Rezension von: Inge Hansen-Schaberg: Minna Specht - Eine Sozialistin in der Landerziehungsheimbewegung (1918 bis 1951). Untersuchung zur pädagogischen Biographie einer Reformpädagogin. (Studien zur Bildungsreform. Bd. 22). Frankfurt a.M./Bern: Lang 1992, 406 S.
Since questions of ethnicity, national identity and nationalist movements are very much en vogue in all human sciences, and since some of the disciplines involved are definitely newcomers when it comes to the equally recently discovered regions of Eastern Europe, the author suggests a unified strategy for these endeavours in order to prevent the - unfortunately not so infrequent - rediscovery of the wheel, in which such uncoordinated efforts often result. According to him all European regions other than Western Europe no matter whether they are part of Central-, Eastern-, Southeastern-Europe or even part of the former USSR - exhibit similar structures of ethnic diversity, national elites and national conflicts, which for historical reasons differ greatly from their Western European counterparts. The traditional approach of nationalist historiography and of dealing with these problems within the time-honoured framework of majority-versus-minority conflicts should according to the author be abandoned. With Ernest Gellner and against Anthony Smith he suggests to first set up a catalogue of ethnic groups in this region. Since these ethnic groups serve as a kind of "dormant national movements" which in the course of events are or are not being kissed alive by nationally active elites, the author pleads for a comparative survey of different national elites active in this region and the respective ethnic groups they try to mobilize. A further suggestion of his is to give the topic of violence more systematic consideration, especially the manifold ways in which violence can influence and indeed has influenced processes of nationalisation. ; Since questions of ethnicity, national identity and nationalist movements are very much en vogue in all human sciences, and since some of the disciplines involved are definitely newcomers when it comes to the equally recently discovered regions of Eastern Europe, the author suggests a unified strategy for these endeavours in order to prevent the - unfortunately not so infrequent - rediscovery of the wheel, in which such uncoordinated efforts often result. According to him all European regions other than Western Europe no matter whether they are part of Central-, Eastern-, Southeastern-Europe or even part of the former USSR - exhibit similar structures of ethnic diversity, national elites and national conflicts, which for historical reasons differ greatly from their Western European counterparts. The traditional approach of nationalist historiography and of dealing with these problems within the time-honoured framework of majority-versus-minority conflicts should according to the author be abandoned. With Ernest Gellner and against Anthony Smith he suggests to first set up a catalogue of ethnic groups in this region. Since these ethnic groups serve as a kind of "dormant national movements" which in the course of events are or are not being kissed alive by nationally active elites, the author pleads for a comparative survey of different national elites active in this region and the respective ethnic groups they try to mobilize. A further suggestion of his is to give the topic of violence more systematic consideration, especially the manifold ways in which violence can influence and indeed has influenced processes of nationalisation.
The article describes how the system-crisis in Yugoslavia led to the first multi-party elections in the different republics and in its last consequence to the disintegration of the state. The Serbian communists around Slobodan Milosevic were the first to blame the other non-Serbian peoples for this crisis. This in turn fostered the election of nationalistic leaders in the other republics and finally resulted in war because of the incompatibility of the different national aspirations. The author also depicts the further political development in the different Yugoslav republics under the circumstances of nationalism, multi-party systems and the war. As an underlying reason for the disintegration of the multi-ethnic Yugoslav federation and the outburst of nationalist populism the author emphasizes, among other things, the existence of an atomized society, characterized by collective submissiveness during the communist and pre-communist era, the lack of urbanisation, of civil society structures and the total absence of Vergangenheitsbewältigung, a coming to terms with the past, mainly concerning the wide-spread massacres between 1941 and 1945. ; The article describes how the system-crisis in Yugoslavia led to the first multi-party elections in the different republics and in its last consequence to the disintegration of the state. The Serbian communists around Slobodan Milosevic were the first to blame the other non-Serbian peoples for this crisis. This in turn fostered the election of nationalistic leaders in the other republics and finally resulted in war because of the incompatibility of the different national aspirations. The author also depicts the further political development in the different Yugoslav republics under the circumstances of nationalism, multi-party systems and the war. As an underlying reason for the disintegration of the multi-ethnic Yugoslav federation and the outburst of nationalist populism the author emphasizes, among other things, the existence of an atomized society, characterized by collective submissiveness during the communist and pre-communist era, the lack of urbanisation, of civil society structures and the total absence of Vergangenheitsbewältigung, a coming to terms with the past, mainly concerning the wide-spread massacres between 1941 and 1945.
