Suchergebnisse

Evoliucionuojant medijoms požiūriai į auditorijas nuolat kito. Auditorijos kaip kolektyvinės medijų pranešimų gavėjos savo esme yra itin dinamiškos ir kintančios struktūros. Kiekviena naujai atsirandanti medija darė įtaką auditorijų kaitos procesams ir skatino mokslininkus iš naujo įvertinti auditorijas formuojančius veiksnius bei persvarstyti jų sampratos aktualumą.Straipsnyje nagrinėjama, kaip kito auditorijų samprata per visą studijų laikotarpį, ir klausiama, kokios auditorijos koncepcijos gyvuoja šiandien, kai iškyla medijų auditorijos, veikiančios daugiakanalėje daugialypės terpės erdvėje.Reikšminiai žodžiai: publikos, minia, masės, auditorijos, masinė auditorija, naujosios medijos, konvergencija, medijų naudotojai, medijų auditorijos.Shifts of the audience's paradigmsDaiva SiudikienėSummaryThis paper reveals the main theoretical approaches which influence the construction and shifts of the audience's paradigms. The audience studies developed eventually under the influence of contradictory theoretical perspectives. It was stated that the significant processes had started long before the academic discipline formation, but intellectual discussions on the reflections of the massification processes were significant for developing the theoretical background for further audience studies. Contemplations on such concepts as public, crowd, mass, mass society, mass audience are closely related to the traditions of political theory, social philosophy and cultural history of the late 19th and the 20th centuries. Development of the communication sciences measures more than one hundred years, but the audience as an equivalent participator of the communication process had been recognized only at the end of the 20th century. For a long time, the audiences had been approached as unqualified and unable to evaluate the media production properly. Therefore, the conception of audience as the market dominated throught a couple of decades and formed the research traditions of the audience as a quantitatively measured object. The extent remains the most significant indicator in this research area, but the audience studies have generated much more concepts. Side by side with the citizens audience, there emerged the notions of the interpretive communities and lifestyle audiences. The recognition of the fact that the audience members differ in their socio-cultural and national characteristics, knowledge, experience in the use of media and other aspects, clarification of this notion remain a complicated matter. The most important facet should be the point that the individuals realize their role differently as an audience, but all together they are in the process of creating the cognitive schemes and the collective ideals as a certain united community. The rise of the new media has generated unprecedented processes in the post-modern societies and new notions applied for media users. It was stated that, despite the media explosion and the audience fragmentation, this term remains relevant. The new media environment is recasting the notion of audience for covering a wide range and multifaceted activities of media users. Therefore, the new roles of media users are under consideration. According to the author of this paper, as the most meaningful concepts should be recognized those that indicate the creative potential of the audience.

Abstract: It is widespread accepted that a creditor, who after a breach of contract wishes to safeguard his entitlement to full compensation for loss incurred, has a responsibility to take reasonable steps to mitigate this loss. There are, however, different views with regard to the scope of this duty to mitigate. Here it is advocated that the legal consequences of a failure to avert or minimize a loss must be similar to those of any joint occurrence of a fault of the wrongdoer with neglect of the aggrieved party. This implies that the liability of the wrongdoer should be reduced by apportioning the loss, which both parties could and should have avoided, between them both. Most modern legal systems do in fact acknowledge the assimilation of the doctrines of contributory negligence and failure to mitigate the loss and thus recognize the prospect of an apportionment of the damage. Not so, however, the European Commission's Expert Group. They exempt the debtor from liability insofar as the creditor contributed to his own loss. This contribution presents some critical reflections on how the duty to mitigate the loss is sanctioned in the newly proposed instrument on European contract law. The author illustrates that the provision in question - Article 163 of the proposal - does not provide for an adequate representation of the latest developments in the various European legal systems on this matter. Résumé: Il est largement admis qu'un créancier qui, à la suite d'une rupture de contrat, souhaite sauvegarder son droit à entière réparation du dommage subi, doit effectuer des démarches raisonnables pour atténuer son dommage. Il existe toutefois différentes opinions quant à la portée du devoir d'atténuer le dommage. La thèse ici défendue est la suivante : les conséquences juridiques du défaut d'empêcher ou de diminuer un dommage doivent être similaires à celles de tout événement conjugant une faute de l'auteur du dommage et une négligence de la partie lésée. Ceci implique que la responsabilité de l'auteur du dommage devrait être réduite en répartissant la perte que les deux parties auraient pu ou auraient dû éviter, entre elles deux. La plupart des systèmes juridiques modernes reconnaissent en réalité l'assimilation des doctrines de la faute de la victim ('négligence contributive') et du défaut de modération du dommage, et admettent donc l'idée de la répartition du dommage. Ce n'est cependant pas le cas du Groupe d'Experts de la Commission Européenne. Ils exonèrent le débiteur de sa responsabilité pour autant que le créancier a contribué à son propre dommage. La présente analyse présente quelques réflexions critiques sur la question de savoir comment l'obligation de modérer le dommage est sanctionnée dans l'instrument nouvellement proposé en droit européen des contrats. L'auteur explique que la disposition en question - Article 163 de la proposition - ne réflète pas de manière adéquate les récents développements des divers systèmes juridiques Européens en cette matière.

