average temperature may increase by approximately 4 degrees C. (…) All nations will be affected. (…) How much time will there be to confirm the amount of change and then to act? (…) However, many believe that we will have waited too long to avoid major dislocation, hardship and conflict – on a scale not as yet seen by man". Cf. Kelley, Terry P. (1990), Global Climate Change. Implications For The United States Navy (The United States Naval War College, Newport, RI), http://documents.theblackvault.com/documents/weather/climatechange/globalclimatechange-navy.pdf, last accessed: 30.03.19. Cf. Mazo, Jeffrey (2010), Climate Conflict. How global warming threatens security and what to do about it, London, Abingdon. This supports the thesis of a developing, constant overall threat during the period between 1993 and 2017. (4) Cf. Schlesinger, Arthur M., Jr. (1973), The Imperial Presidency, Boston. (5) In this dissertation, the proposed US positions on NATO adaptation, the NATO Response Force and the Global Partnership Initiative are described as "NATO transformation positions": Their actual establishment was connected to a NATO transformation with the consistent continuation of adapted US security policy. (6) Cf. Nossel, Suzanne (2004), Smart Power. Reclaiming Liberal Internationalism, http://www.democracyarsenal.org/SmartPowerFA.pdf, last accessed: 26.08.17, Nye, Joseph S. Jr. (2011), The Future of Power, New York, Nye, Joseph S. Jr. (2011), Macht im 21sten Jahrhundert. Politische Strategien für ein neues Zeitalter, München, Rodham Clinton, Hillary (2010), Leading Through Civilan Power. Redefining American Diplomacy and Development, in: Foreign Affairs, November/December 2010, Vol. 89, No.6, S. 13-24.
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Pınar Bilgin on Non-Western IR, Hybridity, and the One-Toothed Monster called Civilization
Questions of civilization underpin much of IR scholarship—whether explicitly (in terms of the construction of non-Western 'others') or implicitly (in the assumption that provincial institutions from Europe constitute a universal model of how we ought to relate to one another in international politics). While this topic surfaces frequently in debates about postcolonial international politics, few scholars are able to tackle this conundrum with the same sense of acuteness as Pınar Bilgin. In this Talk, she—amongst others—elaborates on not doing Turkish IR, what postsecular IR comprises, and discusses her own position in regards to that one-toothed monster called civilization.
Print version of this Talk (pdf)
What is, according to you, the biggest challenge / principal debate in current IR? What is your position or answer to this challenge / in this debate?
What I think is the biggest challenge in current IR is not so much a debate, but the difficulty for students of IR to come up with ways of making sense of the world in a way that appreciates different experiences and sensibilities and others' contributions and contestations. International Relations as we know it at the moment and as offered in the standard textbooks, portrays a world that they really don't recognize as the world that they live in. And I should point out that I am not just speaking of Non-Western experiences and sensibilities—there is in any case a growing body of literature on Non-Western IR, and you have spoken to Amitav Acharya (Theory Talk #42), Siba Grovogui (Theory Talk #57) and others—but I am also referring to all those perspectives in which international knowledge are presented and which the textbooks do not usually reflect, including feminist perspectives for instance (such as Ann Tickner, Theory Talk #54), or perspectives from the Global South some of which actually fall into the definition of 'the West'. So when I speak of ways of making sense of the world in a way that appreciates different experiences and sensibilities, I am referring to the agenda of Critical Theory of IR. I do think we have come a long way since the early 1990s when I was a student of IR and Critical Theory was beginning to make its mark then, but we still have a long way to go. For instance, critical approaches to security have come a long way in terms of considering insecurities of specific social groups that mainstream approaches overlook, but it has a long way to go still in terms of actually incorporating insecurities as viewed by those people, instead of just explaining them away.
As for the principal debate in IR, the debate that goes on in my mind is how to study IR in a way that appreciates different experiences and sensibilities and acknowledges other contributions as well as contestations. This is not the principal debate in the field, but the field that comes closest is the one that I try and contribute to, and that is the field of non-Western approaches to IR. It is not exactly a debate, of course, in the sense that the very mainstream Western approaches that it targets are not paying any attention. So it's the critics themselves who have their disagreements, and on the one hand there are those who point to other ways of thinking about the international, Stephen Chan comes to mind as the producer of one of the early examples of that. I can think of Robbie Shilliam's more recent book on the subject, thinking about the international from non-Western perspectives. On the other hand are those who survey IR in different parts of the world, to see how it is done, what their concerns and debates are. Ole Waever, Arlene Tickner and David Blaney's three-volume series 'Worlding Beyond the West' contains materials from both these directions.
My own approach is slightly different in that while acknowledging the limits of our approaches to IR as any critical IR person would, I don't necessarily think that turning to others' 'authentic' perspectives to look for different ways of thinking about the international is the way forward for students of IR. That brings me to back the way I set up the challenge to IR today: it is about incorporating others' perspectives, as well as acknowledging their contributions and contestations. I think I would like to take a more historical approach to this. It's not just about contemporary differences—studies on these are very valuable and I learn a lot from them—but what I've also found very valuable are connections: how much give and take has already taken place over the years, how for instance the roots of human rights can be found in multiple places in our history and in different parts of the world, how the Human Rights Convention was penned by multiple actors, how human rights norms don't go deep enough and how calls for deepening them have in fact emerged from different parts of the world, not just the West. So these contributions can actually point to our history and to different perspectives across the globe, but these are often referred to as non-Western IR, whereas they're actually pointing to our conversations, our communication, the give and take between us. That is what I am mainly interested in at the moment: the multiple authorship of ideas, and pointing to them you actually face the biggest challenge. It builds on Edward Said's legacy, so it's a critical IR project, the way I see it: Said built on multiple beginnings and engaged in contrapuntal reading. I should add that when I am talking about 'sensibilities', I am not necessarily talking about it with reference to other parts of the world, although it may seem this way. The more reflexive approaches to IR have taught us that we are all shaped by and all respond to our contexts—in one way or another.
One interesting result of Arlene Tickner's and Ole Waever's book, International Relations Scholarship around the World, was that IR in different parts of the world is not in fact that different: it is still state-centric, it talks about security in the way that most mainstream textbooks would talk about it, and IR courses are structured in such a way that you would be able to recognize in most parts of the world. Such surveys, therefore, tell us that IR works quite similarly in other parts of the world. Hence the need to look for difference in alternative sources and the need to look beyond IR—towards anthropology, sociology, linguistics, etc.—there is growing interest in conceptions of the international beyond what IR allows us. This is not confined to looking beyond the West, but is equally emerging in Western scholarship: there is now emerging literature on postsecularism and IR, and bringing religion back into the study of IR. However, I am not so much interested in studying differences (without underestimating the significance of such studies) but studying to our conversations, our communication, the give and take between us.
How did you arrive at where you currently are in IR?
My journey to this point has been through critical security studies. I studied international relations at Middle East Technical University in Ankara and did a Master's Degree Bilkent University in Ankara where I currently work. I was not entirely comfortable with IR as an undergraduate student, thought I could not quite put my finger on the reason why—though I was able to make sense of during my later studies. At the undergraduate level, I received an interdisciplinary training, not so much by design but rather by accident: I picked courses on political theory, economic history and political anthropology, simply because our curriculum allowed such a design. I was lucky to have interesting people teaching interesting courses. And again by sheer coincidence we had a visiting professor who introduced me to philosophy of science and the work of Thomas Kuhn and I began to question the standard IR training I had been receiving. So then I went on to an MA degree at Bilkent University which became consequential for me in two ways: for one, that University has the best IR library in Turkey, so there are no limits to what you can learn even when you are left to your own devices, and secondly, Hollis and Smith's Explaining and Understanding International Relations (1991) was on our reading list. So when I began reading that against the background of Thomas Kuhn, I began to make sense of IR in a very different way. Mind you, I was still not able to see my future in IR at that time.
Then I began writing my MA dissertation and was also working at Turkey's then very powerful semi-military institution the MGK, the National Security Council, at the General Secretariat: I was hired as a junior researcher and lasted for about four-and-a-half months, and then I went abroad for further studies, but those months were what set me on my path to Critical Security Studies. Working there, I began to appreciate the need for reflexivity, and the difficult role of the researcher, and the relationship between theory and practice. At that point I received a Chevening scholarship from the British Council, and the condition attached was that I could not use it towards PhD studies but had to use it for a one-year degree. I decided to study something that I could not study at home, and came across Ken Booth's work ('Security and Emancipation,' 1991) and knew of course Barry Buzan's oeuvre (Theory Talk #35), and found that Aberystwyth University offered a one-year degree in Strategic Studies, which is what I decided to do. That happened to be the first year they offered an Master's degree in Critical Security Studies, and I became one of the first five students to take that course, taught jointly by Ken Booth, Richard Wyn Jones and Nicholas Wheeler. Together with Steve Smith, who was Head of Department at the time, they were committed to giving us an excellent education, so it was a great place to be and I stayed on to do my PhD there as well. It's a small Welsh town with only 13,000 people and the University has about the same number of students. During that time I read important examples of critical IR scholarship, as well as the newly emerging literature on Security Studies, and it was around that time that Michael Williams (Theory Talk #39) joined the Department and he was a great influence on my work, as was of course my dissertation advisor Ken Booth: I learned a lot from him in terms of substance and style.
After receiving my PhD in the year 2000 I joined the IR department at Bilkent University as the only critical theorist there. Bilkent was at the time one of the few universities in Turkey committed to excellence in research—now there are more—and that allowed me the academic freedom to pursue my research interests in Critical Security Studies: I was able to focus on my work without having to spread out into other fields. It helped that I became part of research networks as well: I've already mentioned Arlene Tickner's and Ole Waever's work, their project on geocultural epistemologies in IR and 'Worlding beyong the West'. Ole Waever invited me to join, thus opening up my second research agenda since my PhD, enriched by workshops and conversations with scholars in the group. It is not far removed from my core work, but it is an added dimension. And this helped me over time to overcome my earlier doubts about IR, for I began to see just how multidisciplinary it was. It was only through Critical IR that I learned how parallel perspectives in other disciplines, and alternative ideas could be brought to bear on IR—something you also find nowadays in international political sociology or different aspects of anthropology in constructivism.
What would a student need to become a specialist in IR or understand the world in a global way?
In terms of skills, I think that studying at different institutions if possible, different settings with different academic traditions helps a lot. Institutions vary widely in their emphasis—Bilkent for instance believes that the best teachers are those who do cutting-edge research. Others may disagree and say that small teaching colleges are the best, because they pass on what they specialise in. I think therefore that studying at different institutions is very good for students, whether it be within formal exchange frameworks or acquiring fellowships for study away, not to mention of course fieldwork, which offers new settings: every new environment is an important learning experience, even if the substance is not so useful and what you learn is not necessarily so significant. Secondly, some would suggest learning a different language is important, along with acquiring a foothold in area studies and comparative studies, and I agree with that. Thirdly, Stefano Guzzini talks about IR theory being what a student needs in terms of disposition and skills: he has this piece in the Journal of International Relations and Development (2001), where he makes the case specifically for would-be diplomats in Central and Eastern European countries that by learning theory, students would be equipped to communicate across cultural boundaries—it's like learning a new language. They would learn to watch out against ethnocentrism, he argues, and this is one of the pieces I use when I teach IR theory. In this spirit, I think it important to use theory as a new language, as one of the tools that every student should have in their toolkit. And finally, I think I'd follow Cynthia Enloe's (Theory Talk #48) recommendation that it's useful to have a foot both in IR theory and in comparative studies. I feel that one without the other is less rewarding, though one will not know what one is missing until one goes to explore.
In my PhD work I focused on the Middle East, since then I have looked more in depth at Europe's relationship with the Euro-Mediterranean relations and Turkey-EU relations as empirical points of reference. This has been enriching and has benefited my research. In sum, it is essential to read as broadly as possible, and I give the same advice to my M.A. and to my PhD students. You can't read everything, and it can happen that the more we read the more confused we get, but in this Theory Talks is doing a great job by allowing students to learn from the experience of others. Learning happens also at conferences: you may find subjects that are of no interest to you, but that is helpful also, and on the other hand new subjects will broaden horizons. The wealth of cultural references in each part of the world can be baffling and may make it difficult to delve deep. The only way we make sense of the unknown through what we know.
What regional or perhaps even global protagonism can you envisage for IR studies emerging from Turkey? Turkey is often perceived to bridge Europe and the Middle East, Europe and Asia, but we have the problem that Asia itself is a Western idea, then a 'bridge' is in danger of belonging to neither.
As I made clear in what I said above, I don't think of IR in terms of contributions emerging from this part of the world or that part of the world. And although I grew up in Turkey and began my academic career there, I don't consider my own work to be in any way a 'Turkish perspective' on IR. What can be said to be Turkish about my perspective is that I have to travel to Aberystwyth and Copenhagen and all those ISA conference locations to discover that I can have (and some say I should) have a Turkish perspective. My undergraduate education was about learning IR as a 'universally undisputed'. I now know the limitations of that universalism, but I cannot offer a specifically located perspective, for it is a complicated picture that emerges in front of us. I am not in favour of replacing one parochialism with another one, in terms of those who speak of X School of IR versus Y School of IR.
Having said that, I consider that my contribution as being comfortable with what Orhan Pamuk has called the 'in-between world', though I prefer to use the term 'hybridity', not in-between-ness. That Turkish policy-makers have always claimed a bridge status for their country, but these ideas are rooted in Turkey's hybridity and belonging to multiple worlds (as opposed to being in between multiple worlds). Policy-makers can talk about being a bridge between Europe and Asia, or Europe and the Middle East, because Turkey in fact belongs to all these worlds. So in some ways being at ease with this hybridity does allow me to have a particular perspective in IR that I may not have had if I had come from a different background. But then again, it's difficult to know. I have taken courses in political anthropology, learning about the Ottoman Empire and modern Turkey as an imagined community, but all my introductions to geocultural studies and epistemology came from Critical IR settings, so looking for geographically or culturally specific roots simply doesn't work. As Said put it, it is 'beginnings' that we should be looking for, not 'origins.'
When Europeans and North Americans speak of 'state building' and 'development', Turkey is often taken as a model example of conversion to Western models—largely by its own choice. Should Turkey's path and modern reality be understood differently?
I am not comfortable with the word 'model', but 'example' may be a preferable term. So what is Turkey an example of? That has become a particular research question for me and I have written on this—Turkey's choice to locate itself in the West and what that means. Turkey is interesting for having decided to locate itself in the West, and this is where language and culture come in the picture. More often than not, the literature tends to assume that elites in places like Turkey would make the decision to adopt the 'Western model', and the rationale for adopting that model is not questioned, but instead taken to be 'obvious' from development theory and its teleological outlook: 'it just happened'. It is those that do not adopt the dominant model, those that decide against Westernization, that need explaining. Perhaps I would not have asked myself that question, had I not—and here my biography comes into the picture—been puzzled by references to 'civilization' in Turkish texts. If you look into Turkish literature or historical documents you will find references to 'civilization' everywhere—the national anthem refers to civilization as a 'one-toothed monster called civilization'. As a young student, I just couldn't make sense of this and wondered why is everyone talking about civilization and why is it a good and a difficult thing at the same time?
I began to make sense of this as I was researching Turkey's choices about secularism in the late 19th and early 20th century, and was looking at some of those documents once again, but this time with insights provided by postcolonial IR. The language commonly used was 'joining' the West, and secularisation was a part of the package, but it was not necessarily a question of mere emulation but search for security, being a part of the 'international society'. These were not easy decisions, so here I look at Turkey's choice to locate itself in the West within the security context. There was a notion of a 'standard of civilization' in Europe and the West more broadly which others were expected to 'live up to', and this gives you some sense of the ubiquity of the references to civilization in the discourses of Turkish policy makers at the time. I am not suggesting that this is the whole answer, and I do not reject distinct answers, but I do think it helps understand Turkey's decision to locate itself in the West in the early 20th century. So this is where my security aspects of my work and Critical IR together. My starting point is to identify the ubiquity of one notion and then locate that within critical IR theory. Turkey becomes an example of postcolonial insecurities. Though never having been colonized it nonetheless exhibits those 'postcolonial anxieties' in Sankaran Krishna's words.
I am keenly aware of the reality that even when we as academics are doing our most theoretical and abstract work, we are never removed from the roles of the 'real world', for we are teachers at the same time: by the time we put our ideas to paper we have already disseminated them through our teaching. Some of us are more committed to teaching than others, of course, but some critical theorists see the most important part of their job as being good educators and training the new generation, as opposed to being more public intellectuals and writing op-ed pieces and talking to bigger audiences. We are therefore never far removed from the world of practice and from disseminating our ideas about security and international relations, because we are teachers, and some of our students will go on to work in the real world institutions, like government or the media.
Beyond that, there is a growing vitality in the literature on the privatisation of security: on private armies and how security is being privatised and fielded out to professionals. The new literature that is emerging on this is more and more interesting, I am thinking for instance of Anna Leander's work here: she talks about privatization of security not only in terms of the involvement of private professionals going off to do what government or other actors tell them to do, but also in terms of the setting up of security agendas and shaping security, determining what threats are, and determining what risks are and quite literally how we should be leading our lives. In this sense theory and critical security studies have become very real for all of us, because no one group of people owns the definitions.
