Suchergebnisse

The first part of the article is dedicated to the classic approach to security in three areas: the security of the individual, the state and on the international stage. Then the author conducts an analysis of the interdisciplinary approach to security. He characterised the behavioural as well as sociological and economic theories. The author analyses the government policies pertaining to internal security in the last fifteen years. He explained the legal and constitutional rules of the government administration in Poland and then characterised the system of institutions responsible for security within the country involving a critical analysis of internal security policy, i.a. its effectiveness and efficiency. The author formulates the thesis which holds that within the last fifteen years the governments have failed to design an effective policy of internal security, so far. The postulated concepts and governmental proposals have been designed as temporary measures and under political pressure without much consideration for systemic solutions. The policy of internal security lacks the systemic approach deriving from the theory of organisation.

In recent years the euro area has been characterised by a very low rate of economic growth (in some years there was even a real reduction in the volume of production). This has launched a debate among economists about the instruments to be applied in public policy to bolster the economy. In this article the author analysed the possible effects of fiscal and monetary policy on economic growth when economic stagnation in the euro area is accompanied by a high level of public debt as a percentage of GDP and a very low level of the interest rates set by the central bank as well as market interest rates. On the basis of economic theory the author considers whether expansionary fiscal policy will contribute to the growth of real output, or merely enlarge the public debt and increase the risk of sovereign debt default and currency crisis. The author also introduced the concept of quantitative easing as an instrument of expansionary monetary policy.

The author of the book examines the issues of constitutional stability and its role in ensuring sustainable democracy.

The author addresses the issue of ethno-business, which has been largely unresearched to date. In the approach proposed by the author, ethnobusiness is understood as a wide range of practices and behaviours related to the deliberate use of existing regulations going beyond the intentions of legislators that guarantee cultural and political privileges for national and ethnic minorities. Various activists and leaders gathered around ethnic organizations and co-creators of the discussed phenomenon most often pursue their private material or political interests. However, ethno-business is closely linked to the established Romanian legislation on national minorities. Thus, the author investigates the roots of this phenomenon, introducing readers to the regulations on minorities in Romania, and points to the social consequences of ethno-business. The analysis of the discussed problem is supplemented and illustrated by examples of specific behaviours observed by the author during his long-term and extensive ethnographic field research carried out on the Romanian-Ukrainian borderland between 2009 and 2010. Although this research project focused on aspects of ethnic and national identity among the Slavic-speaking community of the Maramures region, it also gave an opportunity to spot a number of behaviours that can be interpreted in the context of ethno-business. The ethnographic examples given in the article show how the policies related to the protection of national minorities in Romania can be exploited in various circumstances by different individuals who have relevant knowledge of the rights of national minorities.

The purpose of this research is to illustrate the phenomenon of common crime in the eastern areas of Poland from 1921-1925. In the text, the author gives examples of this and its cause and effect on the functioning of the young Polish state. The timeline of the study covers the period from the signing of the Riga Treaty ending the Polish-Soviet War in 1921, to 1925 when the Bolsheviks temporarily gave up their aggressive attempts to spread communism in Europe. The author of the study focused on the most important type of crimes characteristic of the borderland such as robbery and smuggling, using the literature on the subject, source publications, and archival resources, mainly from the Central Military Archives, the Border Guard Archives in Szczecin, and Ukrainian archives in Lviv and Tarnopol. The research aims to show the characteristic types of common crimes, their connection with anti-Polish activities on the part of the USSR and Lithuania, and the intertwining of political crime with criminal offences. In the work, the author uses the critical analysis of sources, literary analysis, and the comparative method.

The purpose of the study is a systematic analysis of amendments to the Constitution of the Republic of Belarus in the field of electoral legislation. Systemic, logical, and comparative methods were used during the research. As a result, the author has analyzed the peculiarities of changes and additions into the procedure of elections of the President of the Republic of Belarus, the National Assembly of the Republic of Belarus, as well as the procedure of forming a new body of power – the All Belarussian People's Assembly. The author also substantiates the proposals to improve the legislation on elections.

As part of the article, the author presents the advantages and disadvantages of research solutions used during the presidential election in 2010. The decision to choose these elections as an example was dictated, on the one hand, by the fact that the survey on the day of the election was carried out by three companies, and on the other hand, by the fact that different research techniques were used. Moreover, the conducted research is well documented both in the journalism and in the report of Professor Domański's team, and by the author himself, who analyzed this problem in terms of the selection of an appropriate research technique earlier.

(Anti)protagonists? Disability in the postwar Serbian proseThe Author made an attempt to the analysis of chosen works written by three Serbian writers: Ivo Andrić (The Bridge on the Drina), Miodrag Bulatović (The Red Rooster Flies Heavenwards) and Danilo Kiš (Garden, Ashes). Her purpose is to answer the question which is focused on the category of the antiprotagonist in the context of the disability studies. The Author is focused on the similarities in representations of the disability in the postwar Serbian prose. She shows also the necesserity of the connection between the disability studies and other research perspectives.
Keywords: disability, feminist criticism, madness, Serbian literature, Yugoslavia

Social engineering is the same concept as the concept of social engineering and related to manipulation and disinformation. Review of Christopher Hadnagy's book Social engineering – the art of gaining power over minds is, according to the principles of art, a set of subjective assessments by the author. These assessments relate first to the impressions of reading, and are supported by their own critical image of the world in which social engineering is applied in the everyday life of each of us. The author of the review points out that the position has an application value, because a higher level of awareness and knowledge on a given topic translates easily into the individual's safety.