- The author examines the question of how the future of Europe can be foreseen, whether it is moving towards integration or towards a reassertion of the national features of all EU member states. The French and Dutch rejection of the European Constitution in 2004 triggered a search for a lower-key, less political form of European integration. Possible initiatives to break out of the current state of immobility include two interconnected paths: one is a return to the functional method for horizontal integration and the other is a development and broadening of Europe's big regional areas. The need therefore arises to give people a sense of responsibility for European integration in order to convince governments to relinquish more of their sovereignty. Reconstructing the European Union meaning and reality, by Myrianne Coen The fall of the Berlin Wall has thrown a stark light on the loss of reference points for Europeans: those of good and evil - values, of their territory and their interests. Religion is discredited, technology has no conscience. In this context there is a reawakening of ethics. But now the question arises as to the values on which this ethics is to be based, its deep meaning. The history of our civilisation shows that such values have always been rooted in the survival of the species, which implies protection of the individual. Nowadays they are expressed in respect for human (individual) rights and the primacy given to the democratic system applied to a society conceived as a "significant space of exchange". Managing change in complete security is therefore a question of evaluating policies, taking the individual as a benchmark according to an interpretation which has the survival of the species as a temporal limit and the respective territories of individual freedom as a spatial limit. All of this has to take account of reality, assuring a dialectic management between the dynamics of what we are able to do and the meaning which tells us what it is permissible to do. Devising management structures able to reconcile security and change should thus take account of everything that is effective and ethical. Conducting a suitable policy - the necessary condition for effectiveness - entails taking account of reality as it is in such a way that it may be modified (the dynamics of the possible) while respecting others in (individual) space and time (future generations). On the basis of these criteria it is therefore a question of determining, in the light of reality and principles, the meaning that emanates from democratic decisions, of considering the significant spaces that the meaning covers and of structuring them so that they encompass mutual relations. The individual is placed in this context as a benchmark by which the planet should measure itself, and the planet in turn should be considered "for mankind", since it is mankind who gives it a meaning.

Universiteterne er i krise og har været under pres udefra i mange år. Denne artikel behandler det interne pres på universiteterne. Forskerne selv blokerer den faglige kritik, livsnerven i det videnskabelige arbejde. Den populære socialkonstruktivistiske relativisme har udviklet sig til en ekstrem udgave af tidligere tiders herskende akademiske mantra – hvis du lader mig i fred, forstyrrer jeg ikke din niche. For at komme ud af dødvandet genintroduceres Karl Poppers berømte udtryk Det Venligt-fjendtlige Samarbejde mellem Forskerne. Det drejer sig om de grundlæggende sociale relationer i forskningen, der hele tiden truer med at blive nedbrudt til alene at være almindeligt lønarbejde, hvor kritik tolkes som mangel på solidaritet, og den udeblevne faglige kritik udtrykker en vellykket konkurrencebegrænsning.
Med udgangspunkt i Umberto Ecos selvkritiske udsagn om, at der er grænser for fortolkning, diskuteres Poppers begreb om videnskabelighed og objektivitet som sociologiske begreber. Her spiller den permanente faglige kritik og Den kritiske holdning den centrale rolle, og det vises gennem en diskussion af kritikken af Popper, at den "normalvidenskabelige" afvisning af Popper som falsifikationist og empirist er forfejlet. Udviklingen af Poppers kritikbegreb benyttes til at undersøge mulighederne for et opgør med de sidste årtiers socialkonstruktivistisk fornufts- og oplysningskritik og for at etablere (institutionalisere) kritikken som afgørende for universiteternes eksistens.

ENGELSK ABSTRACT:
Nils Bredsdorff: The Necessity of Criticism or The Friendly-Hostile Cooperation Between Scientists

This article deals with the internal pressure in universities, in that scientists themselves block scientific criticism. The widespread relativism of social constructivism has developed into an extreme version of the previously prevailing mantra of academia – if you leave me alone, I promise not to interfere in your niche.
To get out of this dilemma, the author reintroduces Popper's famous expression: The friendly-hostile cooperation between scientists. It concerns basic social relations within research. These relations are constantly under pressure and might disintegrate into ordinary wage labour, a kind of wage labour in which criticism is understood as lack of solidarity, and the absence of scientific criticism is seen as a result of successful restriction on competition.
The article starts with Umberto Eco's self-critical statement that there are limits to interpretation, and then addresses Popper's concept of science and objectivity as sociological terms under discussion. In Popper's concept, permanent scientific criticism by peers and The Critical Attitude are the crux of the matter. It is argued that the "normal scientific" rejection of Popper for being a "falsificationist" and an empiricist is wrong. Popper's concept of criticism is employed to examine the possibilities of a showdown with the recent decades of social constructivist criticism of reason and enlightenment, and to establish (institutionalized) criticism as a decisive factor for the survival of the universities.