Currently I am working on a manuscript that brings together two of my research interests, conceptions of the international beyond the West and Critical Security Studies. I use the case of Turkey for purposes of illustration but also for insight. I am trying to think of ways of studying security that are attentive to the periphery's conceptions of the international as a source of (non-material) insecurity.
Pınar Bilgin is the author of Regional Security in the Middle East: a Critical Perspective (Routledge, 2005) and over 50 papers. She is an Associate Member of the Turkish Academy of Sciences. She received the Young Scientists Incentive Award of the Scientific and Technical Research Council of Turkey (TÜBITAK) in 2009 and 'Young Scientist' (GEBIP) award of Turkish Academy of Sciences (TÜBA, 2008). She served as the President of Central and East European International Studies Association (CEEISA), and chair of International Political Sociology Section of ISA. She is a Member of the Steering Committee of Standing Group on International Relations (SGIR) and an Associate Editor of International Political Sociology.
Related links
Faculty Profile at Bilkent University Read Bilgin's Thinking Past 'Western' IR? (2008) here (pdf) Read Bilgin's A Return to 'Civilisational Geopolitics' in the Mediterranean? Changing Geopolitical Images of the European Union and Turkey in the Post-Cold War Era (2004) here (pdf) Read Bilgin's Whose 'Middle East'? Geopolitical Inventions and Practices of Security (2004) here (pdf) Read Bilgin's and A.D. Morton's Historicising representations of 'Failed States': beyong the cold-war annexation of the social sciences? (2002) here (pdf)
In the spring of 1997, Shaun had just broken up with a boyfriend, and his roommate had moved out. Living alone for the first time and relieved of the fear that someone might walk in the door, he was finally able to indulge his fantasy. The young man sat on his couch and started blowing up balloons. Shaun had loved playing with balloons since he was a child. When he hit puberty, he felt his first orgasm rubbing against a balloon. It was then that his relationship with the object took on a new meaning. "I had spent my entire life trying to hide it from one person or another, be it parents, lovers, roommates or friends," Shaun says. But now he found himself in the privacy and intimacy of his small, two-bedroom San Jose apartment. "So here I was, like a diabetic kid given free license to ransack the candy store. I emerged myself fully." The living room and spare room became stuffed wall-to-wall, floor to ceiling, except for a path to the TV. The balloons were mostly 12 to 16 inches in diameter, plus a few three times that size. Shaun, who stands 6-foot-2, filled his bedroom to the top of his chest. He fell asleep buried in multi-colored inflatables. "The feeling was just an irrational sense of happiness." Shaun is one of at least several thousand looners, as they're called. Although the exact number of balloon fetishists – or any fetishist – is debated and impossible to know, Shaun is unquestionably not alone. Websites and YouTube videos portray the subculture of people who share Shaun's interest. Women – some naked, some fully dressed – masturbate with balloons on porn sites. They ride them, suck them, have sex with them, blow them up and pop them. And sometimes groups of scantily clad women just play with balloons, sexy-pillow-fight style. Troubled actress Lindsay Lohan declined an offer of $50,000 in September to pop a few balloons – fully clothed – for a fetish website, according to celebrity news site TMZ. Despite the x-rated results revealed by a Google search, the balloon fetish community extends beyond porn. Looners share stories and ask questions about their fetish on Facebook, Twitter and other Internet sites. About 1,200 people are regular members of Balloon Buddies, a popular listserv in the looner community where otherwise uncomfortable and often ashamed balloon people gather and discuss their preoccupation. Balloon Buddies was started as a pen pal group in the 1970s by a man from Maine nicknamed Buster Bill. Several thousand people have circulated through over the years, according to Shaun, who now co-owns the site and is planning the group's 35th anniversary party. Members share which colors, sizes and brands of balloons turn them on. They discuss when and why their fetish began. And there is often a friendly debate between poppers and non-poppers, as the community is divided between those who dislike and are sometimes terrified of a balloon bursting and those who are turned on and sometimes orgasm from it. Shaun says poppers are generally more dominant and non-poppers more submissive. But Paul Abramson, a licensed sex therapist who teaches sex classes at UCLA, thinks the distinction is trivial, "like trying to distinguish Miller from Bud drinkers." Mike, a non-popper from Philadelphia, shares ownership of Balloon Buddies with Shaun. He has made balloon fetishism a source of income as well as a pastime, selling products like porn videos to looners in every continent except Antarctica. He began hiring the women seen fondling balloons on his sites, mellyloon.com and looneynudes.com, to monetize his hobby and pay his student loans. Now, the money he makes from the sites support him and his wife. She photographs and films the models but is not a looner. Mike has met looners of all varieties through his business as well as at balloon community get-togethers. He says balloon people are everywhere, and aside from being predominantly male, they can be anyone. They're gay, straight and transsexual. They're liberal, conservative, racist and hippy. They are doctors, lawyers, physicists, policemen, garbage men, firemen, jailbirds, politicians and actors. Mike's interactions with balloon fetishists have left him with one conclusion: "Balloon people are closer than you think." The many types of people who are into balloons parallel the many types of balloons. Nothing shows this better than Shaun's small home office in a San Francisco Bay Area suburb. Plastic storage drawers cover two of his office walls, each one filled with deflated balloons Shaun sells in his spare time on his website grandballoons.com. "You know what they say; do what you love." He's inflated more balloons than the average person, but still he gets lightheaded as he blows up a standard 16-inch balloon and lets it drift around the room. Even his cat rubs against it. Shaun used to make nearly $2,000 a week selling balloons, but blames the general downtown in the economy for a decrease in sales, which has left him earning anywhere between $80 and $500 a week. Shoppers visit Shaun's site to buy hard-to-find balloons from around the world. More than half of his domestic buyers live on the East Coast, although there are many in California. And more than half of his sales are international, with a spike in Germany. Shaun estimates about 85 percent of his customers are looners. They buy 72-inch balloons big enough to climb inside of, 10-to-15-foot hotdog-shaped Airships, figurines like little ducks that are hard to blow up, and anatomically correct rear ends called Derrie-Airs. "You name it," Shaun says, "there's an interest for it." Although he admits that at $7.99 a pop, the blow-up buns have proved to be a bad investment. The stimulation balloons provide also varies widely, as latex can appeal to all senses. The scent can be especially important to looners. According to Shaun, "The smell of a room that has a lot of balloons, especially after they have oxidized over a period of a couple days, is nearly indescribable." Each brand possesses a smell as distinct to looners as perfume. The odor is subtly sweet with a hint of rubber. One sniff, and Shaun can identify a Rifco brand product because its latex smells slightly of chocolate chip cookies. He says the aroma adds to the experience, as does the feel and sound of balloons. "The sensation of swimming through hundreds of balloons in my bedroom was overwhelming and amazing." Shaun likes to hug and squeeze balloons, hearing their snaps and squeaks. "I love feeling the strain of them, watching them warp from the pressure and seeing how much it takes to pop them." Some enthusiasts care more about a balloon's size, color and brand. Twenty-seven-year-old Chris Burney from Rutland, Vermont, says he dislikes solid colored balloons and prefers Crystaltone and transparent balloons – the see-through ones. He also doesn't like themed balloons, like those designed for holidays. Burney's favorite brands are Tuf-Tex and Qualatex. Another thing: "Size is important to me. The bigger the better." Burney can orgasm by blowing up a balloon until it pops – a "b2p" in looner terms. Associating balloons with orgasm doesn't surprise Paul Abramson, the UCLA professor. "Orgasm is an extraordinarily powerful reinforcer," he says. "If you routinely pair it with something, that 'something' will have stimulus power; the proverbial Pavlovian bell," he says, referring to the bell that stimulated dogs to salivate in a classic experiment. For other looners, balloons provide stress relief more often than sexual climax. Lynda, a 55-year-old teacher who lives outside Los Angeles, says balloons are more sensual than sexual for her. She prefers agate balloons, the swirly multi-colored ones that look like oil on water. "I'm a very vivid person. I like the screaming hot pink and lime green." She keeps balloons tied to her desk like some women keep flowers. "I find them nurturing. I find them reassuring." Sometimes Lynda will slip behind her desk and inhale the balloons, leaving her with a smile and what she calls a "latex-induced coma." At home, Lynda and her longtime boyfriend own three helium tanks. They sometimes fill the bedroom, living room or shower with balloons. Lynda built her own cage out of PVC pipe and soft netting. She traps herself in the cage with balloons, turns on a large fan, and allows the balls of latex to whip around her, stimulating her senses to invigorating heights. She equates the feeling to a junkie's high, "so intense, so wild and awesome" that she collapses in ecstasy afterward like one does after incredible sex. Lynda also will sometimes use balloon play to help herself fall asleep, like a baby with a pacifier. Pacifiers were made of latex when Lynda was a child. She remembers rubbing her pacifier on her nose, and she credits this toddler experience with her olfactory infatuation with balloons in adulthood. Lynda knows a handful of looners with the same pacifier association, and nearly all balloon fetishists draw some childhood connection. Experts agree that anyone can develop a fetish, whether it's for clothing, body parts or balloons. But understanding how it happens and to what kind of people is "as complicated and fraught of a question as, 'Why do some people become gay?'" according to author and New York University lecturer Katharine Gates, a self-described kink expert who developed a map linking popular fetishes and other offbeat interests that was reprinted in a college psychology textbook and also wrote about balloon fetishists in her book, Deviant Desires: Incredibly Strange Sex. Although the development of a fetish is not completely understood, experts know they are far more common among men than women. According to Human Sexuality and Its Problems by John Bancroft, psychiatry professor at Indiana University School of Medicine and former director of the Kinsey Institute, men are much more likely to develop fetishes because of a critical period during sexual growth when a young man makes a connection between a specific stimuli and a sexual response. A prepubescent boy may get an erection the same time he platonically admires his teacher's shiny high heels. Because a woman's symptoms of sexual arousal are not as obvious as a man's, the boy is more likely to realize his feeling of desire and eventually associate it with his interest in the shoes. Over time, a fetish is born. Still, why does this connection between an object and an erotic response become permanent in some people but not others? No one knows for sure. Some people may be born with or develop a predisposition toward fetishism, according to kink expert Gates. Take the female looner Lynda, for example; perhaps the olfactory and pleasure centers of her brain are slightly more connected than those in an average brain, wiring her to be highly affected by the smell of balloons. No evidence suggests genetics cause people to develop fetishes, however, according to San Francisco psychotherapist and sex therapist William Henkin. The reasons people obtain fetishes are social, not biological, and they often have to do with a person's interactions with parents or other caregivers. Henkin, who has worked with people with alternate sex and gender concerns for more than two decades (although not with any looners), says fetishes tend to develop in people who felt traumatized as young children and may feel some extra need to be in control. Gates agrees people may be socially primed for a fetish in childhood and puberty. Things happen in people's lives and they notice a particular stimulus works for them – e.g. Shaun's childhood fascination with balloons. They start to hone in on this stimulus during early masturbation, just as Shaun experienced his first orgasms with a balloon, which is common among looners. A child's sexual focus may narrow if he or she experiences some type of social isolation or failure: being ostracized, lacking sexual information or sexual play, suffering from an illness or living in a hyper-religious setting. Family situations like these can induce anxiety, isolation and sexual shame. A boy could unknowingly program himself to be turned on by a specific stimulus just because it's comforting in a stressful situation, Gates says. Experts agree fetishes almost always originate in childhood, but they disagree on the exact age. Henkin thinks they arise before 5, and probably before 3. Vancouver sexologist and clinical counselor Pega Ren thinks boys tend to develop fetishes between 2 and 10, with 5 to 8 being most common. "We're prime, we're ripe, we're ready at that age," says Ren, who coaches people about their sexuality on her website smartsextalk.com. "We do not become aware of erotic attraction until puberty, but we are aware of sexual curiosity about the same time we learn to read. We're curious about all sorts of things at that age. It's when we play doctor. It's when, 'you show me yours, I'll show you mine'." Shaun says he had typical childlike interests and favorite toys that were popular with many kids. He carried around a Snoopy doll and later a Scooter character from the Muppets. But somewhere between 4 and 6, he became fascinated by balloons. Shaun remembers blowing them up and, when it was too hard for him, letting his older brother do it. They threw balloons in the family fireplace, watching flames whip them around until the latex burst. Balloons were one of Shaun's few toys because they were cheap – he grew up in a family poor enough that he didn't take meals for granted. Shaun remembers innocently playing with balloons; he would sit on them, bat them around and see how big they could get. But unlike most kids, Shaun never lost his interest in balloons. After he experienced that first orgasm masturbating with a balloon as a teenager, "There was a part of me that thought there was something very seriously wrong with me," he says. For nearly a decade afterward, Shaun refused to touch the objects of his atypical affection. But he sometimes still craved them. Quitting balloons was like quitting smoking, he says. Accepting his homosexuality was much easier than admitting he had a balloon fetish. "I knew there were a lot of gay people out there," he says. "With balloons, who had ever heard of that?" Chris Burney, the looner from Vermont, and Mike, the balloon businessman in Philly, have fetishes rooted in childhood fears of loud noises. Loud and unexpected balloon bursts frightened Burney as a kid, but somewhere between 8 and 12, he started feeling empowered by seeing how big he could blow one up without popping it. By the time he hit 15, the desire turned sexual. "I know it's hard for people to understand why, but I get an erection from it. I don't really understand why, but I do." At 19, he learned about the balloon fetish on an HBO documentary. "I couldn't believe it. I was like, oh my god." Mike's childhood fear of loud noises never subsided despite his interest in balloons turning into a fetish. The noise doesn't bother him if it's on screen: he enjoys watching videos like the ones he produces of sexy women playing with balloons. But if a balloon pops in front of Mike, the fun stops. "I don't freak out, crawl up in a ball and shake," he says. "I get startled." While for many looners the fetish is seemingly harmless, for others it can be disturbing, even damaging. Mike has witnessed a fanatical non-popper fall into a fetal position and quiver when a balloon suddenly deflated in his presence. The most extreme looners say they have ruined relationships (sneaking to hotel rooms to keep their secret from their spouses), gone into debt buying balloons and lost their sense of reality from their out-of-control preoccupation. Abramson, the UCLA professor, testifies as an expert witness in civil cases in which sex is an issue, and he says extreme fetishes can be unsafe. "I see the worst and most dangerous fetishes in my work as an expert witness; someone has died, been badly harmed." Abramson says the dependence on the fetish is the determining factor. "The more dependent and distressful, the worse it is." In determining whether a looner suffers from a psychological disorder, therapists will likely fit the person into one of four levels of fetishism outlined by Paul Gebhard, a well-known sexologist with a Ph.D. from Harvard and former director of the Institute for Sex Research. The most innocent enthusiasts, which Gebhard argues shouldn't be called fetishists, slightly prefer specific stimuli, like balloons. Level two fetishists prefer an object like a balloon but don't require one. Level three people would be those who need a balloon to perform sexually. And those who replace a sex partner with a balloon would be classified at the highest level – and at the greatest risk psychologically. The most fanatic non-poppers may be level four fetishists because they treat balloons as if they were human, so much so that they equate a busted balloon with murder. Mike is well connected in the looner community, and he says people who treat balloons as human partners are the exceptions. For Mike, balloons are like pizza – satisfying in moderation. "It's like, 'Ah, it's Saturday night,'" he says. "I could go for some pizza." Shaun and his husband play with balloons in bed, but a balloon is not necessary for a satisfactory sexual experience. Burney won't date women who ban balloons in the bedroom, but he also doesn't need a balloon to get off. "A female is definitely going to turn me on. If a balloon is put into play, it's a million times better." Lynda has applied a simple rule to her relationships: If a man tells her, "I ain't doing that," she says, "I ain't doing you." Like several looners, Lynda became comfortable with her fixation came after she realized she wasn't alone. And the Internet is to thank for that. Most looners grew up ashamed, thinking no one else in the world had a balloon fetish. Then they found people online who share their interest – people who had spouses, children, jobs; perfectly successful, normal people. "This is the moment when they realize, 'I'm not alone,'" Gates says. The Internet has likely reduced the number of hardcore, level four fetishists, Gates says, by lessening the pressure and eliminating feelings of isolation – one of the worst burdens of fetishism. It then becomes easier to tell a partner about a fetish and helps people to keep their obsession under control. Some looners also throw in-person balloon parties. Shaun has hosted a few relatively tame gatherings that have included Balloon Buddy trivia contests, balloon inflation races and a roundtable discussion in which looners talk about their fetish. But the largest in-person balloon gathering Mike has heard of included about 40 guests. "I think a lot of people are still embarrassed about this," he says. Mike is well-known in the heterosexual looner community and Shaun is known among gay looners, yet neither man will allow his last name to be published. Shaun explains: "I'm not ready to walk down the street with a thousand balloons and say, 'hey, look at me,' but I'm not ashamed of it either." Chris Burney, by contrast, is open enough about his fetish that he agreed to be featured on an episode of the TLC television series Strange Sex. Since the show aired in August, Burney has been criticized by what he calls the "vanilla world" – people who don't have a fetish or are ignorant about them. But Burney says speaking out about balloon fetishism was the smartest thing he's ever done. "Finally being able to come out and be myself and finally being able to walk down the street with a smile on my face, it was well worth it." He traveled a long road of secret shame to get to this point. "I remember the day that I literally got turned on by watching someone blow up a balloon. I said to myself that I would never tell anyone in my life. It was a secret. And I kept the secret for 10 years." But what once embarrassed Burney has become a source of pride. On his twenty-seventh birthday this past February, he maneuvered his 6-foot-7, nearly 400-pound body inside a 72-inch-wide transparent balloon and posted the video for his fans on YouTube – his fiftieth balloon fetish video on the site. Burney says the greater fetish community acts as a support system and reminds him that he's not alone. Since coming out, he has been inspired to help people understand that it's all right to be themselves. Burney says it also has helped him cope with difficult times. In the last few years, Burney's father died, he has been unemployed, split up with his fiancé, suffered a mild heart attack and was diagnosed with Hodgkin's lymphoma. Coming out as a looner is what he credits for changing his outlook on life and helping him cope. "If it wasn't for the fetish community, I wouldn't be where I'm at today." As important as the fetish community is to Burney, and contrary to what non-fetishists may think, he insists that balloon eroticism isn't necessary for him to be happy. But it certainly helps. "Having a balloon fetish is not a big deal, it really isn't. It's awesome." Lynda says her boyfriend accepts her fetish because it's not immoral, not fattening, it's relatively cheap and brings a smile to her face. Shaun confesses to a scar on his inner thigh from a balloon pop gone wrong. Still, balloons are on the mild end of the fetish spectrum compared to masochism, sadism or an obsession with sharp objects. And playing dirty with balloons is healthier than more conventional addictions, like those involving alcohol, drugs or cigarettes. "There's nothing wrong with having a balloon fetish," Shaun says. "As long as you let it enhance your life, not control your life." After balloons have been floating around the house for a while, Shaun says he'll store them away for weeks at a time just to make sure he doesn't get carried away. Following his first balloon binge 14 years ago, Shaun knew he had to keep his infatuation under control. He remembers rummaging through his apartment to save a few special balloons, which he deflated, put in a sock and threw in the dryer so the warped rubber would contract and the balloons could be re-used – his non-wastefulness a lingering effect of his poor upbringing. But for the rest, he began "a massive assault of balloon popping." Sitting, stomping and bouncing on them started to feel like a chore, so Shaun retrieved a sword from his collection and dashed through his home jousting bursts of color until the floor was sprinkled with ripped bits of rubber. "To me, a fetish can be healthy," Shaun says. "To a point." Gates, the kink expert, agrees. Everyone has their own prurient interests. "If all you're interested in is what body parts do, I think that's rare. "We're primates. We don't just have sex for procreation." People have sex to bond and relieve tension among other things. "There are many reasons sex shouldn't be limited to what two sets of genitals do," Gates says. "We're all kinky, and I'm glad we are."