Since the late nineteenth century the regions along the northern Adriatic Sea, characterized by a complex pattern of Italian, Slovene, Croatian and several other ethnic groups, have been a major battleground of opposing national movements which resulted in massacres, mass-emigration, resettlement and socalled assimilation or denationalisation programs. By reconstructing the different concepts of nationality and ethnicity of the major political powers in this region - from the late Habsburg Empire to the post-World War II period - the author draws a vivid picture of the changing constellations of the nationality question in this region and of its disastrous consequences for various population groups. Special attention is given to diverse socialist conceptions of nationality and ethnicity and to their Titoist variants, so far mostly neglected in historical research. The author argues that at a closer look, the supposedly national character of the diverse cultural and lingual minorities might well prove to be a simple construct of nationalist ideologies and that it is only through the process of nationalisation/denationalisation, that such a kind of identity develops. The majority of the population is not forced out of a national identity, but rather forced into one. By doing so, national movements actually create the very kind of identity, which has served them as their ideological starting point. ; Since the late nineteenth century the regions along the northern Adriatic Sea, characterized by a complex pattern of Italian, Slovene, Croatian and several other ethnic groups, have been a major battleground of opposing national movements which resulted in massacres, mass-emigration, resettlement and socalled assimilation or denationalisation programs. By reconstructing the different concepts of nationality and ethnicity of the major political powers in this region - from the late Habsburg Empire to the post-World War II period - the author draws a vivid picture of the changing constellations of the nationality question in this region and of its disastrous consequences for various population groups. Special attention is given to diverse socialist conceptions of nationality and ethnicity and to their Titoist variants, so far mostly neglected in historical research. The author argues that at a closer look, the supposedly national character of the diverse cultural and lingual minorities might well prove to be a simple construct of nationalist ideologies and that it is only through the process of nationalisation/denationalisation, that such a kind of identity develops. The majority of the population is not forced out of a national identity, but rather forced into one. By doing so, national movements actually create the very kind of identity, which has served them as their ideological starting point.
Der Autor legt dar, welches außergewöhnliche Gewicht den Schriften Wenigers zu Militär und Pädagogik in seinem Werk zukommt, und diskutiert den Forschungsstand. Wenigers Ansichten zum Krieg als Bildungserlebnis werden ebenso erörtert wie die Frage nach der Vereinbarkeit von Militärpädagogik und der Idee einer Autonomie der Erziehung. Ohne die Erschließung neuer Quellen wird die Debatte aber nicht weiterkommen. (DIPF/Orig.) ; The author reveals the extraordinary importance to be attached to Weniger's writings on the military and pedagogics within his complete works and sketches the latest developments in research in this field. Wenigers view of the war as an educative experience as well as the question of the compatibility of military pedagogics and the autonomy of education are discussed. However, without recourse to new sources the debate will soon reach an impasse. (DIPF/Orig.)
Social historians increasingly adopt a new perspective by concentrating on behavioural clusters, and attempt to reconstruct "alien" social worlds on the basis of written, oral and visual "texts" and the help of new hermeneutical tools. The author tries to reconstruct relevant mental structures of adolescent villagers in the military context of the Second World War by analysing the war photography of a soldier of the German Wehrmacht. Abroad - ambivalently experienced as fascinating and threatening - Heinrich produces a specific identity. His capital resources - his truck, his professional logic as a mechanic, the relationship with like-minded "comrades" - enable him to distance himself, at least partially, from the type of the "German soldier". He can not free himself, however, from his entanglement in the military organization. Heinrich does not want to be a soldier; but this is exactly how he becomes a "Mechaniker-Soldat", a mechanic-soldier. ; Social historians increasingly adopt a new perspective by concentrating on behavioural clusters, and attempt to reconstruct "alien" social worlds on the basis of written, oral and visual "texts" and the help of new hermeneutical tools. The author tries to reconstruct relevant mental structures of adolescent villagers in the military context of the Second World War by analysing the war photography of a soldier of the German Wehrmacht. Abroad - ambivalently experienced as fascinating and threatening - Heinrich produces a specific identity. His capital resources - his truck, his professional logic as a mechanic, the relationship with like-minded "comrades" - enable him to distance himself, at least partially, from the type of the "German soldier". He can not free himself, however, from his entanglement in the military organization. Heinrich does not want to be a soldier; but this is exactly how he becomes a "Mechaniker-Soldat", a mechanic-soldier.