Key words: Karl Popper, criticism, epistemology, critical attitude, social constructivism.

The Canadian province of British Columbia has been widely recognized as the North American leader in employing Design, Build, Finance Operate public–private partnerships to create new public infrastructure. Canada is one of the most decentralized federations in the world. Provinces exercise considerable autonomy and have powerful revenue raising power at their disposal. Although Canadian local governments are generally seen as substantially inferior to the two senior levels of government, those in British Columbia have in fact managed to achieve quite a bit of autonomy due to non-constitutional factors. Large infrastructure projects, for which municipalities and other local government agencies must look to the province for financial support are among the most controversial of issues within the provincial–local government relationship. The introduction of public–private partnerships represents a classic example of a political entrepreneur changing the rules of the game to favour their desired outcomes. In this case, a government leader determined to pursue an infrastructure program that the province lacked the capital to support and the re-structuring of the state along New Public Management lines. However, even though the rule change favoured the Premier's immediate goals, and allowed him to over-ride much local objection, it can be argued that in the long run neither local governments nor the province have necessarily gained in power by changing the rules of the game. In keeping with the general tenants of the New Public Management, the introduction of public–private partnerships has given precedence to technocratic forms of knowledge, especially those involved with finance and accounting, with the aim of pursuing public goals in the most "economically efficient" manner possible. The flip side is that democratic input is strictly limited to the initial question as to whether or not a project is desirable, not how it can be best achieved or whether, once underway, it still represents a wise move. As a result, if there are any real winners in terms of autonomy, it has been senior public managers at both the provincial and local level and their financial and accounting advisors. These actors have had the range of issues for which they are accountable markedly simplified when it comes to major infrastructure projects, even as the complexity of such projects are increased by the use of public–private partnerships. Evidence is drawn from government documents, news accounts and interviews conducted by the author with senior managers, politicians and appointed board members of local government organizations (a quasi-governmental agency and a regional municipality's transit authority) as well as a provincial ministry, which acts as a control case. By employing three cases within the same province and the same time-frame, many of the contextual factors that can confound a study of this sort have been held constant for the purpose of comparison.

Nuestro periodo de estudio muestra un clima surcado por crisis, paradojas y enfrentamientos, en un contexto en que germinan nuevos movimientos sociales. Se inicia con el primer golpe de Estado que quiebra el orden formal constitucional y provoca el derrumbe del proyecto liberal agroexportador junto con la restauración del conservadurismo de tintes nacionalistas. Estos vertiginosos cambios políticos y económicos son acompañados desde lo demográfico con la ruptura de diversas tendencias: se hace visible el descenso de la fecundidad, los saldos migratorios europeos se vuelven negativos, se profundiza la migración interna y se inauguran los casamientos entre cónyuges que pertenecen a la primera generación de argentinos. La elite política aristocratizante muestra, en lo poblacional, una visión tradicional del rol de la mujer y una mirada racista de los flujos migratorios. En este trabajo indagamos el papel del Estado como receptor de las ideas, demandas y presiones que le exponían diferentes sectores sociales. Nos preguntamos cuáles eran los "problemas" y cuáles las "soluciones" que planteaban al Estado los industriales, los militares, los obreros y los profesionales de la salud pública sobre las variables demográficas; qué políticas formuló el Estado en respuesta a estos reclamos, y cuáles eran sus relaciones y discursos en el marco de los intensos debates poblacionales del periodo. Nuestro análisis nos exhibe un Estado firmemente interpelado, colocado en el centro de las discusiones sociales y capaz de formular un intervencionismo cuyo principal destinatario serían los sectores populares. AbstractThe period of study reveals a climate of crises, paradoxes and confrontation, in a context that saw the origin of new social movements. This period began with the first coup d'état, which destroyed the formal constitutional order and led to the collapse of the liberal agro-export project, together with the restoration of nationalistic conservatism. In the demographic sphere, these dizzying political and economic changes were accompanied by the interruption of several trends: there was a visible decrease in fertility, European migra­tory rates became negative, internal migration increased and marriages began to occur between members of the first generation of Argentineans. In the population sphere, the patrician political elite displayed a traditional view of woman's role, together with a racist attitude towards migratory flows. This study explores the state's function as a receptor of the ideas, demands and pressures expressed by the various social sectors. The author examines the problems and solutions put to the state by industrialists, the military, workers, and public health professions regarding demographic variables, the formulas the state provided to meet these demands and their relations and discourses within the context of the intense debates on population at the time. The analysis reveals a state that was constantly questioned, located at the center of social discussions and capable of formulating a type of interventionism whose main target would be the popular sectors.