The aim of article is to answer the questions: what is the public perception of the terms 'refugee' and 'migrant'? as well as In the light of opinion polls, are these terms equivalent or do they have a different connotation (linguistic content) and denotation (scope)? The starting point for the analysis is the identification of the dictionary-encyclopaedic, statistical and formal-legal meanings of these names. The analysis presented in the article is based on the results of the public opinion research "Social perception of refugees from Ukraine, migrants and actions taken by the Polish state", which was carried out between 2022 and 2023 by the research LAB managed by the author. In order to holistically reconstruct the social perception of 'refugees' and 'migrants', the author developed a multidimensional indicator (index), which he called the Social Perception of Migrants Index (SPMI). The result of the analysis is the identification of the constitutive features of the names 'refugee' and 'migrant' as well as their denotation. The author also proposes to introduce a new concept concerning the migration crisis on the Polish-Belarusian border and the refugee crisis on the Polish-Ukrainian border, which he called a 'hybrid humanitarian crisis'.

The article refers to relations in the process of communication between teacher and students. The author uses classical literature and an expert interview with an experienced school teacher to bring her point across. The author feels that the described issues are of particular significance for beginner pedagogues. Shakespeare's genius gives a broad perspective on the subject of communication, because in both comedies and dramas we observe the importance of the communication aspect, which may be transferred to the relationship between students and the teacher. This gives a broad picture of the possible scenarios that will appear in the teacher's work and allows one to draw conclusions from the heroes' mistakes, which may be identical to those made in the relationships with students.

The issue analysed by the author is that of the institution of Presidential immunity pertaining to the President of the Republic of Poland, and operating in such a way that a sitting President cannot be held criminally liable before a common court for acts tantamount to offences. Inclining towards the essence of this solution and its consequences when it comes to respect for constitutional principles of legalism and equality before the law, the author at the same time seeks to assess the completeness of the provisions in effect in Poland, in so doing identifying a lack of clear directives as to how a former President (i.e. one who has left office) is to be held criminally liable. The conclusion reached by the author can be said to boil down to a recognition that the liability of a former President before Poland's Tribunal of State for offences or crimes committed is of an accessory nature where common courts are concerned, with the condition underpinning recognition of the Tribunal's primacy in matters of jurisdiction being the National Assembly's adoption of a Resolution holding a former President liable constitutionally, and potentially at the same time initiating action in respect of given offences. Any lack of such a National Assembly Resolution must give rise to a particular kind of reactivation – in respect of the former President – of jurisdiction in the dispensing of justice by common courts, given the fact that one of the negative procedural premises has ceased to be non-applicable. Thus, unlike in the case of a President still holding office, the cognition of the Tribunal of State in relation to a former President is neither exclusive nor automatic. Such observations have also stimulated work by the author to develop de lege ferenda postulates regarding the subject matter, as set against the wider background of Poland's political and constitutional system.

The author describes and summarises the main theories relating to the specificity of the European Union structure as an internally complex organism which is being characterised by scientists as an international organisation as well as a confederation and a federation. Many researchers compare the process of the European Union formation to the nation-state formation, others compare the E.U. to the United States of America and many more indicate that the E.U. structure with its specific multi-level governance looks like a neo-medieval empire. What we can see in this empire is a network of overlapping systems of powers and areas of loyalty. The author points out that structurally the E.U. can be visualised as a model of multilevel governance and as such can be defined as a sui generis political system. So it is not analogous to the nation state but rather to a system of governance without a formal governing body. This notion is the result of a growing level of interdependence one can see in the international arena. In the second part of article, the author addresses the sovereignty issues which relate to the E.U. member states as well as the E.U. as a separate body. He reviews the theories which variously explain the process of European integration and its influence on internal policies within member states.

Sphere of values and related to them determinants of policy making constitute current issues in the social sciences. The author presents good practices in terms of partnerships among actors in the process of creation, implementation and evaluation of public policy, emphasizing their axiological foundations. This is primarily applicable in the knowledge sector which is an area particularly sensitive on the institutional ground because of great aspirations of the creators engaged. The article explains the concept of the knowledge sector using a group of related terms such as knowledge society, information society, knowledge-based economy, knowledge management and formulates a number of recommendations for development of this sector. The author presents the institutional structure of the knowledge sector in functional terms with emphasis on the demand of their greater integration in the pro-development activities. Subsequently, there is a presentation of constitutional norms, based on which the social dialogue and partnership are suggested as fundamental principles in the knowledge sector. The author examines the mission of the state emphasizing the importance of its role as a guarantor of these values and rules. Finally, the article presents the instruments of public policy towards the knowledge sector focusing on the importance of the principles and best practices in cooperation between public policy makers and their social partners – the creators of knowledge.

The article's objective is to analyse the process of Europeanisation of Greek foreign policy towards North Macedonia. The author has attempted to present the main conceptual assumptions regarding this process, pointing to the multiplicity of definitions and research directions, and has subsequently highlighted the evolution of Greek foreign policy towards North Macedonia in the context of the Europeanisation of Greek diplomacy. In the conclusions, the author has emphasised that this particular Europeanisation is somewhat sinusoidal and is conditioned upon a number of factors, including the nature of relations between the Greek political elites and the society of that country. The article has also highlighted that Greece has gradually been shaping its image as a Europeanised country with a credible and predictable foreign policy.