Issue 19.6 of the Review for Religious, 1960. ; SACRED CONGREGATION OF RITES Litany of the Precious Blood [On February 24, 1960, the Sacred Congregation of Rites issued .the Latin text of a new litany to be included in future editions of the Roman Ritual immediately after the Litany of the Sacred Heart. The,:original text may be found in /lcta Apostolicae Sedis, 52 (1960), 412-13. On March 3, 1960 (Acta Apostolicae Sedis, 52 [1960], 420), the Sacred Apostolic Penitentiary granted an indulgence of seven years each time the litany is recited with contrite heart; moreover once a month a plenary indulgence can bi~ gained under the usual conditions provided the litany has been said daily for an entire month.] Lord, have mercy on us. Christ, have mercy on us. Lord, have mercy on us. Christ hear us. Christ graciously hear us. God the Father of heaven, have mercy on us. God the Son, Redeemer of the world, have mercy on us. God the Holy Spirit, have mercy on us. Holy Trinity, one God, have mercy on us. Blood of Christ, only Son of the eternal Father, save us. Blood of Christ, incarnate Word of God, save us. Blood of Christ of the new and eternal testament, save us. Blood of Christ, flowing to the earth during the agony, save us. Blood of Christ, poured out during the scourging, save us. Blood o[ Christ, streaming forth during the crowning of thorns, save us. Blood of Christ, shed on the cross, save us. Blood of Christ, price of our salvation, save us. Blood of Christ, without which there is no forgiveness, save us. Blood of Christ, purifying drink of souls in the Eucharist, save us. Blood of Christ, river of mercy, save us. Blood of Christ, conqueror of the devils, save us. Blood of Christ, courage of the martyrs, save us. Blood of Christ, strength of confessors, save us. Blood of Christ, seed of virgins, save us. Litany ot the Precious Blood VOLUME 19, 1960 ~2! Blood of Christ, strength of those in danger, save us. Blood of Christ, solace of the suffering, save us. Blood of Christ, consolation in time of grief, save us. Blood of Christ, hope of penitents, save us. Blood of Christ, comfort of the dying, save us. Blood of Christ, peace and sweetness of hearts, save us. Blood of Christ, pledge of eternal life, save us. Blood of Christ, liberating souls from Purgatory, save us. Blood of Christ, worthy of all glory and honor, save us. Lamb of God, who takes away the sins of the world, spare us, O Lord. Lamb of God, who takes away the sins of the world, graciously hear us, O Lord. Lamb of God, who takes away the sins of the world, have mercy on us. V. You have redeemed us, O Lord, in Your Blood. R. And You have made us a kingdom for our God. Let us pray Almighty, everlasting God, who made Your only begotten Son the Redeemer of the world and who willed to be pro-pitiated by His Blood: grant, we beseech You, that we may venerate this price of our salvation and be defended on earth by Its power from the evils of the present life, so that we may thereby enjoy the perpetual reward of heaven. Through the same Christ our Lord. Amen. ÷ ÷ ÷ Sacred Congregation o~ Rites REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 322 JOSEPH F. GALLEN, S. J. The Constitutions Questions, difficulties, and cases on the constitutions ot religious institutes are of frequent occurrence. It seems more practical to retain the question and answer form for this matter than to synthesize it in the abstract form of an article. I. The Obligation to Strive for Perfection 1. What is the obligation o] a religious to strive ]or perfection? All authors admit the existence of such an obligation, but they differ in explaining its source. The first and at least solidly probable opinion is that the obligation of striving for perfection is not distinct from the obligation of observing the two distinctive means of perfection of the religious state, that is, the vows and the laws of the par-ticular institute, which are contained principally in the Rule and constitutions. This obligation is consequently completely identified with the obligation of observing the vows and the laws of the particular institute. Therefore, sin cannot be committed against a special and distinct ob-ligation of striving for perfection. The first argument for this opinion is that the Code of Canon Law nowhere as-serts a distinct obligation of striving for perfection. The code at least appears to confirm this opinion and may even be explicitly affirming it, since canon 593 states that all religious are obliged to observe their vows constantly and completely, to order their lives according to their rules and constitutions, and thus tend to the per[ection oI their state. The canon evidently at least appears to identify the obligation of observing the vows, rules, and constitutions with the striving for perfection. The same principle is con-tained in canon 488, 1°: "A religious institute signifies a society., in which the members, according to the laws proper to the society, take public vows., and so strive after evangelical perfection." This opinion maintains also that one who is obliged to the means of perfection is suffi-ciently obliged to strive for perfection, and an additional obligation is not to be asserted without necessity. It is likewise a general principle that one fulfills the duties of Joseph F. Gallen, $.J. is Professor of (:anon Law at Woodstock College, Woodstock, Maryland. VOLUME 19, 1960 323 ÷ ÷ Joseph F. Gallen, REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 324 his state of life by satisfying the obligations proper to that state. The final argument is drawn from a comparison with~ the obligation of attaining eternal salvation. All mankind' is obliged to attain eternal salvation, but this is not an oh' ligation distinct from that of obeying the laws to which/ one is subject. The man who habitually commits or in-~ tends to commit serious sins of theft does not also sini against a special obligation of attaining eternal salvation.~ Geerts, Revue D'~lsc~tique et De Mystique, 2 (1921),i 213--47; Auxentius a Rotterdam, Commentarium Pro Re-¢ ligiosis, 31 (1952), 250-75; 33 (1954), 77-85; 192-211;I 302-11; Creusen, Religious Men and Women in Church l Law, n. 253; Bastien, Directoire Canonique, n. 521; bart, Trait~ de Droit.Canonique, n. 876, 3°; and others. The second probable opinion affirms a special obliga-~ tion from the virtue of religion to strive for perfection, that is, an obligation distinct from that of observing the l vows and the laws of the particular institute. The first l argument for this opinion is that the religious by profes-sion becomes a member of a public state whose purpose~ is to strive for perfection. The religious is therefore t obliged to strive for the purpose of his state of life. It can~ be immediately replied that the religious does this by the obligation of observing the vows and the laws of the par-ticular institute, whose observance necessarily leads to per-fection. No other obligation is necessary nor proved. The second argument is founded on a tacit promise of the re-ligious in his profession to strive for the purpose of his state. But again the religious fulfills such a promise by the obligation of observing the vows and the laws of the par-ticular institute. The last argument is that one who ex-plicitly promises to observe a definite means [the vows] to an end, implicitly also promises to strive for the end. This may be granted, but it does not prove a special obligation to strive for the end. It even appears to affirm the con-trary doctrine, that is, the end or purpose is sufficiently attained by the obligation of observing the means to that end. We may therefore conclude that the obligation of ob-serving the vows and the laws of the particular institute is clear in itself and in the code; that such observance necessarily leads to perfection; and that a special obliga-tion of striving for perfection is not necessary, is not proved, and consequently does not have to be admitted. The opinion of a digtinct obligation is held by Vermeersch, De Religiosis, II, (68)-(69); I, nn. 224-27; Epitome luris Canonici, I, n. 748; Theologia Moralis, III, n. 114; Wernz- Vidal, De Religiosis, n. 338; Pujol, De Religiosis Orientali-bus, nn. 342-45; Muzzarelli, De Congregationibus Iuris Dioecesani, n. 327; and others, H. Meaning and Content of Rule an_d Constitutions 2. We call the constitutions our holy Rule. Are consti-tutions and the Rule the same thing? The Rule gives only general, primary, fundamental, and concise spiritual and ascetical norms; the constitutions are more detailed, more legal and disciplinary. The Rule is relatively small and incomplete; the constitutions are larger and contain all the particular norms necessary for the religious life. The various Rules originated before the fifteenth century; new constitutions continually arise. The Rule is usually the work of the founder himself; the con-stitutions have very frequently originated in chapters. The Rule is considered as perpetual, untouchable, immutable, and may be changed only by the Roman Pontiff; this sta-bility is greater than that of the constitutions, even when the latter were approved by the Holy See. The Rule is in fact common to many distinct religious institutes; the con-stitutions are proper to each institute. To exemplify this fact, even though incompletely, in lay institutes the Rule of St. Augustine is found in nuns of the Sacred Order of Preachers, of Our Lady of Charity of Refuge, of the Blessed Sacrament of Our Lady, of the Visitation, and of the Order of St. Ursula, as also in Dominican congregations of sisters and in the Good Shepherd of Angers Sisters. The Rule of St. Benedict is used by Benedictine nuns and sisters; and the Rule of St. Francis, which is rather a triple Rule, is found in institutes of Franciscan nuns, sisters, and broth-ers. The Rule of St. Basil is confined almost exclusively to oriental religious. The Rules of St. Basil, St. Augustine, St. Benedict, and St. Francis are called the four great Rules. Other Rules also exist, for example, that of the Carmelite Order, which is observed also by Carmelite nuns and sisters. Because the Rule was general, incomplete, and so ex-clusively spiritual, in institutes that arose before the six-teenth century it had to be completed by other norms that clarified and determined the general principles of the Rule, adapted the Rule to the specific purpose of an insti-tute, and completed it by defining the purpose, means, government, offices, and the rights and obligations of the members. These complementary norms were usually called constitutions. Therefore, in institutes that have a Rule, the Rule is the fundamental law, the constitutions are the complementary law. Institutes that arose from the beginning of the sixteenth century ordinarily did not adopt one of the ancient Rules but assembled all their basic laws in one collection, which was generally called constitutions. Therefore, in these institutes and in the more modern sense, constitutions include both the funda-mental and complementary law of the institute. However, ÷ ÷ ÷ TI~ Constitutions VOLUME 19, 1960 325 4" ]oseph F. Gallen, $.~. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 326 at present in institutes of brothers, nuns, and sisters that have a Rule, the constitutions ordinarily are of exactly the same nature in subject matter as in institutes that fol-low no Rule. The sense explained above is that of Rule in the singu-lar. In the plural, rules are not part of the basic law of an institute, as are the Rule and constitutions, but secondary, particular, and detailed norms of conduct, for example, common rules, rules of modesty, of the provincial, of the local superior, of priests, of confessors, of scholastics, of lay brothers, and so forth. Such rules are in use in many of the institutes founded from the beginning of the sixteenth century. They are not found too frequently in lay insti-tutes, whose particular law generally consists of a Rule, if the institute follows one, constitutions, directory, custom book, ordinances of the general chapter, and regulations of higher superiors. In the Code of Canon Law, the terms rules, rules and constitutions, and constitutions in relation to religious sig-nify the entire particular law of an institute, whether this has its origin in a Rule or constitutions, and no matter what may be the parts or the names by which various parts of this particular law are designated in a given institute. The Normae of 1921 forbade religious congregations to call their constitutions a Rule in the text of the constitu-tions. They are to be termed constitutions (n. 22 h.). This norm of canonical usage does not forbid such expressions as "our holy Rule" in other usage nor in conversation Even moral and canonical authors are still accustomed to explain the obligation and Other matters appertaining to constitutions under the general heading of the obligation of the Rule. Maroto, Regulae et Particulares Constitu-tiones Singularum Religionum, nn. 1-97; Larraona, Com-mentarium Pro Religiosis, 4 (1923), 134-39; Ravasi, De Regulis et Constitutionibus Religiosorum, 8-14. 3. I have noticed that religious universally speak of their constitutions, or of their holy Rule, as iJ all the arti-cles of the constitutions had the same force. Is this true? Constitutions are in fact composed of several different species of laws. 1. Laws of God. These, for example, the prohibition of stealing or of lying, whether natural or revealed, oblige immediately under sin, mortal or venial, according to the particular law. There are very few such laws in constitu-tions. 2. Laws that determine the matter of the vows. These are also few in number, since they are ordinarily confined to the articles that give the definition of each vow. Such laws evidently oblige in the same way as the vow, because they define the matter of the particular vow. A particular article may also contain a precept in virtue of the vow of obedience, but such articles are not found in the constitu-tions of lay institutes. 3. Laws of the Church, especially those appertaining to religious. A very great number of these are found in all constitutions. They oblige immediately under sin, mortal or venial, according to the law. However, practically none of these laws immediately affect the daily lives of religious. 4. Particular laws of the institute. These are divided into exhortations or counsels, legal, merely disciplinary, and spiritual articles. (a) Exhortations or counsels. It is not repugnant that some articles of the constitutions be mere ex-hortations or counsels, such as those on the practice of virtue to an exalted degree, for example, charity, hu-mility, obedience, mortification, and so forth. Of this nature are articles that demand a perfect love of God and complete detachment from selblove in all actions, the acceptance and desire only of what our Lord ac-cepted and desired, complete conformity of judgment in all obedience, and the more perfect abnegation and mortification of oneself in every act. If understood in the particular institute as counsels, they produce no obligation; if understood as preceptive, they are vio-lated only by a habitual neglect to cultivate such vir-tues. (b) Legal articles. Some of these are on government and the organization of the institute, for example, the following matters established by the law of the con-stitutions: the members Of the general and provincial chapters; the substitutes for such members; the system of electing delegates; the possession of active and pas-sive voice; the number required for a valid s~ssion of a chapter and council; the number of votes re-quired for a valid election; the right of making pro-posals to the general chapter; the qualities required for offices, for example, for superiors, councilors, sec-retaries, and treasurers; the term of office and imme-diate reelection or reappointment of supe?iors and officials; the incompatibility of offices; matters that require the consent or advice of councils; matters that demand a secret vote of a council; the number of councilors; appointments to be made in a full coun-cil; substitutes for councilors; the prescribed resi-dence Of officials, for example, of general and provin-cial councilors; the manner of replacing a general official; the frequency of canonical visitations by higher superiors; determination of higher superior competent for admission to the postulancy, novice-ship, and professions, reception of professions, for the erection and transfer of a novitiate, and for the erec- 4- The Constitutions VOLUME 19. 1960 ÷ ÷ Joseph F. Gallen, REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 328 tion and suppression of houses; and reports and ac-counts of administration of various superiors and officials. Some articles of this class prescribed by the law of the constitutions are concerned with formation and religious profession, for example: entrance impedi-ments; entrance testimonials; a postulancy longer than six months; a noviceship longer than a year; temporary profession longer than three years; man-ner of beginning the .noviceship; formula and rite of profession; place of religious profession, except the first; limitations on 'acquisition and ownership of personal property; limitations on disposition of use and usufruct of p~rsonal property; and the giving of a copy of the constitutions to each novice. (c) Merely disciplinary articles. In general, such articles refer to the order and regularity of common life, the religious exercises, the work, and domestic and community duties of the religious, for example: reporting of presumed permissions; reception of visi-tors; going out of the house; going out alone; permis-sion for and inspection of correspondence; reception of visitors; visiting of externs; silence; reading at ta-ble; suffrages for the dead; interviews prescribed with superiors and masters; the spiritual duties, for exam-ple, daily Mass; recitation and choral recitation of the Little Office or the Short Breviary; prescribed visits to the Blegsed Sacrament; meditation and its prepara-tion; rosary; examen; spiritual reading; weekly con-fession; public devotional renewal of vows; retreats; monthly recollection; and the chapter of faults. (d) Spiritual articles. The constitutions, contain many spiritual articles, which enjoin the practice of various virtues, especially of those more distinctive of the religious life. IlL Obligation of the Constitutions 4, What is the obligation o~ constitutions which state merely that they do not o] themselves bind directly, or immediately, under pain o] sin and o] ~hose that add the phrase, "but under the penalty imposed ]or their viola-tion?" Authors usually treat this matter under the heading of the obligation of the rule; but they understand rule here to include not only the Rule properly so called, for ex-ample, the Rule of St. Augustine, St. Benedict, and St. Francis, but also the constitutions; and they quite Com-monly include also the legitimate customs, ordinances of the general and provincial chapters, if the latter possesses such authority, and the regulations of higher superiors. We are following the same complete sense in answering this question. The question of the obligation of the particular law of an institute is confined to. the articles described in n. 4(b), (c), and (d) of the preceding question, since the obligation of the other articles contained in the constitutions was stated in this s~ame question. Constitutions have the moral obligation that the legislator imposed. This can be imme-diately under sin. In some of the older orders, there are prescriptions of the Rule or constitutions that oblige im-mediately under mortal or venial sin. A prescription o~ the constitutions of any clerical exempt institute to which a canonical penalty is attached necessarily obliges immedi-ately under mortal sin, because such a punishment pre-supposes an objective and. subjective mortal sin (cc. 2218, §2; 2242, §1). In several older orders, congregations, and lay institutes in general, the obligation of the constitu-tions is phrased as in the present question and more com-monly in the first manner.