Antanas Maceina (1908–1987) – iškilus tarpukario Lietuvos ugdymo mokslo – tautinio auklėjimo teorijos, pedagoginio santykiavimo, švietimo ir mokyklų vaidmens lietuvių kultūroje, pedagoginio vitalizmo problemos, fenomenologinės pedagoginio akto analizės, visuotinės pedagogikos istorijos – atstovas, pagrindęs filosofijos ir pedagogikos santykį, teigęs realistinį idealizmą. Pirmasis VDU apgynęs pedagogikos daktaro disertaciją Tautinis auklėjimas (1934, vadovas – prof. Stasys Šalkauskis), A. Maceina parašė kapitalinį Pedagogikos istorijos veikalą (1939), kuriame svarsto tautinio auklėjimo ir atitautinimo problemas, aiškina lavinimo ir auklėjimo esmę, teigia ugdymo kūrybinį pobūdį ir mokyklų laisvę valstybėje. Straipsnio autorius, vertindamas įvairialypį A. Maceinos pedagoginį palikimą, koncentruoja dėmesį į tautinio auklėjimo teorijos reikšmingumą, švietimo ir mokyklų vaidmenį keliant lietuvių kultūrą, taip pat į fenomenologinę ugdymo, ypač pedagoginio akto, analizę. Iš akiračio neišleidžiama A. Maceinos pedagoginių pažiūrų raida, ugdymo interpretacijų kaita, ryškėjančio filosofo pastanga kurti universaliąją pedagogiką. Nors A. Maceinos palikimo leidėjai suskubo ugdymo teoriją pavadinti "pedagogikos filosofija", straipsnio autorius linkęs sugrąžinti autentiškesnį, paties pedagogikos veikalų autoriaus teiktą "filosofinės pedagogikos" įvardijimą ir analizuoti jos virsmą į ugdymo filosofiją. Pagrindiniai žodžiai: ugdymo filosofija, pietizmas pedagogikoje, tautinio auklėjimo ir atitautinimo teorija, švietimas ir mokykla valstybėje, kūrybinis ugdymo pobūdis.Philosophical Pedagogy of A. MaceinaJuozas Vytautas Uzdila
SummaryAntanas Maceina (1908–1987) is an outstanding representative of pedagogical education inbetween the two wars. He worked in the spheres of the theory of national education, pedagogical correlation, and the history of world pedagogy, analyzed the role of education and educational institutions in Lithuanian culture, the problem of pedagogical vitalism, and gave a phenomenological analysis of the pedagogical act. A. Maceina grounded the close connection between philosophy and pedagogy, asserted their integral synthesis and realistic idealism. At Vytautas Magnus University he was the first to maintain a doctoral dissertation in pedagogy "National Education" in 1934 (scientific research supervisor Prof. Stasys Šalkauskis). In 1939, A. Maceina wrote his great work "A History of Pedagogy" where, with his characteristic pietism, he considered the problems of national education and denationalization, elucidated the essence of education and training, asser ted the creative nature of fostering and the freedom of educational institutions in Lithuania. The article focuses on A. Maceina's diverse pedagogical heritage emphasizing the significance of his theory of national education, the role of school education in promoting Lithuanian culture, the phenomenological analysis of the pedagogical act, the development of his ideas of pedagogy, and his determined attempt to create world pedagogy. Although the publishers of A. Maceina's works labeled his theory of education as "philosophy of pedagogy", the author of the article is inclined to call back a more authentic term "philosophical pedagogy" given by A. Maceina himself and then to analize its transformation to educational philosophy.Keywords: philosophical pedagogy, educational philosophy, pietism in pedagogy, theory of national education and denationalization, school education in the state, pedagogical act, creative nature of education.

SUMMARY:
Sohpie Coeurié in her article reconstructs the "stolen memory" of French archives, i.e., the story of the documents that became Soviet and Nazi "loot" in the course of the WWII. Nazi archival extrusions as well as inter-war period regulations of archival policies and rules (national as well as international) provide context and comparative cases for the major case of the Soviet Union's dealing with French archival documents. In 1945, the Russian term "trophies," as applied to the conquered archives and other cultural products, had no equivalent in the language of the Soviet Union's war allies. As the article shows, this term indeed expressed the essence of Soviet archival policy in defeated Germany and in other European countries. On the one hand, the documents were needed to disclose Nazi crimes, and to this degree Russia went along with its war allies. Yet, on the other hand, the documents were viewed as a compensation for war loses, and as something that could be used strategically in ideological purposes.

