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This paper focuses on the current position of political science in Italian universities. In doing so, it aims not only at providing a purely descriptive account, but also at evaluating the general status of political science in Italy. The analysis of the academic status of a subject helps us to understand what kind of general status it possesses within a country. The number of people teaching political science, the kind of institutions it is taught in, & exactly what is taught, all provide an understanding -- albeit not an exhaustive one -- of some of the essential conditions influencing the real status of political science in Italy. After a brief historical introduction, detailed figures are given regarding the number & distribution of political scientists in Italy's universities, & the courses currently offered in the field of political science are described & discussed. In the second part of the paper, the author gives his views on the current state of Italian political science, which he considers to be not dissimilar to that of other countries, & they subsequently invite the reader to reflect on the need for an increase in its social status. At the same time, some reflections are presented about the risk Italian political science could fall into without a more conscious collective strategy aimed at improving its own position & status in universities. Tables, References. Adapted from the source document.

The vast output of Carlo Cattaneo contains no works specifically on the theme of colonialism. Nevertheless, this author, who is often represented as the historian of the triumphant bourgeoisie, frequently makes observations on the relationship between Europe, at the height of its splendor & its capacity for expansion beyond the continent, & the peoples & civilizations of the non-European world. His essays on India & China are particularly illuminating in this respect. Cattaneo's analyses contain an original mixture of historical reconstruction, cultural comparison & armchair anthropology. One is continuously aware of his perception of the need to reconcile the process of universalization emanating from Europe with the specific practices & values found in other nations & other forms of state. Racialist perspectives are completely alien to Cattaneo's work, & this guarantees an attitude of respect, though without ruling out a realistic recognition of the superiority behind Europe's position of dominance. Moreover, Cattaneo was not in a position to take into account "real" colonialism: having died in 1869 -- the year of the opening of the Suez Canal & the purchase of the Assab Bay by an Italian company -- he was not able directly to witness the emerging experience of Italian colonialism. In this sense, the more direct point of reference for Cattaneo's work is British colonialism. Adapted from the source document.

The article deals with Jenny Griziotti Kretschmann, born in Wishni-Wolostchok (Russia) on 22 June 1884 in a middleclass family of German origin & died on 4 December 1980 in Pavia (Italy). In October 1905 she moved from Moscow to Lausanne in order to enroll at the Faculty of Social Sciences where she attended Vilfredo Pareto's courses in Economics. Here she met Benvenuto Griziotti, also in Lausanne for a postgraduate specializing course; in Pavia he would become one of the major Italian scholars in Finance. In 1908 she followed him to Rome where she enrolled at the Faculty of Law, & attended courses held by Antonio De Viti De Marco, Rodolfo Benini & Maffeo Pantaloni, who was carrying out innovative analysis on system dynamics factors. Under Pantaleoni's supervision, she got her full degree in December 1912. From 1930 until her retirement in 1954 she taught as a Lecturer in Economics at the University of Pavia (1930-1933), was assigned the course of Financial Law & Finance at the University of Parma (1935-1940) & of History of Economic Doctrines at the University of Pavia (1940-1954); since 1948 she was also assigned the course of Finance & Economic Policy. She never had the possibility to hold any academic chair; those who knew her acknowledged that her political creed & her status as an academic's wife did not favor her career at all. Some prevailing paths of interest can be discerned in her numerous articles, essays & monographs on issues in Economy & Economic Theory. Initially (1915-1929) she carried out pioneer systematic analysis of the peculiar features of Russian economy. Another area of interest of hers was the analysis of long-term price movements. A third research area she addressed included issues in economic & financial policies, & a fourth area of interest was the history of economic thought, in which regard her handbook is of primary importance; it is based on an interdisciplinary approach, as systems can be fully understood only if analyzed in the context of the social & ideological milieus in which they constitute & evolve in time. Part of her fecund activity is reflected in textbooks on economic policy & finance (1950-1954) & her commitment, also to the diffusion of economic thought, is testified by her transla-tions into Italian of works by Wagemann (1932), Wicks ell, von Mises & Hayek (1935) & the fifth Italian edition of Economics by P. Samuelson (1964). Partly inventoried biographical material & the collection of her writings are available in the Griziotti Family Archive in Pavia (Italy). The most significant recognition of her status has only recently been awarded by those few -- not Italian -- authors who came in contact with her scientific work. References. Adapted from the source document.