~ All authors admit that the constitutions effect a real obligation. No Rule or constitutions consist entirely of counsels and exhortations. The essential effect of law is to produce an obligation.The common opinion has been and is that such constitutions are merely penal laws. The enactment of a law requires the power of jurisdiction. This authority is possessed by the general chapters of clerical exempt religious (c. 501 §1); and the constitutions o~ other institutes become laws by theapprobation or confirmation of the Holy See or local ordinaries, in the case o~ diocesan congregations. Some authors, ancient a_nd modern, have denied that the Rule and constitutions are laws; but this does not imply that they deny also an obligation to ob-serve the Rule and constitutions. That which is commanded or forbidden by the articles of such constitutions is not enjoined immediately under sin, for example, the violation of silence is not in itself a sin. There is no dispute on this point, because these con-stitutions expressly exclude such an obligation. The legis-lator of these laws or statutes is not indifferent to the ob-servance of his laws. He wills the observance of the law. An obligation immediately under sin is not necessary to secure the observance o~ the constitutions ~rom religious, and a legislator should not impose, an obligation greater than is necessary for observance and for the common good. Religious are cer~tainly subjects more prone to observance than to violation of law. Another way o~ stating the same argument is that sins are not to be multiplied without necessity. An 9bligation immediately under sin would also cause unnecessary anxieties of conscience. Since religious profession is a free and,spontaneous c?nsecration of one-self to Christ, it is becoming also that the living of this ÷ ÷ The Constitutions VOLUME 19, 1960 + 4. 4. Joseph F. Gollen, $.~. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 330 consecration should not be lacking in these same notes of freedom, spontaneity, and generosity. A religious who vio-lates his constitutions under the rationalization that they do not oblige under sin overturns the very reasons for which his constitutions exclude such an obligation, as is evident from the reasons listed above. He has a disposi-tion exactly contrary to that presumed by his constitutions. I[ religious were commonly of this disposition, the only reasonable norm of a legislator would be to make the con-stitutions oblige immediately under sin. All authors admit that the violation of such constitu-tions is in itself a positive imperfection. This is defined as the omission of a good that is not commanded under sin but in the concrete circumstances is known certainly to be a greater good for the person concerned, either from the clear interior inspiration of the Holy Spirit, the certain judgment of reason, or the declaration of legitimate au-thority given through oral directives or such a medium as the constitutions of religious. A dispute exists among theologians as to whether a positive imperfection is a sin in itself, but the more common opinion denies that it is a sin. The effect of such an imperfection is the lessening of worthiness for more intense and more efficacious graces from God. The dispute as to whether a positive imperfection is a sin in itself is of little practical import, since all authors declare, particularly of a violation of constitutions, that such an act is rarely lacking in at least some venial malice, either from the effects or the motive of such a rejection of a greater good. Sinfulness from the effects is verified when the violation causes scandal, a relaxation of religious dis-cipline, or other harm. The sinful motive can be anger, impatience, pride, vanity, sloth, sensuality, and so forth. A religious penitent may therefore accuse himself of vio-lations of the constitutions in confession both for better guidance and because these violations rarely lack at least some venial sinfulness. All theologians and canonists also agree that a subject is obliged under sin to accept and perform a punishment, or penance, imposed by a superior for a violation of the constitutions. Some hold that this obligation arises wholly or at least partially from the constitutions themselves; others maintain that the obligation has its source purely in the precept of the superior imposing the punishment. There is little practical difference, if any, in these two - theories. In the latter doctrine, the punishment will not oblige immediately under sin. unless it is expressly so im-posed by a precept of a superior. However, in practice this is true also in the first opinion. It would be contrary to the spirit of such constitutions if all punishments, even when very slight, were considered as imposed immediately under sin. Therefore, also in the first opinion, the punishment will not oblige immediately under sin unless it is so im-posed, explicitly or implicitly, by the precept of a superior. "Therefore, let all members Of the states of striving for evangelical perfection remember, and frequently recall before God, that it is not enough for the fulfillment of the obligations of their profession to avoid grave sins or, with the help of God, even venial sins; nor is it enough to carry out only materially the commands of their superiors, or to observe the vows or bonds binding in conscience, or even to observe their own constitutions according to which, as the Church herself commands in the s, acred canons, 'each and every religious, superiors as well as subjects, ought . to order his life and thus strive after the perfection of his state.' They should accomplish all these things with a whole-hearted intention and a burning love, not only out of necessity, 'but also for conscience's sake.' In order to be capable of ascending the summits of sanctity, and of being living founts of Christian charity for all, they must be im-pelled by the most ardent love for God and their neighbor and adorned with every virtue." Plus XII, Apostolic Con-stitution, Sedes Sapientiae, n. 24. 5. Don't the constitutions o] lay congregations ap-proved b~ the Hol~ See state that subjects are obliged Irora the virtue o] obedience to observe the constitutions and prescriptions o~ superiors, that is, over and above those contained in a precept in virtue o] the vow? Doesn't "to oblige" mean an obligation immediately under sin? It is the practice of the Holy See to include such an arti-cle in the constitutions. The article quoted in the question is taken verbatim from the Normae of 1901, n. 134; Statuta a Sororibus Externis Monasteriorum Monialium Cuiusque Ordinis Servanda, n. 60; and the Normae pro Constitu-tionibus Congregationum luris Dioecesani a S. Congrega-tione de Propaganda Fide Dependentium, n. 69. However, it is not the intention of the Holy See in this article to affirm any obligation over and above what these other prescriptions of superiors and the constitutions have in themselves. All of these documents, successively in nn. 320, 126, and 193, also state explicitly that the constitutions do not oblige immediately under sin. 6. Do the constitutions oblige in virtue of the vow of obedience~ ÷ It is possible to find older orders of religious in which ÷ prescriptions of the Rule or constitutions binding immedi-ately under sin oblige in virtue of the vow. This is evi-dently possible, because obedience is vowed according to the constitutions and such is the sense of the vow of obedi-ence in these orders. It is equally evident that institutes The Constitutions VOLUME 19, 1960 331 in which the constitutions do not in general bind immedi-ately under sin may place some precepts in virtue of the vow in their constitutions. This is actually done, and such specific precepts obviously oblige in virtue of the vow of obedience. Outside of such precepts, constitutions that do not bind immediately under sin do not and cannot oblige in virtue of the vow of obedience. They do not, because the sense of the vow in such institutes is that the constitutions can be made the matter of a precept of the vow by a competent superior but are not in themselves a precept in virtue of the vow. They cannot of themselves oblige in virtue of the vow, because the vow obliges immediately under sin and the prescriptions of these constitutions do not so oblige. 7. Precisely what sin is committed by a sinful violation of constitutions that do not oblige immediately under sin? The sinfulness in such a violation is from the subjective motive or the circumstances or both. Therefore, the precise sin is that of the motive or the circumstances. For example; if such constitutions are violated from pride, the sin is pride; if the circumstances of the violation are such as to cause scandal, the sin is against charity. It is evident that both malices can be found in the one act. If the constitu-tions obliged immediately under sin, the primary malice would be from the object. For example, the violation of such a law of fast would be against the virtue of temper-ance. This sinfulness is not verified in the constitutidns in question, because they do not oblige immediately under sin. 4" $oseph F. Gallen, $.1. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 8. What do our constitutions mean when they state that a sin is committed by violating the constitutions from contempt? It is evident thata sin is committed whenever the con-stitutions are violated from a sinful motive. Formal con-tempt is the despising of a superior, a law, or a counsel as such. It is therefore the contemning or despising of au-thority. This is a mortal sin, because to despise authority is to despise God, from Whom all authority proceeds. Formal contempt is rarely found in the faithful and less fre-quently in religious. The contempt stated in the constitu-ttons is formal contempt. Despite its rare occurrence, con-stitutions almost universally specify contempt as a sinful motive. It seems to me that it would be more realistic and practical to state that a religious sins whenever he violates the constitutions through a sinful motive. This is particu-larly true of constitutions which word the pertinent article as if contempt were the only sinful motive. Cf. Normae of 1901, n. 320; Statuta a Sororibus Externis Monasteriorum Monialium Cuiusque Ordinis Servanda, n. 126; Normae pro Constitutionibus Congregationum Iuris Dioecesani a S. C. de Propaganda Fide Dependentium, n. 193. Material contempt is the despisal of the person or a su-perior or of the matter of a law or counsel, "for example, if a religious despises a legislator or superior as ignorant, imprudent, rigid, malicious, uncultured,, obstinate, or a law as unsuitable, antiquated, ridiculous and because of such a motive violates the constitutions. This is ordinarily a venial sin. The sin will be mortal if such a motive leads to a serious violation of the vows, the serious harm of the institute, grave scandal, or to the proximate occasion of grave sin. 9. According to your explanation ot the obligation of constitutions, a superior may by his precept impose im-mediately under sin a punishment or penance for a vio-lation. The only precepts immediately under sin of which our constitutions speak are those in virtue of the vow of obedience. Is is true that the constitutions of lay institutes ordi-narily mention explicitly only precepts in virtue of the vow of obedience, which are usually also called formal precepts, A superior may impose a penance for such a vio-lation by a precept in virtue of the vow, since a penance for a violation, as something necessary or very useful for the observance of the constitutions, is indirectly Or implicitly contained in the constitutions. However, the constant practice of the Holy See in approving the constitutions of lay institutes forbids a superior to give a command in vir-tue of the vow except in grave matter. Other institutes should take this practice as a directive norm. Therefore, in practice a precept imposing a penance for a violation in virtue of the vow may be given only when the matter is grave. Even when such matter is verified, it is not the practice of religious institutes to impose the penance al-ways in virtue of the vow. All religious superiors, clerical or lay, possess authority in virtue of their office (cc. 501, §1; 502). This authority includes the power to impose an obligation immediately under sin, mortal or venial; and superiors are not obliged to impose such an obligation in virtue of the vow of obedi-ence, The understanding of the constitutions is that a su-perior may impose a penance immediately under sin for a violation. The constitutions do not demand that such a penance be imposed in virtue of the vow. It is therefore evident that precepts immediately under sin can and do exist in the religious life that are not imposed in virtue of the vow of obedience. A superior is obliged to make it clear, explicitly or implicitly, that he is imposing a strict precept, that is, one imposing an obligation immediately ÷ ÷ ÷ The Constitutions VOLUME 19o 1960 333 ÷ ÷ ÷ ]oseph F. Gallen, $.1. REVIEW FOR' RELIGIOUS 334 under sin. In light mgtter, he may impose an obligation only under venial sin; in grave matter, he may impose the obligation under mortal or venial sin. Religious superiors are not to be unmindful of the ad-monitions of the'Council of Trent expressed in canon 2214, §2: "Let bishops and other ordinaries bear in mind that they are shepherds and not oppressors and that they ought so to preside over those subject to them as not to lord it over them, but to love them as children and breth-ren and to strive by exhortation and admonition to deter them from what is unlawful, that they may not be obliged, should they transgress, to coerce them by due punishments. In regard to those, however, who should happen to sin through frailty, that command of the Apostle is to be ob-served, that they reprove, entreat, rebuke them in all kind-ness and patience, since benevolence toward those to be corrected often effects more than severity, exhortation more than threat, and charity more than force. But if on account of the gravity of the offense there is need of the rod, then is rigor to be tempered with gentleness, judg-ment with mercy, and severity with clemency, that disci-pline, so salutary and necessary for the people, may be preserved without harshness and they who are chastised may be corrected, or, if they are unwilling to repent, that others may by the wholesome example of their punish-ment be deterred from vices." Schroeder, Council ol Trent, 81. 10. To what observance does the obligation of the con-stitutions extend? The obligation of the constitutions, as is true also of the vow of obedience, does not certainly extend beyond the external performance of what is commanded by the con-stitutions. However, we are to beware here also of the danger of saving the law and losing our souls. A religious who restricts himself to the field of strict obligation has, in a certain sense, put himself outside the religious state, which is essentially a life of supererogation, counsel, and generosity. A merely external and legalistic observance is contrary to the purpose of the religious life. The religious therefore should strive constantly to purify and elevate the interior motives of his observance. In the same way, he is to endeavor to attain an ever more perfect external ful-fillment of the law, He cannot be content with the legal-istic external observance of the mere demands of the law. The religious life should be the state of the spiritually magnanimous, not of spiritual misers. The vows are the primary, the constitutions the secondary, of the distinctive means of striving for sanctity in the religious life. As in the vows, so in the constitutions, the essential source of sanctification is in the interior acts of the mind and the will. Mere externalism is foreign to the. religious life, so also is a supposed interior life without external observ-ance. Anyone who has the proper interior spirit cannot be deficient in external observance. "Submission to the observances of the rule must not degenerate into a stifling formalism. The religious cannot be content in an external observance devoid of care for the interior spirit. If the in-terior dispositions are lacking, the rigid practice o[ ob-servances and usages does not conduce to union with God." Reverend I. Van Houtryve, O~S.B., Acta et Docu-menta Congressus Generalis de Statibus PerIectionis, II, 458; "There is also a danger, especially in superiors and superioresses, of legalism, which is a source of no small harm to the formation of subjects. By legalism we mean the acquired propensity merely or principally to the ma-terial and literal observance of positive laws and the pro-portionate omission of true morality, which consists in sincere love of God and the neighbor." Reverend R. Car-pentier, S.J., ibid., II, 548. "There is danger Of a certain formalism in proposing the religious life to subjects when external regularity is so intensively and vehemently urged that explicit formation to supernatural virtues is almost omitted." Reverend R. Carpentier, S.J., ibid.; "It seems particularly that in the study of moral theology and canon law a sufficient distinction is not made between the view-point of simple morality, sin and no sin, and that of Christian perfection. The norm of life of the religious is not merely the sinless, but the more perfect." Reverend Benjamin of the Most Holy Trinity, O.C.D., ibid,, II, 195; "The interior life is essentially the union or habitual oc-cupation of the soul with God, so that it thinks, speaks, and acts constantly in 'the spirit of God, that is, it is guided and impelled in its every movement by the spirit and love of God." Reverend A. Gennaro, S.D.B., ibid., II, 62; "All realize that automatism and formalism are fatal to any re-ligious life and that legalism, or the mere satisfying of the wording of the law, can quiet the conscience but is the source of sterility and pharisaism, the negation of evangeli-cal sanctity." Reverend L. Veuthey, O.F.M. Cony., ibid., II, 229. His Holiness, Plus XII, reaffirmed the warning of these authors: "It is clear, in the first place, that a sincere devo-tion to the religious life excludes all legalism, that is, the temptation to be bound by the letter of the law, without fully accepting its spirit. Such an attitude would be un-worthy of those who bear the tide of spouse of Christ and who wish to serve Him with a disinterested love." .4llocu-tion to Cloistered Contemplatives, REviEw l~oR RELIGIOUS, 18 (1959), 71. 4- The Constitutions VOLUME 19, 1960 Joseph F. Gallen, $.~. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 336 11. Aren't there any cases in which a violation of the constitutions is not a sin? A religious does not sin when he has a reasonable mo-tive and no culpable effects~arise from not observing the constitutions. Authors .commonly give as an example of reasonable motive the break!ng of silence in order to con-sole a fellow religious in sadness. One author adds that such acts, though good and not sinful, will frequently less perfect than the observance of the constitutions. religious also does not sin when he is excused or dispensed from the observance of an article of the constitutions. The individual transgressions of articles of frequent applica-tion will often not be sinful because of the lack of ad-vertence, but the habitual will of persisting in or of correcting such violations will be sinful. Cf. Genicot-Sals-mans, Institutiones Theologiae Moralis, II, n. 796; Rega-tillo- Zalba, Tractatus de Statibus Particularibus, n. 212. 12. Does a religious obtain the merit of the virtue of obedience and of the vow of obedience by observing ,the constitutions? A religious who observes his constitutions because they are commanded obtains the merit of the special virtue obedience. If he observes them because of another good motive, he obtains the merit of the virtue under which this motive falls. Therefore, a religious obtains the merit of the vow of obedience, that is, of the virtue of religion, when the motive of his observance of the constitutions the vow. The presumption is that the motive of the sub-jection of a religious to any type of will of his superiors is his vow of obedience. Therefore, in all subjection, un-less he positively excludes this motive, he acquires the-merit of the vow of obedience. The Holy See has approved constitutions that contain an article of the following type: "The sister can always have the new bond or virtue of re-ligion as the motive or end of any act of obedience. In fact such a will must be presumed to be implicitly contained the act of religious profession. Accordingly, the special e~cacy of the vow of obedience, or merit of the virtue o~ religion, extends not only to actions obligatory on the sis-ter by a formal precept in virtue of the vow but also to the ordinary commands and to every action in conformity with the constitutions that the religious perform with motive o[ obedience." Constitutions of the Pious Society of the Daughters of St. Paul, n. 131, 4; Cf. Choupin, Nature et Obligations de l'~tat Religieux, 481. 