Sohpie Coeurié explains that the logic behind the Soviet collection of "archival trophies" was not national – Soviet leaders did not support conscious projects whose aim was to assemble in the Soviet Union documents pertaining to Russian history and culture. Confiscations were governed by political and police pragmatism, and later by the logic of the Cold war. Therefore Coeurié suggests that the Soviet "managing of the past" assumed a more complicated form compared to Nazi Germany: the Soviet Union rejected nationalism in favor of the "empire of the revolution" ideal. Moscow became the center for historical archives of the world revolutionary movement (e.g., socialist, communist), and the "trophy archives" became a part of the "empire of the revolution" memory. Coeurié illustrates this statement by analyzing the history of the Central State Special Archive; principles of classification and usage of the "trophy archives" in the 1950s–1960s; implications of the rejection by Soviet archivists of the principle of respect toward a "collection's origin"; and the most frequently consulted French collections from the Special archive. While doing this, she notices the moment of nationalization of Soviet ideology and archival policy during the later Soviet period – the trend that became dominant in post-Perestroika Russia. To explain this trend, the author turns to Russian debates about restitution, and specifically to a complicated story of returning French archival "trophies" to France. Partial success of French efforts to get back their archives are explained in the article by the absence in Russian society of a consensus regarding the history of WWII and the nature of the Soviet period, as well as by the nationalization of Russian state ideology. The choice of documents to be restituted was based not on the fact of their French origin, but on their "French" character. Materials that were confiscated by the Soviet Army and officials at the end of the War but recognized by contemporary Russian archivists as a part of "Russian cultural heritage" remained in Russia.

Considerando o contexto dos anos 90, marcado pela precarização no mercado de trabalho brasileiro, o artigo examina, com base nos dados da Pesquisa de Emprego e Desemprego na Região Metropolitana de Porto Alegre (PED-RMPA), a evolução das formas de inserção ocupacional das mulheres no mercado de trabalho dessa Região metropolitana, analisando os impactos diferenciados sobre os gêneros. Os resultados evidenciam impactos diferenciados e contraditórios quanto às desigualdades de gênero, com situações geralmente desvantajosas para as mulheres. Assim, apesar de ter havido redução dos diferenciais entre os sexos, com o aumento da participação das mulheres no mercado de trabalho e nas inserções mais protegidas, e diminuição dos diferenciais de rendimentos, a precariedade ainda prevalece entre as mulheres, dado o aumento expressivo do desemprego, dos serviços domésticos e do assalariamento sem carteira. PALAVRAS-CHAVE: gênero e trabalho, trabalho e diferenciais de gênero, mercado de trabalho, precarização do trabalho. WORK AND PRECARIOUSNESS IN RMPA: differentiated evolution attenuates gender inequalities Considering the context of the nineties, marked by precariousness in the Brazilian labor market, the author examines, using data from the Pesquisa de Emprego e Desemprego na Região Metropolitana de Porto Alegre – PEDRMPA (Research of Employment and Unemployment in the Metropolitan Region of Porto Alegre – PED-RMPA), the evolution of occupational insertion of women in the labor market of this metropolitan region, analyzing the differentiated impacts on gender composition. Data show differentiated and contradictory impacts in the gender inequalities, with generally disadvantaged situations for women. Therefore, despite a differential reduction between genders, with an increase of women participation on the labor market and on the most protected insertions, and a decrease on income differentials, precariousness still prevails among women, considering the expressive increase of unemployment, of household services and precarious employment. KEY WORDS: gender and work, work and gender differentials, labor market, work precariousness. TRAVAIL ET PRECARISATION DANS LA RMPA: l'evolution diferenciee attenue les inegalites de genre Prenant en considération le contexte des années 90, marqué par la précarisation du marché du travail brésilien, cet article observe, à partir des données de la Recherche sur l'Emploi et le Chômage de la Région Métropolitaine de Porto Alegre (PED-RMPA), l'évolution des formules d'insertion occupationnelle des femmes, sur le marché du travail de cette région métropolitaine, et analyse les impacts différenciés sur les genres. Les résultats mettent en évidence les impacts différenciés et contradictoires concernant les inégalités de genre, avec des situations souvent désavantageuses pour les femmes. C'est ainsi que, malgré la diminution des différentiels entre sexes, étant donné l'augmentation de la participation des femmes sur le marché du travail et dans des insertions plus protégées, vu également la diminution des différentiels de revenus, la précarité domine encore parmi les femmes à cause de l'augmentation expressive du chômage, des travaux domestiques et du travail salarié sans contrat. MOTS-CLÉS: genre et travail, travail et différentiels de genre, marché du travail, précarité du travail. Publicação Online do Caderno CRH: http://www.cadernocrh.ufba.br