The paper analyzes the evolution of public opinion attitudes on transatlantic issues in United States & the European countries. The paper distinguishes two main periods in Transatlantic Relations & examines the evolution of foreign policy attitudes in these two periods. A first period, during the Cold War, was characterized by a foreign policy consensus on both sides of the Atlantic. In Europe, this consensus was based on the combination of Atlanticism & Europeanism. With different emphasis in the different countries the Atlantic & European choice were seen as crucial to insure the domestic political stability & the foreign policy security. While in Europe the Cold War consensus was first based on a Center-Right coalition & later on extended to the Left, as a consequence of the post-Stalinism & the increasing institutionalization of European integration. In the United States it combined the Liberal & Conservative wings. This consensus broke down as a consequence of the Vietnam war & the detente crisis in the '70s. In Europe, the main consequence was the fracturing of the Left-Right consensus on foreign policy. This double cleavage has been brought forth during the Post-Cold War period & it has manifested itself in its starker way after the 9/11 events & a more unilateralist American foreign policy. The author discusses the different structure of public opinion in Europe ad the United States might have played in the tense relationships between Europe & US during the Iraq war. 4 Tables, 39 References. Adapted from the source document.

Filippo Burzio was a unique representative of intellectual & cultural life in the first half of the Twentieth Century. Linked to Gobetti & the "liberal revolutionary" group from the days of his youth, he was an ideal pupil of Mosca & Pareto, & he always supported the need for the leadership -- the elite, the political class -- to contribute to the process of development. This he saw as indispensable in contemporary mass societies, which he termed "bee-hive & ant-hill static societies." Hence -- as the author argues in this essay -- the originality of Burzio's theory of the "demiurge" -- a figure who represents the exact opposite of Nietzsche's "superman," possessing a complex of personal talents (emotive & "magic" forms of rationality) that allow him to "plan" new forms of political & social orders (forms that contrast with the negative "materialist" experiences of the totalitarisms of Nazism & Stalinism) & to "guide" the masses without risk of demagogy or unfreedom. Within this perspective, particularly in the aftermath of the Second World War, Burzio developed a unique model of liberalism, which could be summed up by the formula "making each man a king." This model of liberalism aimed to bring together the liberties of classical liberalism & the principles of a democratic system, founded on the equality of all citizens & on popular sovereignty. Only in this way unlike in the case of the "prophets of crisis" who, like Spengler, foresaw the "decline of the West" -- Burzio held that it was possible to resolve the crisis (seen as a crisis of values rather than a crisis of institutions), in which so much of the West had found itself. Adapted from the source document.

Owing to globalization processes, the nation-state is facing the problem of re-examining its ability to create & maintain order through legislation & law enforcement, as well as its capacity to direct the economy in line with citizens' choices. The use of globalized economic & juridical patterns by private individuals is a great leap forward in economics & personal freedom, considering that the state is continuously loosing its monitoring & checking ability. At the same time, these individuals still live within the framework of the state & also acknowledge its power. Ironically, while trying to sidestep the state, the citizens still look to it to solve their everyday problems. The author investigates the reasons behind the crisis into which a specific model of state -- the Kelsenian & Keynesianan model -- has fallen in recent years. Nevertheless, the crisis of that model does not imply the loss of the possibility of managing the economy & globalization processes. The nation-state remains the most important producer of a great many services & its role in promoting advancements in knowledge & technological innovation is still a central one. One of the most important roles of the nation-state in the global era is that of removing the barriers to the global economy & pursuing the efficiency & innovation of its infrastructures & bureaucratic machinery. In the light of global changes, it is important to rethink the idea that the production of law & institutions can only be legitimated by ballots, or at least that voting always represents the best solution. Other kinds of legitimating processes should instead be considered by contemporary political theory -- for example, considering how people make their political choices like consumers in the free market. Adapted from the source document.