Zu einem Zeitpunkt, zu dem zahlreiche Entwicklungs- und neuerdings auch Industrieländer das "duale System" der Berufsausbildung in Deutschland als eine Art Idealmodell der beruflichen Qualifizierung entdecken, wachsen die Zweifel, ob dieses Ausbildungssystem angesichts der anhaltenden Expansion von Gymnasium und Hochschule noch eine Zukunftsperspektive hat. Im vorliegenden Beitrag werden die zahlreichen Symptome der Krise des dualen Systems aufgezeigt, es wird versucht, die Ursachen dieser Krise unter sozialhistorischer Fragestellung zu deuten, und es werden die bislang aufgezeigten Vorschläge diskutiert, diese Krise zu überwinden. (DIPF/Orig.) ; At a time when numerous developmental- and recently also industrial - countries begin to discover the German "dual system" of vocational education as a kind of ideal model for vocational qualification there is growing doubt about a possible future perspective for this educational system in view of the contirtuing expansion of both the Gymnasium and the university. The author points out the manifold symptoms of the crisis of the dual system, tries to interpret its causes from a socio-historical point of view, and discusses the existing proposals concerning a way out of this crisis. (DIPF/Orig.)
In dem vorliegenden Beitrag werden neuere schulgesetzliche Initiativen erörtert, die u.a. eine Reform des Übertritts aus der Grundschule an weiterführende Schulen beabsichtigen. Diese Bemühungen ordnen sich in die schon lange zu beobachtende Tendenz zur Stärkung der individuellen Rechte von Schülern und Eltern ein, wie sie mit dem Prozeß der Verrechtlichung der Schule in der Bundesrepublik verbunden ist. Eine genauere Betrachtung der entsprechenden Regelungen und einiger dadurch ausgelöster gerichtlicher Konflikte weckt allerdings Zweifel an Voraussetzungen und insbesondere an Ergebnissen der eingeleiteten Politik: Handelt es sich nicht doch um eine versteckte Form der staatlichen Steuerung der Schulwahl? (DIPF/Orig.) ; The author discusses recent initiatives concerning school law which aim, among other things, at a reform of the transition from elementary to secondary school. These efforts are part of a long-time trend to strengthen the individual rights of both students and parents which is linked to an increase in legal regulations of schooling in the Federal Republic of Germany. However, a closer look at the respective regulations and at some of the judicial conflicts caused by them raises doubts as to the preconditions and, especially, as to the results of the policy launched: Does it not still represent a covert form of State control concerning the choice of school? (DIPF/Orig.)
The article analyses collective as well as family memory concerning the period of National-Socialism in families of victims, culprits and fellow travellers of the Third Reich. In all the cases the processes of dialogue and the tradition of memory among the generations were determined by the involved individual's position on the generation scale as well as the constellation of generations within the family. The author presents two models of typical generation constellations and their characteristic memory patterns of the NS-aera. In the first model (Growing-Up During the War), the grandparents' generation experienced World War I as juveniles or young grown-ups, their children normally were members of the Hitlerjugend and their grandchildren were usually born during the economic boom of the 1950ies. In the second generation model (Childhood During the War) the grandparents were still children during World War I, their children were born during or shortly after World War II and their grandchildren were already members of our modern consumers' society, experiencing the social and economic crisis of the 1970ies as adolescents. The article presents a case-study demonstrating how in family tradition and memory World War I is instrumentalised in order to exculpate the family from its involvement in the Nazi-system. ; The article analyses collective as well as family memory concerning the period of National-Socialism in families of victims, culprits and fellow travellers of the Third Reich. In all the cases the processes of dialogue and the tradition of memory among the generations were determined by the involved individual's position on the generation scale as well as the constellation of generations within the family. The author presents two models of typical generation constellations and their characteristic memory patterns of the NS-aera. In the first model (Growing-Up During the War), the grandparents' generation experienced World War I as juveniles or young grown-ups, their children normally were members of the Hitlerjugend and their grandchildren were usually born during the economic boom of the 1950ies. In the second generation model (Childhood During the War) the grandparents were still children during World War I, their children were born during or shortly after World War II and their grandchildren were already members of our modern consumers' society, experiencing the social and economic crisis of the 1970ies as adolescents. The article presents a case-study demonstrating how in family tradition and memory World War I is instrumentalised in order to exculpate the family from its involvement in the Nazi-system.