13. What is my obligation as a superior to correct vio. lations of the constitutions? All superiors have a grave obligation in conscience to maintain observance of the constitutions. A superior may consequently sin mortally by the neglect of correction, for example, of frequent violations, even though not serious in themselves, that will cause a serious relaxation of re-ligious discipline, or of violations that gravely compromise the good name of the institute. The obligation admits lightness of matter, for example, the failure to take appro-priate action against isolated violations that create no danger of a serious relaxation of the religious life. The obligation of correction is often stated in the constitutions, for example, that superiors are bound to admonish and correct subjects who violate the constitutions, especially when the violations are frequent or serious. It is evident that the superior should be prudent. He will often appear not to see violations. Counsel, advice, direction, persuasion, correction, and reprimand are to be employed more frequently than the imposition of a pen-ance; and patience will sometimes accomplish more than an immediate correction, These counsels of prudence have always been given. Superiors have rarely failed to observe them, and one may be permitted the suspicion .that they have been observed too well. Harshness is not desirable in a superior; neither is softness, sloth, nor cowardice. The prime requisite of a superior is not that he is a man who will never bother anyone. Such a man is a bother only to the observant and t9 the sanctity of the religious life. Nice people are not always competent people. Niceness is in some cases a product of weakness. All realize that a su-perior must be prudent; but the norms of prudence vary according to the circumstances, for example, patience is considered an attribute of prudence, but what religious does not know of abuses whose existence is due to failure to correct the original violations? "Although your rules, by the wise decision of your founder, do not bind their subjects under sin, nevertheless superiors are bound to foster their observance; and they are not free from guilt if they permit a general neglect of regular discipline." Plus XII, Allocution to the Thirtieth General Congregation of the Society o[ Jesus, September 10, 1957. IV. Excuse, Permission, Dispensation 14. My superioress told me that ! was excused from hearing Mass because of sickness. I told this to a priest, and he replied that it was impossible for a superior who is not a cleric to have the power of dispensing from a law of the Church. Which of the two is right? Both. An excuse is not a dispensation (cf. Question 17). An excuse from the observance of a law means that the obligation simply ceases to exist for a subject of the law. No one may place an action that is intrinsically evil, for example, blasphemy, idolatry, denial of the faith, hatred ÷ ÷ ÷ Th~ Com~imtions VOLUME 1% 1960 337 ÷ ÷ ÷ 1o~'ph F. G~, SJ. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS of God, and so for~hiThe obligation of other laws.gen-, erally ceases when an accidental but special difficulty, dis-i proportionate to the observance of the law, is connectedl with its observance, for example, it is impossible for a l person in a weak and dying condition to attend SundayI Mass; a teacher is excused from the law of fast if its ob-] servance causes quite a lessening of his efficiency.In an l excuse, the obligation of the law simply ceases to exist of[ itself; there is no need of a relaxing of the obligation, (dispensation) or of a declaration by an ecclesiastical au-~ thority or a superior. Since a judgment has to be made[ between the difficulty and the matter and importance of] the law, it would often b~ prudent to ~onsult a book or a competent person. This is the sense of c~nstitutions which state that a superioress may declare a subject excused from the observance of the constitutions and even of an ec-clesiastical law, for example, from Sunday Mass and ec-clesiastical fast. Cf. R~vmw fOR R~LIG~OUS, I (1942), 42-46. 15. What is the difference between a permission with regard to our constitutions and a dispensation from them? Some laws do not forbid an act absolutely but only when it is done without the permission of a competent superior. For example, canon 806 forbids bination without the per-mission of the local ordinary; canon 1108, §3, prohibits the solemn nuptial blessing during Advent and Lent without the same permission; the reading of forbidden books is forbidden by canon 1398, §1, without proper permission; and clerics and professed religious are forbidden, by canon 139, §3, to undertake the administration of property be-longing to lay persons without the permission of their own ordinary. The constitutions usually forbid the reception of visitors, visiting of externs, consultation of a doctor, going out of the house, sending out letters, and absence from common exercises without the permission of the superior. The permission makes the act licit, and the law is ob-served. Permission does not remove the obligation and free from the observance of the law, as is done in a dis-pensation. A permission.is granted for lesser reasons than a dispensation. It may also be presumed, unless formal and express permission is demanded by a particular law. A dispensation may not be presumed, because the obligation of a law ceases by a dispensation only through the actual exercise of the dispensing power. A dispensation from an ecclesiastical law can be granted only by one possessing the power of jurisdiction; a permission may be given by one who possesses only dominative power. A presumed dispensationis admitted in matters of lesser legal moment than those ordinarily contained in laws, as is true of many spiritual duties that the constitutions command absolutely, for example, visits to the Blessed Sacrament, meditation and its preparation, rosary, exa-men, and spiritual reading. The proportionate reason for a presumed dispensation in such cases will usually con-stitute an excuse from the'oblig~ik'ion (cf. Question '14). A dispensation may also be presumed from an obliga-tion imposed by dominative power, for example, by the ordinances of the general chapters of lay institutes and the ordinances and regulations of religious superiors. The re-lation in such cases is not that of a subject to a law but of his will to that of the superior. In a presumed dispensa-tion, subjection to the habitual will of the superior is pre-served, since a dispensation may not be presumed unless it is at least solidly probable that the superior would grant it, if asked. It is presupposed that there exists an impossi-bility or difficulty, according to the importance of the matter, of approaching the superior for his express dis-pensation. Cr. Rodrigo, Tractatus de Legibus, n. 448; Ledwolorz, Antonianum, 13 (1938), 35; R~VlEW FOR R~- r~c,ous, 1 (1942), 196--205. 16. 11 a dispensation can be given only in virtue o~ the power of jurisdiction, how can a lay religious superior of brothers, nuns, or sisters ever dispense? Jurisdiction is the authority to rule a perfect society; dominative power that of ruling an imperfect society. In virtue of canon 118, only clerics are capable of possessing the power of orders and of ecclestiastical jurisdiction. Therefore, no brother, nun, or sister superior possesses ecclesiastical jurisdiction. 'The obligation of an ecclesiastical law arises from the power of jurisdiction. Consequently, the power of juris-diction is necessary in one granting a dispensation, because this is the liberation from an obligation of ecclesiastical law. The power of jurisdiction is not necessary to dispense from the obligation imposed by dominative power, for example, from the ordinances of chapters in lay institutes and from the ordinances and regulations of religious su-periors. Since the obligation in such cases arises £rom dominative power, it can be made to cease by the same power. Both the common doctrine in the Church and the con-stitutions themselves give lay superiors the power of dis-pensing the Rule and constitutions. There is no doubt therefore that they can dispense and that this act has the same effect as if it were granted by one possessing jurisdic-tion. It may be gr~nted for reasons of no greater import and it equally frees from the obligation of the Rule or con-stitutions. The problem is the explanation of the nature of this act o£ lay superiors. There is no difficulty in clerical ÷ 4. ÷ Tlw Constitutiom VOLUME 1% 1960 ÷ ÷ ÷ Joseph F. Gallen, $.1. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 340 institutes. In clerical exempt institutes, the superiors pos-sess jurisdiction according to the code and the particular constitutions (c. 501, §1); in clerical non-exempt institutes, the superiors can be given jurisdiction. For those who hold that the Rule and constitutions are not ecclesiastical laws but laws of the particular institute (Creusen, Revue des Communaut~s Religieuses, 2[1926], 173) or not laws at all (Ravisi, De Regulis et Constitu-tionibus Religiosorum, 109), the solution is easy. Domina-tive power suffices for a dispensation in either opinion, because jurisdiction is necessary only for a dispensation from an ecclesiastical law. The far more common opinion is that the Rule and con-stitutions are ecclesiastical laws. In clerical exempt insti-tutes, the chapters possess jurisdiction according to the norms of the code and of the constitutions (c. 501, §1). These chapters may therefore enact laws. In other insti-tutes, the Rule and constitutions become laws by the ap-probation or confirmation of the Holy See in the case of pontifical institutes, by that of the local ordinary in the case of diocesan institutes. In the former case, the Rule and constitutions are in fact treated as pontifical laws; in the latter, as diocesan laws (cf. Ravisi, ibid., 44-51). The nature of a dispensation of a lay superior is a real diffi-culty for this more common opinion. Various unsatisfactory theories have been proposed to solve this difficulty, for example, that the dispensation of a lay superior is a mere declaration that the subject is ex-cused; that his act is a relaxation or exemption, not a dispensation; that the laws from which he dispenses are implicitly conditional and therefore his act is a permis-sion, not a dispensation; or he is giving a private interpre-tation that the law does not extend to a particular case; or such a superior merely declares that a just reason exists but the dispensation is given by the Holy See in a pontifical institute, by the local ordinary in a diocesan institute (Van Hove, De Privilegiis, De Dispensationibus, n. 426; Mi-chiels, Normae Generales Iuris Canonici, II, 725-26; Fe-rreres- Mondria, Compendium Theologiae Moralis, II, n. 168). All of these theories are contrary to the clear wording of constitutions approved by the Holy See. These constantly grant lay superiors the power of dispensing and use the term "dispense," not to relax or exempt. Furthermore, what would be the distinction between a relaxation or exemption from an obligation in a particular case and a dispensation? These same constitutions also distinguish clearly, at least implicitly, between an excuse, an interpre-tation, and a dispensation; between absolute and condi-tional laws; and between a dispensation granted by a superior and one given by external authority. Therefore, it is certain that lay superiors have the power of dispensing from the Rule and constitutions, but we have no satisfactory explanation of the nature of this act in the supposition that the Rule and constitutions are ec-clesiastical laws. The source of the difficulty is that a dis-pensation from an ecclesiastical law demands the power of jurisdiction and these superiors possess only dominative power. 17. What is a dispensation? A dispensation is the liberation from the obligation of a law in a special case. It can be granted only by a compe-tent authority and only for a proportionate reason. The act of the competent authority flees from the obligation. The case is special because the law remains; a dispensa-tion is not the abrogation of a law. Since a dispensation is the authoritative liberation from the obligation of a law, it may be given only by the legislator, his successor or su-perior, or one to whom any of the preceding has granted such authority (c. 80). The reason or reasons should be pro-portionate to the gravity of the law in question. They evi-dently need not be as serious as those required for an ex-cuse, but they should at least be such as to make the observance of the law more than ordinarily difficult or onerous or such that they render the observance of the law obstructive of a greater good. A dispensation may he licitly asked or given in a doubt about the sufficiency of a reason (c. 84, §2) and, with at least safe probability, also in a doubt about the existence of a sufficient reason (cf. Mi-chiels, Norrnae Generales Iuris Canonici, II, 754). 18. When we request a dispensation from the Holy See, the Apostolic Delegate, or a local ordinary, are. we merely to request the dispensation or must we also give reasons? It is evident from the definition and explanation of a dispensation, given in the preceding answer, that a dis-pensation is granted not because it is requested but be-cause of the reasons for which it is requested. Any petition for any dispensation should also contain truthfully, ac-curately, clearly, and as briefly as possible all the reasons that actually exist for asking and granting the dispensa-tion. Canon 583 forbids a religious of simple vows of a con-gregation to give away his property during his lifetime. Only the Holy See can dispense from this law of the code. A petition for a dispensation is not to state merely that the religious wishes to give away his property. Explicitly this is merely another way of stating that the religious does not wish to observe the law. He may petition the dis-pensation and it may be granted only for sufficient tea- 4- 4- 4- The Constitutions Joseph ~. Gell¢~, REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS sons. Therefore, all relevant facts and his precise petition, should be stated, that is, the number of years he has beenl professed, the value of all the property he possesses, i whether he wishes' to give away all or part of it, and thel value of such a par.t. The reasons must then be given, for~ example, he wishes to give this determined sum or all his i property to his father and mother because they are in need, or to his institute" to help pay its large debts, or to assist in the erection of a new chapel, and so forth. If th~ , institute requests a dispensation from the canonical age of thirty-five years prescribed for the novice master (c. 559, §1), the relevant fact of the age of the religious for whom the dispensation is intended should be given. The reasons are then to be stated, for example, that he is the only competent or the most competent religious for this office. The failure to give the relevant facts, to state the petition accurately, and to include the reasons causes un-necessary work and delay in the chancery or on the part of one who is forwarding the petition. 19. Is a dispensation given without a sulT~cient reason merely illicit or is it also invalid? At least one sufficient reason, that is, at least probably sufficient or a probably existing sufficient reason (cf. Ques-tion 17), must for licelty be verified at the time the dis-pensation is granted, e~en when it is given by the legis-lator, his successor, or superior (c. 84). Otherwise, the one dispensing would unreasonably free a subject from an obligation whose observance would tend to the common good. A law or statute is enacted for the common good. A dispensation from an ecclesiastical law given by an inferior (not by the legislator, his successor, or superior) without such a sufficient reason is both illicit and invalid, because an inferior is not granted the power of dispensing except when this sufficient reason exists (c. 84, §I). Re-ligious superiors are inferiors in this matter, not legis-lators. ¯ The principles given above apply to ecclesiastical laws. According to the far more common opinion, the Rule and constitutions are ecclesiastical laws (cf. Question 16); and the same principle of invalidity would therefore apply to their dispensation. However, it is a solidly probable opin-ion that the Rule and constitutions are not ecclesiastical laws. A dispensation from them without a sufficient reason will always be illicit, from the argument given above; but it does not seem certain that we must apply the principle of invalidity, established for ecclesiastical laws, to enact-ments that are not certainly ecclesiastical laws. Therefore, it is safely probable that a dispensation from the Rule or constitutions without a sufficient reason is valid. Ravisi, II De Regulis et Constitutionibus Religiosorum, 116; Creu-sen, Revue des Communautds Religieuses, 2 (1926), 177. 20. What power of dispensing from the Rule and con-stitutions is possessed by lay religious superiors of broth-ers, nuns, and sisters? It is evident that no religious superior may dispense his subjects from the substance of the vows, for example, free him of the obligation of the vow of poverty or obedience. This would at least temporarily and morally put the sub-ject outside the religious state, for which the vows of poverty, chastity, and obedience are essential (cc. 487-488, 1 °). Nor may a superior dispense from a vow proper to the institute, unless such a faculty is expressly granted in the constitutions. Some of these vows are of such import as to exclude a dispensation; others are not. The general principle is that superiors possess only the power of dispensing that is expressly granted them by the constitutions. The common doctrine of authors and the practice of the Holy See in approving constitutions ex-clude the power of dispensing in articles that concern the government and organization of the institute and the sub-stance of the vows. These are in fact the matters listed in Question 3 under legal articles, that is, on government, organization, formation, and religious profession. How-ever, the constitutions may grant authorit~y to dispense from some of these, as is generally done for merely pro-hibiting impediments to the noviceship prescribed by the particular law of the institute. Some of these are also not of such moment as to be excluded from the power of dis-pensing possessed by superiors, for example, the reports of various superiors and officials, entrance testimonials of particular law, the manner of beginning the noviceship prescribed by particular law, and the giving of a copy of the constitutions to each novice. Proper and efficient government demands some power of dispensing in superiors. Therefore, the common doc-trine of authors and the practice of the Holy See in ap-proving constitutions grant to all superiors the right of dis-pensing in merely disciplinary articles, temporarily, and at least in favor of individuals. This power is accordingly possessed by all religious superiors, even when it is not expressly stated in the constitutions. The constitutions may limit such a power. The merely disciplinary articles were stated in Question 3. The dispensation is to be granted for a limited time, but it may be renewed on its expiration. This power extends at least to all individuals of the institute who are subjects of the superior, that is, all attached to or present in his province or house. The con-stitutions or, more likely, the usage of a lay institute may ÷ ÷ ÷ ÷ ÷ ÷ ]oseph F. Gallen, S.]. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 344 limit a superior's power of dispensing with regard to one, of his subjects who is temporarily outside his own province / or house and concerning one, otherwise not a subject, who l is temporarily residing in the p~ovince or house of the su-~ perior. Cf. Normae of 1901, nn. 266, 316; Statuta a Soro- I ribus Externis Monasteriorum Monialium Cuiusque Or-dinis Servanda, n. 127; Normae pro Constitutionibus Congregationum luris Dioecesani a S. Congregatione de Propaganda Fide Dependentiurn, nn. 162, 182. 21. When the common doctrine in the Church and the practice of the Holy See in approving constitutions state that religious superiors may dispense from the merely disciplinary articles of the Rule and constitutions, does this faculty extend also to the merely disciplinary ordi-nances oy the general chapter? Yes. The ordinances of a chapter are understood as in-cluded in the Rule and constitutions in this matter Question 4). 