Straipsnyje analizuojami ir interpretuojami Platono dialoge "Faidonas" pateikti sielos nemirtingumo įrodymai. Platonas šiame dialoge siekia rekonstruoti sokratiškojo imperatyvo "Pasirūpink savo siela, kad ji taptų kuo geresnė" prielaidas. Kadangi rūpestis siela kasdieniame gyvenime nepasiteisina, tai tenka ieškoti atpildo už tą rūpestį garantijų anapus šio gyvenimo, o tai ir numato sielos nemirtingumo prielaidą. Dialoge išskiriami keturi sielos nemirtingumo įrodymai – dialektinis, gnoseologinis, ontologinis bei aksiologinis. Rekonstruojama kiekvieno jū loginė struktūra ir prielaidos, kurias tematizuojant antikos mąstymo kontekstu atskleidžiamos kiekvieno įrodymo tiesioginės ir netiesioginės intencijos. Nagrinėjama ir antikoje populiarus požiūris, kad siela yra kūno daliū harmonija. Nurodoma, kad Platonas šį požiūrį aptaria ne tiek dėl savų konceptualinių sumetimų, kiek atiduodamas duoklę tokios sampratos populiarumui antikoje. Tačiau bene daugiausia dėmesio straipsnyje skiriama aiškintis platoniškajai pažinimo sampratai. Parodoma, kad esminius pažinimo kaip atsiminimo sampratos ypatumus lemia graikiškojo mąstymo sinkretiškumas, savo ruožtu anonimizuojantis pažinimo subjektą. Straipsnis pradedamas ir baigiamas etiniais akcentais. Konstatuojama, kad Platono "Faidonas" yra bene pirmasis mėginimas teoriškai pagrįsti etinę žmogaus elgseną ir kad jame jau nurodyti tik gerokai vėliau I. Kanto suformuluoti praktinio proto postulatai.Reikšminiai žodžiai: pažinimas, atsiminimas, kasdienis mąstymas, etinis mąstymas, prasmė.

PHAIDON": STRUCTURE AND MEANING OF THE PROOFS OF IMMORTALITY OF SOULSkirmantas Jankauskas
Summary The paper deals with the proofs of immortality of soul in Plato's 'Phaidon'. It is demonstrated here that in the dialogue, Plato attempts to reconstruct theoretical premises of the Socratic imperative 'first and chiefly care about the greatest improvement of the soul'. The concern with the quality of soul has no warrants of reward in everyday life, therefore, it is necessary to search for such warrants beyond this life, which implies the prerequisite of the immortality of soul. Four proofs of the immortality of soul are distinguished in the dialogue: dialectical, gnoseological, ontological ant axiological. The logical structure and the premises of every proof are reconstructed. The premises are thematized in the context of Greek thinking, and in this way the direct and indirect intentions of every proof are revealed. The popular Antique concept of the soul as a harmony of the parts of body is analyzed as well. It is pointed out that Plato deals with the concept not because of his own conceptual preoccupations but just paying a debt to the popularity of this concept in the Antique world. However, the focus of the paper centers upon the Platonic concept of knowledge. The author maintains that the essential features of the concept of knowledge as anamnesis are predetermined by the sincretic character of the Greek thinking that in its turn anonimizes the subject of knowledge. The paper begins and ends with ethical accents. It is stated here that 'Phaidon' could be treated as the first attempt to produce a theoretical foundation of ethical behavior and that therein the postulates of practical reason, as formulated much more later by I. Kant, are already distinguished. Keywords: knowledge, anamnesis, everyday thinking, ethical thinking, sense.

Marc Blecher's magisterial text on China's political economy was first published in 1996. The tale of China's unfolding political economy after the 1949 Revolution has often been told, but Blecher did full justice to the subject, telling his story with aplomb, verve and no little eloquence. By focusing on politics and economics, he sensibly restricted the scope of his book, and by combining three narrative chapters with more analytical chapters on the state, inequality, as well as economics and politics, Blecher's reach extended well beyond that of any mere descriptive account.This book, the second edition, retains the essential structure of its predecessor, but updates the story to 2002. In addition, a significant body of new material has been included. For example, the Society chapter includes an up-to-date and apposite discussion of gender inequality, whilst that on political economy discusses the implications of WTO entry. And, in recognition of the increased blurring of the distinction between rural and urban China, the separate chapters on the rural and urban economics of the first edition have been amalgamated. A little more up-dating would have improved the text still further; for example, the chapter on pre-1949 China takes into account little by way of recent scholarship. That, however, is only a minor quibble.In its essentials, this is a textbook, and that is reflected in the balanced and judicious tone that permeates its pages. Nevertheless, Blecher's stands as a text apart. For one thing, it does proper justice to the complexities of Chinese political economy and (in a truly excellent discussion) its administrative system. Doubtless, some will complain that it is too sophisticated for its audience, but it is hard to condemn an author for refusing to pander to the mediocre. Secondly, this book is richly informed by Blecher's own research on the local Chinese state and economy, particularly that on Shulu county (Xinji city) in Hebei, conducted with Vivienne Shue. It is, therefore, the work of a practitioner, not an onlooker. Thirdly, and perhaps most importantly, it focuses on the fundamentals of development, class, inequality and growth, and in so doing avoids fashionable ephemera. In a sense, its flavour is rather traditional. For example, the term "social formation" is used without either apology or irony, and the 1949 Revolution retains its (rightful) place as the fundamental climacteric in 20th-century Chinese history. Not all will share Blecher's approach to these matters. However, it is hard to see how one can understand an explicitly Marxist state armed only with a knowledge of missionaries and modernization theory, or a messianic faith in the capability of the multinational to render harmonious a fractured social landscape. If we are to comprehend post-1949 China, we need to understand its political and economic structures, as well as the forces and ideals which animated its leaders. Marc Blecher's book is the place to start.