Das gegenwärtige Verständnis von multikultureller und viersprachiger Schweiz wird hier in seinen Paradoxien beleuchtet. Ein Perspektivenwechsel vom Assimilations- über das Ethnizitäts- zum Diversitätsparadigma in der Migrationsforschung wird am Beispiel dieser schweizerischen Problematik nachgezeichnet. Der Perspektivenwechsel ist auch in der theoretischen Diskussion über "interkulturelle Pädagogik" in vollem Gang, wie eine Reihe von Konzepterweiterungen in bezug auf Ziele, thematische Schwerpunkte, Klientel, in der Schweiz und den sie umgebenden Ländern zeigt. Doch die Umsetzung in bildungspolitische und pädagogische Strategien wird nach wie vor durch ideologische und materielle Hindernisse erschwert. Von dem Diversitätsparadigma und von einem erweiterten Begriff sprachlich-kultureller Minderheit ausgehend, und indem zwei von der "interkulturellen Pädagogik" suspendierte Grundsatzfragen (die Chancengerechtigkeit und die ethnische Entscheidung) in das Zentrum gerückt werden, skizziert die Verfasserin Optionen für eine Bildung in der sprachlich-kulturell pluralen, in Europa eingebetteten Schweiz. (DIPF/Orig.) ; The autor considers the paradoxies of the prescnt concept of a multicultural and tetralingual Switzerland. The change of perspective in research on migration from the paradigma of assimilation via that of ethnicity to thai of diversity is described on the basis of the Swiss issues. As is shown by a series of conceptual extensions with regard to objeetives, thematic priorities, and clientele, in both Switzerland and the surrounding countries, this change of perspective is also well under way in the theoretical debate on "intercultural pedagogics". However, the translation into pedagogical strategies as well as strategies of educational policy is still impeded by ideological and material obstacles. On the basis of both the paradigm of diversity and an extended concept of linguistic-cultural minority and by focussing on two fundamental questions suspended by "intercultural pedagogics" (equal opportunity and the ethnic decision), the author Sketches options for an educational concept in a linguistically and culturally plural Switzerland, embedded into Europe. (DIPF/Orig.)
In der angelsächsischen analytischen Erziehungsphilosophie wurde ein Konzept allgemeiner Bildung (Liberal education) herausgearbeitet, das den Bildungsanspruch in wissenstheoretischem Rekurs argumentativ zu legitimieren und zu begründen versucht. Dabei geht sie von einem differenzierten Erfahrungs- und Wissensfeld aus, das an öffentliche Standards der Verständigung gebunden ist. Diese Theorie wird an zwei ausgewählten Beispielen geprüft: Einerseits an den US-amerikanischen Debatten um die "cultural literacy" und andererseits an den Auseinandersetzungen um die Einführung des "National Curriculum" in England und Wales. Abschließend wird der Zusammenhang einer wissenstheoretisch fundierten Theorie der Liberal education mit bestimmten politischen Optionen diskutiert. Dabei wird sich zeigen, daß hinsichtlich politischer Zuordnungen dieser Theorie keine systematische Notwendigkeit besteht, und daß das Konzept einer integrierenden Allgemeinbildung in demokratischen, sozialen Staaten unverzichtbar und gleichzeitig nicht beliebig multikulturell ausrichtbar ist. (DIPF/Orig.) ; In the Anglo-Saxon analytical philosophy of education a concept of liberal education has been conceived which aims at an argumentative legitimation and foundation of the claim to educate by drawing on the theory of knowledge. In this, it proceeds from a dilferentiated field of experience and knowledge which is bound to public Standards of communication. This theory ist examined on the basis of two examples: the American debate on cultural literacy, on the one hand, and the conflict concerning the introduction of the National Curriculum in England and Wales, on the other. In a final part, the author discusses the relation of a knowledge-theoretically grounded theory of liberal education with certain political options. In this, it will be shown that there is no systematic need to politically classify this theory and that the concept of an integrative general education is absolutely required in demoeratie, social states, yet cannot be adapted to every possible cultural orientation. (DIPF/Orig.)