22. Our constitutions state that the superior may dis-pense "'in particular cases." Is this power restricted to dispensing individual subjects or may entire houses, provinces, and the institute itself be dispensed in virtue of a taculty so worded? It is conceivable that these constitutions explicitly ex-clude any dispensation except that of individuals by stat-ing that the superior may dispense individual religious subject to him in particular cases. If so, only individuals may be dispensed, except in the case given in Question 23. The meaning of "in particular (or special) cases" is then merely that the dispensation may be given to individuals for as long as the sufficient reason of. the dispensation ex-ists. The constitutions do not explicitly restrict the dispens-ing power to individuals when they state that the su-perior may dispense the religious subject to them in par-ticular or special cases or simply that the superiors may dispense in particular or special cases. In virtue of such formulas, a superior may dispense both individuals and, with safe probability, also houses, provinces, or the in-stitute for a sufficiently general reason and for as long as this reason exists. The particular or special character of a dispensation is verified not only when it is given to an in-dividual but also when granted for a special, accidental, and transitory or temporary necessity to a house, province, or the institute. Rodrigo, Tractatus de Legibus, nn. 467; 503; Cicognani-Staffa, Commentarium ad Librum Primum Codicis Iuris Canonici, II, 570; 599; Coronata, lnstitu-tiones Iuris Canonici, I, 432; Abbo-Hannan, The Sacred Canons, I, 332-33. The reason is sufficiently general, even though not veri-fied in everyone, when it would he difficult or inopportune to restrict the dispensation to those in whom the reason is actually verified. Rodrigo, ibid., n. 487. 23. May a superior never dispense an entire commu-nity when the constitutions state expressly that his power of dispensing is restricted to individuals? A superior whose power of dispensing is limited to indi-viduals may by the one act dispense all individuals of a community if he knows that the reason for the dispensa-tion is verified in all o[ these individuals. He is then dis-pensing the individuals as such, not the community as such. Vermeersch-Creusen, Epitome Iuris Canonici, I, n. 204; II, n. 554. Van Hove, De Privilegiis, De Dispensa-tionibus, n. 328. 24. Don't lay religious superiors of brothers, nuns, and sisters ever have the power of dispensing entire houses, provinces, and the entire institute? The more common practice of constitutions approved by the Holy See grants the superior general the faculty of dispensing individual religious, provinces, regions, and houses; that o[ the provincials and other intermediate su-periors, for example, o~ regions, extends to individuals and houses; but the faculty of local superiors is restricted to individuals. This more common practice may be followed when it is not certainly contrary to the constitutions, since it manifests what is commonly understood to be a su-perior's power o[ dispensing. Some constitutions of lay institutes demand that the su-perior general have the advice or consent o~ his council for a dispensation to a province or house. Some institutes permit the superior general to dispense the entire institute with the advice or consent of his council or for a definite occasion. A Jew institutes impose the same restrictions on a ,provincial for the dispensation of a house or of the prov-ince. Some constitutions grant a local superior the ~aculty of dispensing his entire community in an urgent case, or for a single occasion and a grave reason, or with the advice or consent of his council. 25. May a religious superior, whether general, provin- + cial, regional, or local, delegate to another, for example, + to his assistant, the yaculty of dispensing ~rom the Rule + and constitutions. A superior general, provincial, or local,, as also a master of novices, possesses the power of dispensing from the Rule and constitutions in virtue of the law of the consti-tutions. It is therefore ordinary power; and ordinary The Constitutions VOLUME 1% 1960 ~45 ÷ ÷ ÷ ~oseph F. Gallen, S.]. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 346 power may be delegated in whole or in part to another~ except in those matters in which law expressly exclude.~ delegation (c. 199, §I). It is not the practice of constitu:' tions, especially of lay institutes, to make any such exclu sion with regard to the faculty of dispensing. Therefore,i a superior general or provincial, the local superior of al canonically erected house, and the master of novices may certainly delegate the faculty of dispensing in whole or in~ part to another. The same principle is true of a regional superior or any similar intermediate superior when his authority ofl governing is ordinary, that is, granted by the constitutionsl themselves. However, the authority of a regional superior~ may be merely delegated by either the superior generall or provincial. In this case, the regional superior will pos-i sess a general delegated faculty of dispensing his subjects. General delegation may be subdelegated only for indi-vidual cases, that is, for one or many determined cases (c. 199, §3). Therefore, such a regional superior will be able to subdelegate his faculty of dispensing only for one or several determined cases. This is true also of the one at the head of a canonically filial house, because his author-ity is delegated either by a higher superior or by the local superior of the canonically erected house to which the filial house is attached. An acting superior or vicar succeeds to the full dispens-ing power of the superior; and the legitimate substitute, such as the assistant, of a superior who is absent or im-peded from fulfilling his duties has the dispensing power that is necessary for ordinary government. He is to use this faculty according to the expressed or presumed will of the superior; and its use may also be regulated by the law, or in lay institutes, more frequently by custom or usage. 26. The constitutions of our pontifical congregation ol brothers grant no faculty of dispensing to the novice master, but the novice masters have always exercised such a power with regard to the novices. How can this be ex-plained? The constitutions of lay institutes apparently never mention the power of the master of novices to dispense. Since the master may be said to be, in a wide sense, the superior of the novices and of the novitiate part of the house (c. 56i, §1), he has the same power of dispensing his subjects as a local superior possesses for his commu-nity, exclusive of the matters that appertain to the general discipline of the house. In virtue of the same canon, these matters are under the authority of the local superior. However, the local superior maydelegate the faculty to dispense also in these matters to the master of novices. Cf. Lar~aona, Commentarium Pro Religiosis, 24 (1943), 32. 27. May a religious superior dispense himself? Even if such a power is not expressly stated in the con-stitutions, any religious superior may dispense himself in matters in which he is competent to dispense others. The principle of canon 201, §~, is that voluntary jurisdiction, and from analogy of law the same is to be said of domina-tive power, may be exercised in one's own favor. The canon also states that this power may be excluded by law. The constitutions may therefore deprive a superior of the faculty of dispensing himself in some matters. Such an exclusion is not found in the constitutions of lay insti-tutes. It would not be prudent to deprive the superior en-tirely of the power of dispensing himself, 28. Our constitutions state that a local superior "'must consult her council before granting a dispensation to any-one subject to her." What do you think of this law? It is evidently too rigid and consequently an imprudent law. Dispensations should not be .granted for insufficient reasons. This of its nature tends to weaken religious disci-pline. On the other hand, there are many occasions when a dispensation is not only justified but a greater good will :be attained or a greater evil avoided by its concession. According to the literal.sense of the law quoted in the question, a local superior must consult her council before granting the slightest dispensation from a religious disci-pline, for example, to allow a subject to go to bed earlier or to rise later than the community. The same consulta-tion would be necessary for a dispensation from any pre-scription of the constitutions, for example, from choral recitation of the Little Office, rosary, examen, or spiritual reading. The law is an evidently imprudent restriction of the authority of a local superior and should be changed. Such an imprudent rigidity with regard to religious ob-servances has been noted and castigated by authors on renovation and adaptation. "Religious discipline is also frequen_t.ly enforced with an unreasonable rigidity. Re-ligious know that it is possible to be excused or dispensed from the laws of the Church, for example, from Sunday Mass or from fasting; but observances are often proposed as if they never admitted an excuse or dispensation." RE-VIEW FOR RELIGIOUS, 14 (1955), 301. 29. May a local ordinary dispense from all articles of the constitutions that are proper to a diocesan congrega-tion? ~ Yes. The local ordinary is the legislator or ~he successor of the legislator of the laws proper to a diocesan congre-÷ ÷ ÷ The Constitutions VOLUME 19, 1960 ~ose~h F. Gallen, $.L REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 348 gation. He therefore possesses the intrinsic right of dis-pensing from all such l~iws, whether they are merely pre-ceptive or invalidating (cc. 80; 492, §2). The Holy See may exclude some articles of the constitutions, because of their greater importance, from this dispensing power of the ordinary but thus far has not certainly done so. In a reply of February 12, 1935, the Code Commission stated that the local ordinary could dispense from the second year of noviceship in diocesan congregations when this was not required for the validity of profession. This reply does not certainly deny that the local ordinary may give the same dispensation when the second year is required for validity. The reply can be interpreted as merely an answer to the question proposed, that is, .when the second year is required only forliceity, without saying anything about a question that was not proposed, that is, when the second year is demanded for validity. The affirmative an-swer to this latter question is had in the clear wording of canon 80, stated above. Cf. Regatillo, Interpretatio et Iurisprudentia Codicis Iuris Canonici, 210; Larraona, Commentarium Pro Religiosis, 23 (1942), 15, and note 969. The laws proper to a pontifical congregation are treated in fact as pontifical laws (cf. Question 16). Therefore, for a dispensation from these same laws, except for those that fall under the dispensing power of religious superiors (cf. Question 20), a pontifical congregation must recur to the Holy See, unless the faculty of dispensing from the par-ticular article has been granted to the Apostolic Delegate or the local ordinary by the Code of Canon Law, his ha-bitual delegated faculties, or a particular indult (cf. Question 31). 30. May a local ordinary dispense from all the laws of the constitutions of diocesan lay congregations? No. It is evident that no authority within a lay insti-tute, whether pontifical or diocesan, may dispense from the laws or decrees of the Holy See. This faculty would de-mand a power of jurisdiction, and canon 118 states that only clerics are capable of acquiring ecclesiastical juris-diction. As was stated in Question 3, many of the articles of constitutions are laws of the universal Church, that is, laws or decrees enacted by the Holy See. The intrinsic right to dispense from a law appertains to the legislator, his successor, or superior; and these three alone may give the faculty of dispensing to another (c. 80). Therefore, all lay institutes, even if diocesan, must recur to the Holy See for dispensations and permissions with regard to such laws and decrees, unless the faculty to grant the particular dispensation or permission has been ~iven to the Anos- tolic Delegate or the local ordinary by the Code of Canon Law, his habitual delegated faculties, or a particular in-dult. The following are the cases of more frequent occur-rence for which a diocesan congregation also will have to recur to the Holy See: 1. Spending of the dowry (c. 549). 2. Impediments to the noviceship (c. 542). 3. For canonical novices to have a vacation outside the novitiate house (c. 555, §1, 3°). 4. To make the first temporary profession outside the novitiate house (c, 574, §1). 5. Whole or partial renunciation of personal patri-mony (c. 583, 1°). 6. Change of will (c. 583, 2°). 7. For a religious to reside outside any house of his institute for more than six months, except for study (c. 606, §2). 8. Alienation of property and contracting of debts (c. 534), except for the amount for which the Apos-tolic Delegate is competent. 9. Reappointment of a local superior for an immedi-ate third term in the same house (c. 505). 10. Age required for the master of novices (c. 559, §1). 31. What delegated faculties of the Apostolic Delegate and o~ the local ordinary concerning religious are of practical moment? The following habitual delegated faculties of the Apos-tolic Delegate and of the local ordinary concerning re-ligious are of practical utility: 1. Of the Apostolic Delegate a) To dispense from the dowry in orders and all con-gregations (c. 547, §4). b) To abbreviate or prolong the postulancy pre-scribed by canon law (c. 539, §1). c) To allow nuns in case of sickness or for other just and grave reasons to live outside the religious house for a time to be fixed at his prudent discre-tion (c. 601, §1). d) To permit the contracting of debts and the alien-ation of property provided the sum involved does not exceed $300,000 ( . 534). 2. Of the local ordinary a) To dispense for entrance into religion from il-legitimate birth and advanced age that is not over forty. b) To dispense from the dowry in orders and all con-gregations (c. 547, §4). c) To approve an ordinary confessor of religious women for a fourth and fifth three-year term, The Constitutions vol.IJ~i~ 3.% tg~,~, 849 + ÷ ÷ ]oseph F. Gallen, S.$. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 350 d) e) with the c6nsent of the majority of the religious (cc: 524, §2; 526). To permit nuns to leave papal cloister for surgi-cal treatment.(c. 601, §1). In mission territories, to permit religious women to do the first washing of palls, corporals; and purificators and to allow religious men and women to practice medicine and surgery (cc. 1306, §2; 139, §2; 592). 32. May a local ordinary dispense exempt religious from the common laws of the Church? In virtue of canon 615, all religious orders are exempt from the jurisdiction of the local ordinaries, provided in the case of religious women that they are subject in fact to an order of men. Congregations, or religious institutes o~ simple vows, are not exempt unless they have obtained this privilege by a special indult from the Holy See (c. 618, §1). Exempt orders are subject to the jurisdiction of the local ordinary only in the matters in which the code declares them to be subject; congregations exempt by privilege have an exemption according'to the terms of the indult. Because exemption removes religious from ~he jurisdiction of the local ordinary, the question naturally arises whether or not the latter may use his jurisdictional power of dispensing in favor of exempt religious. Canon 620 states: "By an indult legitimately granted by the local ordinary dispensing {rom the obligation of the common law, that obligation ceases likewise for all religious living in the diocese, without prejudice to the vows and particular constitutions of their own institute." This canon is clearly explained by Abbo-Hannan, The Sacred Canons, I, 640: "The privilege conceded here is that by which even exempt religious may avail themselves of dispensations granted by the.local ordinary, e. g., from the laws of fast and abstinence, though they are not per-mitted to do this, i. e, invoke the dispensation from the law of fast and abstinence, in a case in which they are bound to the observance involved by an additional obli-gation arising from a special vow or from their constitu-tions. But in the latter case, a violation of the obligation would offend, not against the law of the Church, the obli-gation of which has been removed by the local ordinary's dispensation, but only against the vow or constitutions." This canon confirms the common opinion that exempt religious may recur to the local ordinary, pastor, and other priests, whether the faculties possessed by any of these is from law or delegation, for dispensations from the com-mon laws of the Church. The reasons for this doctrine are that exemption is a privilege and therefore is not to be interpreted to the disadvantage of exempt religious; be- cause otherwise exempt religious would be in a less favor-able position 'in such matters than other religious and the faithful; and, finally, exemption does not demand that exempt religious be excluded.from the favorable jurisdic-tion of the local ordinary. Cf. Regatillo-Zalba, Theologiae Moralis Summa, I, n. 576; Michiels, Normae Generales furls Canonici, II, 735-36; Van Hove, De Privilegiis, De Dispensationibus, n. 434; Rodrigo, Tractatus de Legibus, n. 481; Schaefer, De Religiosis, n. 1288. 33. May a confessor or pastor dispense religiouS' frdm the observance of merely disciplinary articles of the Rule or constitutions? No. Neither the confessoi: nor the pastor possesses any faculty in virtue of his office to dispense from any article of the Rule or constitutions, nor are local ordinaries or religious superiors accustomed to delegate any such fac-ulty to confessors or pastors. For example, a pastor pos-sesses the ordinary faculty and confessors frequently the delegated faculty of dispensing from the fast and absti-nence prescribed by the Church (c. 1245, §1); but neither has the faculty of dispensing from fast or abstinence im-posed by the Rule or constitutions of a religious institute. Both, when a sufficient reason exists, may declare a re-ligious excused from the observance of an article of the Rule or constitutions (cf. Question I4). 34. Before last Lent, 1 talked over the matter of fasting with my local brother superior. He told me he thought I should ask the confessor for a dispensation. Before going to confession, this matter came up accidentally in a con. versation with another priest. We talked over the whole matter of fasting and my own case thoroughly, and he said that he could dispense me. He gave me the dispensa-tion during this conversation. I did not know that a dis° pensation could be given to an individual outside of con-fession, The only faculty of a confessor that is confined by its nature to the sacrament of penance, or what the Church also calls the internal sacramental forum, is that of ab-solving from sin. This faculty therefore may be exercised only in the internal sacramental forum. Confessors possess or may possess other jurisdictional faculties, for example, of dispensing from fast and absti-nence and from the observance of Sundays and holy days of obligation (c. 1245, §1); of commuting the pious works established for gaining indulgences (c. 935); of dispensing and commuting private non-reserved vows and promis-sory oaths (cc. 1313, 1°; 1314; 1320); of dispensing from irregularities (c. 990); of dispensing from matrimonial im-rpediments (cc. 1043--44-45); and of absolving, dispensing, + ÷ The Constitutions VOLUME 19, 1960 351 and suspending canonical punishments. Such faculties may be exercised by a confessor outside of confession, in what the Church calls the internal non-sacramental forum, unless the law or authority that granted the faculty restricted it to the sacrament of penance, that is, to the internal sacramental forum. A confessor may dispense anyone in the internal non-sacramental forum if he could here and now hear the confession of this person. The con-cession to confessors of the faculty to dispense from fast and abstinence is frequently not restricted to the sacra-mental forum. This was true in the'case proposed, and the confessor thus granted the dispensation in the internal non-sacramental forum. Cf. Van Hove, De Privilegiis, De Dispensationibus, n. 419; Michiels, Normae Generales Juris Canonici, II, 728; Rodrigo, Tractatus de Legibus, n. 57; Regatillo-Zalba, Theologiae Moralis Summa, I, n. 574, 7°. 4- 4- 4- Joseph F. Gallen, S.l. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 35. May I, a confessor, use the jurisdictional faculties I possess in favor of myself, for example, by dispensing myself ~rom fast or abstinence? Judicial jurisdiction may not be used in one's own favor. The only judicial jurisdiction possessed by a con-lessor is that of absolving from sin (c. 870), which there-fore he may not use in his own favor (c. 201, §2). The other jurisdictional faculties that a confessor possesses or may possess fall under the heading of voluntary or non-judi-cial jurisdiction. These faculties may be used by a confes-sor in his own favor unless such a use is excluded by the nature of the matter, which is true of the remission of a canonical punishment or a dispensation from an irregu-larity; or the concession of the faculty restricts its exercise to the sacramental forum, which demands the distinction of persons of confessor and penitent (cf. cc. 1044; 2253, 1°; 2254; 2290); or, finally, the concession of the faculty expressly excluded its use in one's own favor (c. 201, §3). Local ordinaries, in delegating the faculty to dispense from fast and abstinence, quite frequently restrict it to the sacramental forum. They are not wont to exclude the exercise in one's own favor when they have not restricted the faculty to the sacramental forum. Therefore, in the former case, the faculty may not be exercised in one's own favor; in the latter, it may. Cf. Rodrigo, Tractatus de Legibus, n. 482; Michiels, Normae Geneiales ]uris Ca-nonici, II, 736-37; Coronata, Institutiones Iuris Canonici, I, 330-31. V. Change and Authentic Interpretation 36. A general revision of the constitutions of our con-gregation is being planned and discussed. A priest told me that a change in the constitutions had to be approved by the unanimous vote of all the members of the congre-gation. Is this correct? No. The reason for the statement is evidently canon 101, §1, 2°, which reads: "That which affects all singly must be approved by all." No one may' maintain that any change in the constitutions falls under this canon and demands the unanimous approval of all the members of the institute. It has been the evident law, practice, and teaching for centuries that changes in the constitutions appertain to the general Chapters of religious institutes, which are evidently not tl~e entire institute. The general chapters have either full auth6rity to make these changes, or partial, that is, with the confirmation of the Holy See, or at least the authority to request such changes from the Holy See or the local ordinaries. The practice of the Holy See does not consider a general revision of the constitu-tions as something that in itself requires the approval of all the members of an institute. This is clear from the fact that the Holy See has repeatedly approved such revisions with only the ordinary majority vote of the general chap-ter. Nor does a change in the constitutions demand a unani-mous vote of the general chapter. In by far the greater number of lay institutes, the approval of such a change requires only an absolute majority vote of the chapter. In about one-fourth of these institutes, such a change de-mands a two-thirds vote. The latter norm is found with greater frequency, but by no means always, in constitu-tions of more recent approval. If the constitutions contain no special norm for the approval of a change of the con-stitutions, an absolute majority vote of the general chap-ter is sufficient, because this is the general norm in con-stitutions for deciding matters in the chapter of affairs and a change of the constitutions as such does not fall under the norm of canon 101, §1, 2°. The Sacred Congregation of Religious at times ap-proves at least temporarily and experimentally a change in the constitutions recommended only by the superior general with the consent of his council, for example, the extension of the time of temporary profession from three to five years (cf. REvIEw VOR P~LXG~OUS, 18 [1959], 156-57). If approved only temporarily and experimentally, the matter must be discussed at the next general chapter. If the necessary majority vote is attained, it is again sub-mitted to the Sacred Congregation for definitive approval. The matters that demand the unanimous approval of all the mer~b.ers of the institute are commonly defined as those that d.irectly, primarily, and principally affect in-dividuals ~s such, that is, the privation of a personal right + The Constitutions VOLUME 19, 1960 at. 4, ~oseph F. Gallen, S.~. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 354 or the imposition of a new personal obligation, of such a nature in either case that its exaction without the con-sent of the individuals would be an injustice. It is not easy to give the abstract definition of such matters, and all admit that it is even more difficult to determine in the concrete just what these matters are. Authors commonly list the following as failing under the necessity of the unanimous vote: a reformation of an institute, the impo-sition of a new observance, a change in the form or nature of an institute, union with another institute, a substantial change in an institute, and the change of the special pur-pose of an institute. The difficulty of determining what these matters are can be ~een from the opinion of Michiels (Principia Generalia de Personis in Ecclesia, 489), who argues that all the matters just listed except the last two (and his opinion applies equally to these) appertain in themselves directly and primarily to the institute and only indirectly and secondarily to the individuals as such, so that a decision for any of them requires only the pre-scribed majority vote, not a unanimous vote. It is evi-dent that the imposition, of any new observance whatever does not in itself demand a unanimous vote. The necessity of a unanimous vote is the exceptional norm in law. Therefore,.in any case in which its necessity is not proved with certainty, the prescribed majority vote of the general chapter suffices (cf. c. 19; Cappello, Summa luris Canonici, I, n. 197, 4°; Michiels, ibid.; Jone, Com-mentarium in Coclicem Iuris Canonici, I, 114). However, all authors recommend that any really probable case of this kind be referred to the Holy See, which in the pleni-tude of its power can for the common good impose indi-vidual obligations and deprive subjects of individual rights. The Holy See is accustomed in such cases to pro-vide suitable measures for the liberty of individuals, ~for example, in the resumption of solemn vows by a monas-tery of nuns, any nun in simple perpetual vows who does not wish to make the solemn profession may remain in simple vows but she is obliged by all the prescriptions of papal cloister; and in such matters as the union of insti-tutes or the change of. an order of nuns into a congrega-tion of sisters, the Holy See has added the clause that any religious who refuses to consent to the change may re-quest an indult of secularization or a ti:ansfer to another institute according to the norms of canon law. The practical course of action in any matter that even probably requires a unanimous vote of all the members is to present the question to the Holy See, with the vote for and against the measure End a statement also of the reasons for and against it. It should also be stated whether the opposition constitute a clamorous and hardened mi-nority. The Holy See will settle the question; but, even thbugh the measure is highly desirable, it may in pru-dence and for peace recommend a delay. The unanimous vote can clearly create a difficulty. Some measures that at least pr?bably require this 'vote are not only desirable but ~t times even necessary for the very existence of the institute. All who have experience with religious know that a unanimous vote is possible and that it sometimes occurs; they also know that it is very rare, especially in important matters. 37. Our pontifical congregation of sisters has Warded a general revision of our constitutions to the Hoiy See. Is this revision now in effect, that is, before the approval of the Holy See? In virtue of their approval by the Holy See, the consti-tutions of pontifical lay institutes are treated as if they were pontifical laws; those of diocesan congregations, ap-proved by the local ordinary, are treated in the same way as diocesan laws. Therefore, not the institute but the Holy See is the legislator for pontifical institutes and the local,ordinaries for the particular laws of the constitutions of diocesan congregations. Such institutes merely request that their constitutions or a change in them be approved by the Holy See or the ,local ordinaries. No authority within a lay institute, may change its constitutions, and local ordinaries may not change the constitutions, of pon-tifical institutes (c. 618, §2, 1°). The Holy See alone has the authority to change the constitutions of a pontifical institute, The same change in a diocesan congregation may not be made without the ,unanimous consent of all the ordinaries in whose dioceses 'the congregation has houses (c. 495, §2). The dissent of even one of these or-dinaries prevent.s the change from becoming effectiv$~ The congregation may recur to the Holy See in such a case. The ordinaries may' not change any of the things ap-proved by the Holy See in the erection of the diocesan c6ngregation, that is, the special purpose, title, particular works, and form and color of the habit. A change of any of these requires the approval of the Holy See. These mat. oters did not have tO be proposed to the Holy See for the erection of a diocesan congregation before July 16, 1906. Therefore, in congregations erected before this date, the local ordinaries may change such matters also (cf. Ravisi, De Regulis et Constitutionibus Religiosorum, 126, note 3). The answer to the question proposed should now be evident. Any change in the constitutions of lay institutes is effective only from the date on which its approval is granted by the Holy See or the local ordinaries. Before this date, the institute may not put the proposed change into effect. ÷ ÷ ÷ The Consiitution's VOLUME 19, 1960 ÷ ÷ ÷ Joseph F. Gallen, REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 356 38. The constitutions of our pontifical congregation of sisters state: "The Holy See alone may change and au-thentically interpret the constitutions . In case of real doubt about some particular point of the constitutions, the general chapter, as also the mother general with the advice of her council, may give a practical interpretation of the doubt; and the sisters are obliged to follow this in-terpretation." What is.the meaning of these two articles? An interpretation is an explanation of the true sense contained in a law. A law needs no interpretation when it is so clear that it excludes even subjective obscurities and doubts. An interpretation is frequently necessary, be-cause it is difficult for a human legislator to express his will with perfect clarity in a brief general statement. Ex-perience also proves that the obscurity of a law often in-creases proportionately with its length. The application of a brief general norm to various particular cases is also a frequent source of obscurities and doubts. An authentic interpretation is an authoritative or obligatory explana-tion of the sense of a law. It may therefore be given only by the legislator, his successor or superior, or in virtue of power delegated by any of these (c. ,17, §1). Since the constitutions of pontifical lay institutes are treated in fact as pontifical and those of diocesan congre-gations as diocesan laws, it follows that the authentic in-terpretation Of the former is reserved to the Holy See and of the latter to the local ordinary, if the diocesan congre-gation is confined to one diocese, and otherwise to the unanimous consent of all the ordinaries in whose dioceses the congregation has houses (cc. 492, §2; 495, §2). It is clear that the Holy See also, as the superior of the local ordinaries, may authentically interpret the constitutions of diocesan congregations. The constitutions of lay insti-tutes usually affirm explicitly that an authentic interpre-tation is reserved to the legislator (cf. Normae of 1901, nn. 251; 265; Normae pro Constitutionibus Congregationum Iuris Dioecesani a S. Congregatione de Propaganda Fide Dependentium, n. 162). A private, non-authentic, or doctrinal interpretation is one given according to the principles of correct interpre-tation by those who lack the authority to enact an authen-tic interpretation. It is based on the legitimate principles of interpretation of canon law, of constitutions in general, and of the particular constitutions. A doctrinal interpreta-tion is a purely private opinion and possesses only the weight and value of the arguments on which it is founded. This is the nature of the opinion given by authors on canon law and constitutions. These can and often do differ in their interpretations. This diversity of opinion often disturbs lay religious superiors. They should follow the norm given by Creusen: "Superiors, however, may follow in their government the doctrinal interpretation given by those authors whose opinions carry weight. In this case the inferior who may have a different opinion must sub-mit himself to the superior, for it is the superior who has the right to choose among several opinions the one which seems to him to offer the best guarantees of truth" (Re-ligious Men and Women in Church Law, n. 273). The exclusion of an authentic interpretation does not prohibit superiors from giving a doctrinal interpretation of the constitutions. In a doubt about the sense of any matter of particular law of a lay :institute, the general chapter or the superior general, as in the second article quoted in the quegtion, may also determine what observance is to be followed. This is in fact an ordinance of the chapter or a regulation of the superior (cf. Van Hove, De Legibus, n. 243; Mi-chiels, Normae Generales Juris Canonici, I, 504, note 1; Rodrigo, Tractatus de Legibus, n. 380). In constitutions it is sometimes called a practical solution of the doubt. It is evident that each superior may authentically in-terpret his own regulations. A higher superior may do the same with regard to the regulations of a lower superior. A general chapter is the authentic interpreter of its own or-dinances and of those of previous chapters. A doctrinal interpretation by others is not excluded, and the superior general may give a practical solution of a doubt concern-ing the sense of these ordinances, as described above for the constitutions. The constitutions could give the su-perior general the faculty of authentically interpreting the ordinances of the general chapter. Such a concession is not contained in the constitutions of lay institutes, but this does not disprove its desirability. It is evident that only the Holy See may authentically interpret the laws of the code and its own decrees and instructions, whether these are contained in the constitutions or not. Cf. Ma-roto, Commentarium Pro Religiosis, 1 (1920), 41-45; Ravisi, De Regulis et Constitutionibus Religiosorum, 96- I00. 39. Our constitutions say nothing whatever about a change in the constitutions. Some have stated explicitly and I think many others hold that our constitutions are immutable. Certainly no change has been made in them for many years. Do our constitutions consequently ex-clude any change? It is contrary to the nature of human law to exclude any change or abrogation. The common good, according to the varying circumstances of persons, places, and times can counsel or demand an abrogation, change, or the substi-tution of another law. Even the universal laws of the ÷ ÷ ÷ The Constitutions VOLUME 19, 1960 .Joseph F. Gallen, S.]. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 358 Roman Pontiffs may be and have been changed, and we can certainly predicate no greater stability or perpetuity of religious constitutions. It is furthermore evident that the constant practice of the Holy See considers constitu-tions changeable and grants the authority to request a change to the general chapters of lay imtitutes. Finally, as stated in Question $6: "If the constitutions contain no special norm for the approval of a change of the constitu-tions, an absolute majority vote of the general chapter is sufficient, because this is the general norm in constitutions for deciding matters in the chapter of affairs and a change of the constitutions as such does not fall under the norm of canon 101, §1, 2°. . Superiors are not to think that they can preserve the identity of their institute intact if they never dare to change particular regulations. If they te-naciously adhere to these as if they were immutable laws, they will most certainly destroy the essential unity of their institute. A tree would certainly die if it did not change its blossoms or leaves . The fact that more ancient inSti-tutes are already senile is at least one of the reasons why we see new institutes constantly arising." Reverend R. Lombardi, S.J., Acta et Documenta Congressus Generalis de Statibus Per[ectionis, I, 117. "A religious order or con-gregation that always rejects any change in its regulations for the sole reason that things were always done this way and accordingly refuses to face the new exigencies is con-demned to self-fossilization and sooner or later to disap-pear. The precise reason is that its particular manner of life will no longer be compatible with actual conditions. Other institutes more adapted to the actual circumstances of society will take its place. The most optimistic outlook for institutes that do not strive to adapt their methods of teaching and their life is that they will necessarily appear deficient in comparison to the age in which they live. This will inevitably produce in their members a state and a sense of disturbing and harmful inferiority, which will also curtail the efficacy of their apostolic efforts." Leoni, Aggiornamento o Processo di Adeguamento, 47-48. The balanced judgment that should guide an institute in this matter has been given by Pius XII: "It is only right that convents and orders bf cloistered nuns esteem, protect, and remain faithful to the distinctive spirit of their order. It would be unjust not to take account of this. But they should defend it without narrow-mindedness or rigidity, to say nothing of a certain obstinacy which opposes every legitimate development and resists every kind of change even though the common good requires it." Allocution to Cloistered Contemplatives, REWEW ~'OR RELIGIOUS, 18 (1959), 136. 40. According to our constitutions, "a change in the constitutions may not be proposed to the Holy See until three successive general chapters have sanctioned the change." Is this restriction prudent? Evidently no. The necessity of the approval of three suc-cessive chapters would ordinarily demand an interval of eighteen years before a useful or even necessary change in the constitutions could be proposed to the Holy See; Such an interval is clearly an obstacle tO the common good of the institute and to efficient government. The changes in the constitutions that are frequently being made now, for example, to a postulancy of nine or ten months or a year and to temporary profession for five years, evidently can-not wait eighteen years for their inception. A useful or nec-essary change in the constitutions that is proposed now could even be antiquated in eighteen years. This restric-tive law is directly contrary to the principles of the Holy See on renovation and adaptation. The next general chap-ter should vote forits abrogation and send the petition im-mediately to the Holy See. "If superiors according to their rank refuse to see the changed circumstances of the time, there is danger that they may turn that which was living [their institute] into a carefully protected corpse, even though they believe that they have completely preserved their institute. They have killed it by a form of spiritual parricide. The greatest effort of superiors should be to act, as far as possible, in "the same way as the founder himself, if he were alive, would act. It is true that he taught his sons a rule composed by him under the direction of the spirit of God for their government; but in defining many things, even those of greater importance, in the interpreta-tion of the rule according to the circumstances, and in the selection of mihistries, he would undoubtedly avail him-self of a holy liberty. He would be guided by the .burning zeal that consumed him on earth, that made him a man of his own age, and led him to devote himself to the more pressing needs and to select the more suitable ministries within the limits of his vocation." Reverend R. Lombardi, S.J., Acta et Documenta Congressus Generalis de Statibus Perfectionis, I, 119. "In the same spirit of profound intelli-gence of the rule, some communities no longer judge every proposal to change the constitutions as necessarily a sacri-lege." Reverend A. PM, O.P., ibid., II, 146. 41. According to an article of our :diocesan constitu. tiom, the constitutions may be neither authentically in-terpreted nor changed without the unanimous consent of the ordinaries ol the dioceses in which the congrega-tion has houses. Are these two the only matters in a dioc-esan congregation that demand the unanimous consent of all the ordinaries? 