Climate change is now well recognized as a potentially significant factor in the human future, affecting ecological systems, agriculture, health, and settlement patterns. The scientific consensus, periodically assessed by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, foresees a long‐term atmospheric warming of a few degrees over a century. The accumulating knowledge of the world's climate history, however, suggests that any implied stability of trend may be illusory. The evidence comes from ice and seabed cores and tree rings, which can yield year‐by‐year information on atmospheric conditions and time‐series of mean temperatures extending back for millennia. These data show many episodes of a sudden rise or fall in temperature in particular regions, sometimes of 10°C or more in ten years, with the new mean lasting for decades or centuries. There is thus the likelihood—even the inevitability—of comparably large and abrupt changes occurring in coming years, a very different prospect from the "greenhouse warming" scenario projected by current large‐scale climate models. Moreover, the two phenomena may be connected: a continued slow temperature rise may at some point trigger an abrupt shift in climate regime through mechanisms such as the effect on ocean circulation. In 2002 a committee set up by the US National Research Council reviewed what is known about this subject in a report, Abrupt Climate Change: Inevitable Surprises (Washington, DC: National Academy Press). The Council is the operating arm of the US National Academy of Sciences; the Committee on Abrupt Climate Change comprised mostly oceanographers and climate experts and was chaired by Richard B. Alley, Professor of Geosciences, Pennsylvania State University, a glaciologist and author of The Two‐Mile Time Machine: Ice Cores, Abrupt Climate Change, and Our Future (Princeton, 2000).A recent spate of media attention to the subject has been occasioned less by the NRC report itself than by a dramatic scenario exercise derived from it, prepared under US Defense Department auspices, and by release of a disaster film with an instant‐ice‐age theme. The Pentagon study, An Abrupt Climate Change Scenario and Its Implications for United States National Security, authored by Peter Schwartz and Doug Randall, was issued in October 2003. It explores the hypothetical geopolitical consequences of a repetition in the near future of an event experienced 8,200 years ago (as recorded in an ice core from central Greenland): a sudden cooling of some 2–3° C, lasting for a century, punctuating climatic conditions broadly similar to those of the present day. In the scenario, the collapse of ocean heat‐conveying currents causes rapid cooling in the northern hemisphere and warming in the southern hemisphere. Outcomes include resource wars, large population movements, and "a significant drop in the human carrying capacity of the Earth's environment."In February 2004 the NRC reasserted the more measured voices of its committee by issuing a four‐page summary of the 2002 report, under the same title as the full document. This "report in brief" is reproduced below.

The author looks into Habermas' theory of deliberative democracy in the context of the present-day debates on the theory of morals & politics. The starting point of Habermas' theory is his idea of discourse ethics. This is cognitivist ethics in the tradition of Kant, Rawis, Tugendhat & Apel that is built around the concept of normative correctness analogous to the descriptive notion of truth. This idea is best expressed by Kant's categorical imperative, according to which the validity of norms depends on their generalizability. Habermas, in line with Kant, is aware of the impossibility to rationally found universalist ethics. Instead of the final (deductive) foundations he offers the reflexion about the assumptions of a meaningful discourse i.e. the argumentation rules that must be respected if language communication is to be meaningful. Habermas' outline of the theory of law in his book Between Facts and Norms (Faktizirat und Geltung) builds on this moral-theoretical position. In modern society the function of law is to facilitate social communication: law is the legitimate framework of social communication on which the actors can rely. Habermas considers the specific link between human rights & popular sovereignty as the source of legitimacy. Human rights & popular sovereignty mutually condition each other & at the same time there is tension between them. The absolutization of individual rights makes democracy impossible since decision-making is obstructed; absolutization of popular sovereignty leads to the tyranny of the majority & the loss of rights. Habermas thinks that law can be legitimized by communicational mediation between the individual rights & popular sovereignty, in line with the principle that the claim to validity can only be laid by those norms that are approved of by all potentially affected individuals as rational discourse participants. Popular sovereignty is consistently procedurally interpreted. On the one hand, it is practised by means of public discourses & on the other through decision-making processes within democratically structured political institutions. The two dimensions of legitimizing law are different yet complementary: public discourses take place in civil society, political decisions are made in democratic institutions of the state. This is also an outline of the specific position of Habermas' political theory of deliberative democracy. It is equally distant from the model of liberal democracy which emphasizes possessive individualism & the protection of citizens' private interests, & from the republican democratic model that emphasizes political participation of active citizens. The theory of deliberative democracy emphasizes the importance of civil society: It is a sort of a practical verification of discourse ethics. Civil society is a sphere of autonomous public communication that is complementary to state administration but cannot substitute it. Communication power is exercised in the "siege mode" i.e. multiple discourses of civil society should contribute to the rationality & legitimacy of the decisions made by the political system, but do not have to replace them nor expose them to populist pressures. 2 Figures, 16 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author looks into Habermas' theory of deliberative democracy in the context of the present-day debates on the theory of morals & politics. The starting point of Habermas' theory is his idea of discourse ethics. This is cognitivist ethics in the tradition of Kant, Rawis, Tugendhat & Apel that is built around the concept of normative correctness analogous to the descriptive notion of truth. This idea is best expressed by Kant's categorical imperative, according to which the validity of norms depends on their generalizability. Habermas, in line with Kant, is aware of the impossibility to rationally found universalist ethics. Instead of the final (deductive) foundations he offers the reflexion about the assumptions of a meaningful discourse i.e. the argumentation rules that must be respected if language communication is to be meaningful. Habermas' outline of the theory of law in his book Between Facts and Norms (Faktizirat und Geltung) builds on this moral-theoretical position. In modern society the function of law is to facilitate social communication: law is the legitimate framework of social communication on which the actors can rely. Habermas considers the specific link between human rights & popular sovereignty as the source of legitimacy. Human rights & popular sovereignty mutually condition each other & at the same time there is tension between them. The absolutization of individual rights makes democracy impossible since decision-making is obstructed; absolutization of popular sovereignty leads to the tyranny of the majority & the loss of rights. Habermas thinks that law can be legitimized by communicational mediation between the individual rights & popular sovereignty, in line with the principle that the claim to validity can only be laid by those norms that are approved of by all potentially affected individuals as rational discourse participants. Popular sovereignty is consistently procedurally interpreted. On the one hand, it is practised by means of public discourses & on the other through decision-making processes within democratically structured political institutions. The two dimensions of legitimizing law are different yet complementary: public discourses take place in civil society, political decisions are made in democratic institutions of the state. This is also an outline of the specific position of Habermas' political theory of deliberative democracy. It is equally distant from the model of liberal democracy which emphasizes possessive individualism & the protection of citizens' private interests, & from the republican democratic model that emphasizes political participation of active citizens. The theory of deliberative democracy emphasizes the importance of civil society: It is a sort of a practical verification of discourse ethics. Civil society is a sphere of autonomous public communication that is complementary to state administration but cannot substitute it. Communication power is exercised in the "siege mode" i.e. multiple discourses of civil society should contribute to the rationality & legitimacy of the decisions made by the political system, but do not have to replace them nor expose them to populist pressures. 2 Figures, 16 References. Adapted from the source document.

AbstractThis paper explores the basic responsibilities of those who "govern" any kind of organization, whether these be non‐profits, widely held or closely held firms, cooperatives, or voluntary agencies. It adopts a perspective that is largely philosophical and sociological rather than legal or economic, and explores the basic functions of governors in relation to their organizations. It begins its inquiry by contrasting managing and governing. It argues that the practice of governing consists fundamentally in the exercise of reflective and authoritative judgment. The paper then reflects on the basic character of organizations, using what the author refers to as a revised stakeholder model. It argues that organizations are constituted and reconstituted by their ongoing, negotiated, asset‐creating interactions with diverse constituencies. With this enlarged view of organizations as a frame of reference, the paper then spells out in order of importance the fundamental responsibilities of governors. These consist of overviewing their organizations to promote the good of their organizations as a whole, reviewing and authorizing organizational strategies, monitoring organizational performances, supervising chief administrators, as well as other tasks. In order to assume these responsibilities effectively, governing boards need to be constituted so that they can deliberate well. While recognizing merit in the view that regards governors primarily as agents of stakeholders with proprietary claims, the paper argues instead that boards should be constituted to represent the interests of their organizations as whole.RésuméCet article examine les responsabilités fondamentales de ceux qui "gouvernent" les différent types d'organisa‐tions, qu'elles soient organisations sans but lucratif, à capital privé ou cotées en bourse, coopératives, ou organisations volontaires. Il adopte une perspective essentiellement philosophique et sociologique plutôt que légate ou économique, et explore les fonctions fondamentales des gouverneurs par rapport à leurs organisations. II commence par une discussion sur la différence entre gestion et gouvernance. Nous proposons que la gouver‐nance est avant tout un exercice de réflexion et implique un jugement d'autorité. Ensuite, nous réfléchissons sur le caractère fondamental des organisations en utilisant ce que nous appelons un modèle réSvisé des parties prenantes ("stakeholders"). Notre argument est que les organisations sont constituées et reconstituées par les interactions permanentes et négociées entre différent groupes, et que ce sont ces interactions qui créent les ac‐tifs de l'organisation. Avec comme cadre de référence cette vue élargie de l'organisation, cet article énonce par ordre d'importance les responsabilités fondamentales des gouverneurs. Celles‐ci consistent à exercer une vue générate sur Vorganisation pour le bien de leur organisation dans son ensemble, de revoir et d'autoriser les stratégies organisationnelles, de suivre les performances organisationnelles, de superviser les responsables, ainsi que d'autres tâches. Les comités de gouvernance doivent être constitués de telle sorte qu 'ils assument leurs responsabilités et puissent bien délibérer. Tout en reconnaissant le mérite du modèle des gouverneurs comme agents des parties prenantes, cet article met en avant que les comités de gouvemance devraient représenter les intérêts des organisations dans leur ensemble.