4" 4" + The Constitutions VOLUME "t91 '1960 359 ÷ ÷ ÷ $oseph F. Gal~en, REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 360 Canon 495, §2, explicitly requires the unanimous con-sent of all the ordinaries for any change in the constitu-tions. Since the local ordinaries are the legislators for di-ocesan congregations and the ordinary of the motherhouse enjoys no pri~aaacy of jurisdiction, the authentic interpre-tation of the constitutions also certainly demands this same unanimous consent (c. 17, §1). The Code of Canon Law says nothing concerning the erection, union, modification of boundaries, or suppres-sion of provinces in diocesan congregations (c. 494, §1). In the introduction to the quinquennial report, the Holy See stated that the division of a diocesan congregation into provinces could scarcely be permitted and that such an institute, if special reasons existed for a division into prov-inces, should petition pontifical approval. Before the time of this report, a very small number of diocesan congrega-tions had been divided into provinces; and the report does not absolutely exclude the same division o~ other diocesan congregations. Canonical authors begin their treatment of this question by stating that the constitutions, if ex-traordinarily they contain anything on the matter, are to be observed. This is evidently true, but the mere observ-ance of the constitutions will most rarely be sufficient. Even when they mention the matter, the constitutions will practically never affirm anything but the religious superior (general chapter, superior general with the consent of his council, or both) competent for the preliminary judgment on the erection and related acts concerning provinces. The observance of the constitutions will be sufficient only when they state that such acts appertain to all the local ordi-naries affected or to the local ordinary of the motherhouse. In the latter case, the other ordinaries have delegated or consented to the delegation of their jurisdiction to the ordinary of the motherhouse. No authority within the in-stitute will ever be sufficient for the acts in question. A division into provinces is the erection of new moral per-sons; and the code does not give religious institutes the authority to erect religious moral persons. This is clear from the canons on the erection o~ religious houses (cc. 495, §1,497). It is the common and at least probable opin-ion of authors that the acts concerning provinces listed at the beginning of this paragraph demand for validity the consent of the one local ordinary, if such acts affect houses within only one diocese, or the unanimous consent of all the ordinaries concerned when the houses affected by these acts are in many dioceses. The best proof of this opinion is that the silence of the code on provinces in diocesan con-gregations should be supplied (c. 20), because of the argu-ment on moral persons given above, and the similar law to be applied is canon 495, §9. This may also be the argu- mentation of several authors who give no explicit reason for their doctrine. At least two authors apparently argue that any matter which affects houses.in several dioceses re-quires, in virtue of canon 495, §2, the unanimous consent of all the ordinaries o[ such dioceses. One or two authors demand the unanimous consent because the erection of provinces implies a change in the constitutions. This is true, but the two matters are distinct. Some authors demand also the consent of the ordinary of the motherhouse for all the acts listed above concerning provinces. They argue that his consent is afortiori neces-sary because canon 495, §1, requires it for the erection of the first house in another diocese. This doctrine also is probable. The erection of provinces does not necessarily imply the extension of the congregation into other dio-ceses, but something of the same reason is verified, that is, the judgment as to whether the congregation is capable of such a division and whether or not the division is expe-dient (cf. Larraona, Comrnentarium Pro Religiosis, 5 [1924], 262--63; Muzzarelli, De Congregationibus Iuris Di-oecesani, p. 92, note 15; nn. 101; 130). The. changes in the constitutions consequent upon the division into provinces will evidently demand the consent of all the ordinaries in whose dioceses the congregation has houses, in virtue of canon 495, §2. The other similar matters in a diocesan congregation that has houses in many dioceses are: the acceptance of the resignation and the deposition of the superior general; transfer of the permanent residence of the superior gen-eral; dispensation of a law that affects the entire congrega-tion, province, or houses in several dioceses, for example, of a law of the congregation that forbids postulation in the general or provincial chapter or of an impediment of the constitutions for the appointment of a provincial superior or provincial official; canonical visitation of the general and provincial houses, superiors, and officials as such and o[ the general and provincial government and administra-tion; consent for any investment or change of investment of general or provincial funds in congregations of women; the right of inquiring into the entire financial state of a generalate or provincialate of congregations of men or women; permission for the convocation of a general chap-ter for reasons other than general elections; and the con-firmation of the deposition o[ a general councilor. Some authors maintain that these and similar matters which affect an entire diocesan congregation, province, or houses in many dioceses appertain cumulatively to the jurisdiction of the ordinaries of all the dioceses concerned and demand their unanimous consent. Any one ordinary is competent in these matters only when he is exceptionally ÷ ÷ The Constitutions VOLUME 191 1960 36! 4, ÷ ÷ Joseph F. Gallen, $.]. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 362 granted such authority by the code. The following are the arguments for this opinion. Canon 492, §2, according to these authors, states that a multidiocesan congregation remains subject, not to any one ordinary, but to all the ordinaries and thus to their cumulative jurisdiction. Canon 495, §2, requires the unanimous consent of all the ordinaries for a change in the constitutions. The reason for this prescription is that such a change affects general government. Therefore, the same norm is to be applied to all similar matters. The lack of a general principle in the code on these matters should be supplied (c. 20), and the similar law to be applied is canon 495, §2. The juris-diction of any one ordinary is necessarily confined to his own diocese and does not extend to the congregation, provinces, or houses in other dioceses. Any one ordinary acting on matters that affect houses or religious in another diocese would be infringing on the jurisdiction of the or-dinary of this diocese. The unilateral action of an ordi-nary in such a matter would endanger the unity of govern-ment of the congregation. The code and the practice of the Holy See are opposed to a primacy of jurisdiction in any one ordinary, especially in the ordinary of the mother-house. These arguments are evidently sufficient to con-stitute at least a probable' doctrine. The opinion of these authors should be followed in practice, since it is at least preferable in itself and has been accepted by the Sacred Congregation of Religious, as is clear from the introduc-tion to the quinquennial report for diocesan congrega-tions (cf. Muzzarelli, ibid., nn. 96-102). It can be maintained that this doctrine is not as evident from the sense of our present law as it appears to some of its followers. The code nowhere asserts the general prin-ciple of cumulative jurisdiction. Cumulative jurisdiction is stated only once and then on the specific matter of a change of the constitutions (c. 495, §2). The local ordinary of the place of the chapter presides in his own name, not by delegation from the other ordinaries, at the election of the mother general (c. 506, §4). This ordinary has the same right of confirming or rescinding her election (c. 506, §4) and of accepting or refusing a postulation for this office when the impediment is. of the particular law of the con-gregation (c, 181, §1). The local ordinary of the higher superior has the vigilance over the dowries, which are part of the general or provincial administration (cc. 549-550). In alienations and the contracting of debts and obligations below the sum that demands the permission of the Holy See, the literal and more obvious sense of canon 534, §1, is that such acts by a congregation or province, as opposed to a house, of diocesan sisters require the permission of the ordinary of the generalate or provincialate. The text of canon 512, §1, 2°, does not certainly exclude the right of the local ordinary to make a canonical visitation of a mul-tidiocesan generalate or provincialate as such, nor canon 533, §1, 1 °, the necessity of his consent for an investment or change of investment of general or provincial funds in a congregation of women, nor canon 535, §3, 1°, the right of inquiring into the administration of general and pro-vincial property. Only the local ordinary of the mother-house approves constitutions to be presented to the Holy See for pontifical approbation (Normae of 1921, n. 8, d.), although testimonial letters are required from the other ordinaries. The typical constitutions published for dioc-esan missionary congregations by the Sacred Congrega-tion of the Propagation of the Faith in 1940 contain no prescriptions based on cumulative jurisdiction. Finally, it can also be maintained that matters such as the convoca-tion of a general chapter and the deposition of a general councilor appertain of their nature to internal govern-ment. They therefore demand the permission or confirma-tion of a local ordinary and fall under cumulative juris-diction only when the intervention of the local ordinary is prescribed.by the particular constitutions. The same is true of the establishment and transfer of a novitiate, which is not too frequently explicitly mentioned by authors as appertaining to cumulative jurisdiction (cf. Larraona, ibid., 10 [1929], 376, note 25). The difficulties in the exercise of cumulative jurisdic-tion are evident immediately, for example, it is most la-borious, cumbersome, and inefficient to be compelled to secure the unanimous consent of nine, ten, or fifteen or more ordinaries for any change in the Constitutions. The obvious remedy is to petition pontifical approval, which is practically always long overdue in these multidiocesan congregations (cf. Larraona, ibid,, 5 [1924], 145, note 95; Muzzarelli, ibid., 94, and notes 27-28). Until this approba-tion is secured, the efficient remedy is the delegation jurisdiction, preferably in the constitutions, to the local ordinary of the motherhouse for matters that fall under cumulative jurisdiction. Extraordinarily serious m~itters may be excepted from this delegation. An ordinary who receives into his diocese a congregation whose constitu-tions give the competence in such matters to the ordinary of the motherhouse implicitly consents to this delegation. In a case of urgent necessity, delegation may be presumed as far as is really imperative to take care of the necessity. Tacit or implicit delegation is also not excluded to the ex-tent that the actions of the other ordinaries certainly mani-fest a delegation (cf. Larraona, ibid., 14 [1933], 418-19, note 784; Muzzarelli, ibid., n. 102). 4. 4. 4. The onstitutiom VOLUME 1% 1960 36~ VI. Knowledge, Practice, and Public Reading of De-crees of the Holy See. Public Reading and ihe Giving ol a Copy of the Constitutions to Each Novice ÷ ÷ ÷ ]oseph F. Gallen, REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 364 42. Am I, a local superior, obliged to put into execu-tion immediately any new document of the Holy See that affects religious? All superiors in the proper sense of this term, whether general, provincial, or local, are commanded by canon 509, §l, to promote among their subjects the knowledge and practice of the decrees of the Holy See that concern religious. A question of the quinquennial report to the Holy See reads: "How do superiors see to it that the de-crees of the Holy See which concern religious be known and observed by their own subjects?" Decrees of the Holy See include the canons of the code and the interpretations, instructions, and decrees promulgated by the Holy See after the code. The decrees that concern religious are not merely the documents specifically or exclusively on the religious life but all documents of the Holy See that apply either solely or also to religious. The matter of these docu-ments may therefore be on things common to all the faith-ful, for example, the sacraments, liturgy, and indulgences, or on the apostolate of the religious as priests, educators, catechists, nurses, social workers, and missionaries. Canonical Legislation Concerning Religious, published by the Vatican Press, is an authorized but unofficial trans-lation of the canons on religious, with the exception of those that affect only clerical religious. It is an evident fact of experience that lay religious especially are not con-versant with the mere prescriptions of canon law. One consequence is that they fail to distinguish between the articles of their constitutions that are canons and those that are laws proper to the particular institute. The read-ing in the refectory once a year of Canonical Legisla-tion Concerning Religious would help considerably to eliminate this common and harmful ignorance. The Canon Law Digest, Bouscaren-O'Connor, four volumes and annual supplements, published by Bruce, Milwaukee, is a collection of the documents promulgated by the Holy See after the Code of Canon Law. It therefore contains the subsequent interpretations, instructions, and decrees of the Holy See that affect religious. Current documents are to be learned from a periodical such as the REvIEw fOR RELIGIOUS, in which they are also explained. A regular section of the REwEw is devoted to a survey of Roman documents. A local lay superior should inform his com-munity of such a document as soon as he is in possession of the accurate official text in the vernacular. The ordi- nary way is by posting the text or having it read to the community, usually in the refectory, Practically all authors state the evident principle that a local superior is obliged to put a document of the Holy See into effect, without waitifig to be informed of it by either higher superiors or a diocesan chancery. However, in practice a local lay superior will rarely be in possession o[ an accurate translation and much less of the certain sense of a document before he is informed of it by higher superiors. A document should not be put into execution before its text and sense are known with accuracy and cer-tainty. Higher superiors must strive to secure an accurate translation and a certain explanation as soon as possible. The higher superior should then inform all the religious subject to him of the document by a circular letter. From custom or previous consultation, it will be known whether the superior general or provincial is to issue this letter. It should be an understood duty of a general or provincial secretary that he is to inform the respective superior and council of any new document of the Holy See and of any new diocesan or civil enactments that affect the institute or its members. Authors also point out that a document which requires the coordinated activity of several supe-riors cannot be put into execution until such activity is possible. All superiors must enforce any legislation of the Holy See. Higher superiors should investigate its ob-servance at the time of the canonical visitation, and an account of the same observance should be included in the reports of local to higher superiors, 43. Our constitutions contain no prescription on the public reading of the constitutions. Are we obliged by canon law to have them read publicly? Local superiors are obliged by canon 509, §2, 1 °, to have the constitutions of their institute read publicly in the community at least once a year on the days a~nd in the place determined by the constitutions, custom, usage, or the directives of higher superiors. The usual place is the refectory. There are many constitutions that say nothing about this matter. These institutes must observe at least the frequency of reading imposed by the code. The more usual frequency in constitutions is twice or at least twice a year, but in many the norm is once or at least once a year. The first part of the constitutions of lay institutes, exclusive of such chapters as the care of the sick and de-parture and dismissal, contain the duties common to all. In a few institutes, this part is read more frequently, two or four times a year or every month. A few institutes pos-sess an ascetical or spiritual summary of their constitutions and read this instead of the full constitutions. This prac-tice may be followed, because such a summary pertains + The Constitutions VOLUME 19, 1960~ ÷ ÷ Joseph F. Gallen, $.~. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 366 more immediately to the religious perfection of all and thus fulfills the purpose of the law. It would be preferable to have the full constitutions read at least once a year. All religious should be familiar also with the canonical or legal articles of their constitutions. An article is often found that commands or exhorts the religious to read the constitutions frequently in private, to meditate on them, and to make their observance a subject of the particular examen. Greater attention is obviously to he given to the spiritual articles and to the chapters containing the com-mon obligations. These are evidently laudable and profit-able practices for all religious, even when not commanded nor counselled by the particular constitutions. 44. The constitutions of our pontifural congregation oy sisters have been conlormed to the Code of Canon Law. Three documents antedating the code are in the back of the constitutions. Some older sisters have com-plained that these documents are no longer read publicly once a year. This practice was discontinued some years ago. Are we still obliged to have these documents read publicly once a year? No, and these documents should not be in your consti-tutions. Canon 509, §2, 1°, commands local superiors to have read publicly in their communities, with the fre-quency and on the days determined by the Holy See, any of its documents, that the Holy See will order to be read publicly. The canon is in the future tense, that is, decrees that the Holy See has ordered to be read after the promul-gation of the Code of Canon Law. Thus far there has been no order to read any document publicly in lay institutes. Only one such document, the instruction of the Sacred Congregation of Religious, December 1, !931, on the cleri-cal and religious training of members who are called to the priesthood and on the test to be made before the re-ception of orders, has been ordered to be read publicly at the beginning of each year but only to religious clerics. Documents antedating the code are no longer to be in-cluded in the constitutions nor read publicly. Several lay institutes are apparently unaware of this fact and continue to do both. The decrees antecedent to the code that the questioner has in mind are on manifestation of conscience, confessors, and frequent and daily Communion, that .is, Quemadmodum, of the Sacred Congregation of Bishops and Regulars, December 17, 1890; Cum de sacramentali. bus, of the Sacred Congregation of Religious, February 3, 1913; and Sacra Tridentina Synodus, of the Sacred Con-gregation of the Council, December 20, 1905, which was in-cluded in some constitutions. The same principle is to be followed with regard to all other documents antedating the code. 45. We are a diocesan lay congregation. There is noth-ing in our constitutions about giving a colby of the con-stitutions to each novice. I heard that we were obliged to do so. Is this correct? The universal practice of the Sacred Congregations of Religious and of the Propagation of the Faith in approv-ing constitutions commands that a complete copy of the constitutions be given to each novice from the beginning of the noviceship. This prescription is not a canon and is strictly obligatory only when included in the particular constitutions. Even when not found in the constitutions, it is at least the preferable practice, since it clearly mani-fests the mind of the Holy See and in itself is most useful, if not necessary, for the study of the constitutions. The ex-pressed purpose of the practice is that the novice may be able to read and meditate on the constitutions and more readily follow the instructions of the master. Each novice and professed may be given only an ascetical summary, but a copy of the complete constitutions should be in the library or in some other readily accessible place for con-sultation. It is the better practice to give a complete copy of the constitutions to all professed and novices. 4. 4. The Constitutions VOLUME 19, 1960 LEO P. ROCK, S.J. Is Christian Spirituality Self-Centered?' Leo P. Rock, S.J. is cur-rently