Constitutions "born of sufferings," like that of the Italian Republic, represent a unique case among the array of present day liberal democratic constitutions. On the occasion of the 60th anniversary of the Italian Constituent Assembly (elected on 2 June 1946), the author recalls the most significant phases in the discussion leading to the drawing up of the Constitution by means of which a virtuous compromise was reached between the various parties, despite the great political & ideological divisions of the time. This "constitutional patriotism" (which similarly emerged in the constitutive process in the United States in 1787) produced a Charter which the members (including those declaring themselves to be of a "secular" orientation) called "sacred." From the methodological point of view, this sacredness is expressed in a wise equilibrium between the principle of sovereignty and the principle of cohesion. It is wise to respect such an equilibrium, because it safeguards future generations against the terrible sufferings that gave rise in the first place to the republican form of the state & to the unifying values of the Constitution. The Constitution is certainly not immutable. It can & should be updated in accordance with new requirements of communal life. But -- as the American experience teaches us -- the best course is the prudent one of precise amendments (on which it is easiest to achieve a wide consensus reaching beyond the confines of a momentary majority). Grand constitutional reforms, n the other hand, run the risk of irreversibly altering the DNA of the Constitution & abandoning its function of guaranteeing the continuity & unity of the nation. Constitutional norms are updated by the Constitutional Court, whose jurisprudence gives daily voice to the Constitution. Adapted from the source document.

A review essay on books by (1) Andreas Auer & Michael Butzer (Eds), Direct Democracy: The Eastern and Central European Experience (Aldershot, UK: Ashgate, 2001); & (2) Alfonso di Giovine, Democrazia diretta e sistema politico ([Direct Democracy and the Political System] Padova: CEDAM, 2001). The author reviews two books on the referendum phenomenon, one on the experience in Central & Eastern European countries, & the other on the Italian experience. Auer & Butzer's edited collection offers essays written by scholars, constitutionalists, & political scientists, & has its origins in the conclusions of an international study congress held in Budapest in Feb 2000. The book is the result of intense study & research promoted by the Centre d'etudes et de documentation sur la democratie directe (c2d -- http://c2d.unige.ch) set up in 1993 in the Dept of Constitutional Law of the U of Geneva. The first part contains 12 contributions on referendum as such as well as on experiences in 12 Central & Eastern European countries, from the Baltic to the Balkans. The second part features 13 contributions commenting on a number of different institutional issues relating to normative theory & empirical analysis. Di Giovine, an Italian constitutionalist, presents a collection of articles on the Italian referendum experience. The Central-Eastern European & Italian experiences are different in many aspects, but they have two significant points in common: the importance of the role played by political parties, & the requirement of a quorum for the vote to be valid. Auer holds that "threshold requirements are a childhood disease of direct democracy" whereas Di Giovine believes that threshold requirements & abstentionism must be given due consideration in order to counteract referendum abuse. The reviewer's opinion is that the quorum ought to be disposed of.

The essay examines the historical and political events that led to the overcoming of the bitter clash between the Church and the State in Italy in the 2nd half of the 19th century mainly due to the occupation of Rome carried out by the Italian troops in 1870 and to the annexation of the town to Italy (the so called 'Roman Question'). The thesis of the author is that after the taking of Rome the Papacy and the Holy See immediately realized that coming back to the previous situation was nearly impossible. They could only hope to get a particular position of 'favour' for the Catholic Church in the economic and socio-legal field (Ecclesiastical authority, matrimony, school system) and guarantees of autonomy for the Pope and the Holy See. This purpose is reached in 1929 thanks to the Lateran Pacts which set up a new little State, whose sovereign is the Pope: the Vatican City. It has the main purpose of granting the independence of the Pope from the Italian State. In turn the fascist State obtained prestige and legitimation worldwide. The consequences of the Italian Concordat as regards the confessionalism of the State will be evident after the fall of the fascist dictatorship and the rule of the leaders of the Democrazia Cristiana after the 1st half of the 20th century. Afterwards great historical events, such as the Vatican Council and the student protest, will produce a favourable atmosphere for the reform and the revision of the Concordat. They will reach agreements upon the revision in 1984 of the Concordat in force. The scheme of the Concordat is also adopted in the relations with non Catholic Churches with which agreements in accordance with the article n. 8 of the Italian Constitution are stipulated. At the present time the system of agreements between the State and the Church is one of the main features of the Italian political and constitutional system even if for some religions, and in particular as regards Islam, the achievement of such agreements seem very difficult because of several complicated reasons. Adapted from the source document.

Through the critical & interpretative analysis of a wide group of essays & texts, which, especially during the last decade, have been dedicated to Europe & to the complex shaping & development of the European Union, the Author borrows an original image, suggested by Jose Ortega y Gasset since 1949 -- "Europe is like a swarm: lots of bees & one single flight" -- in order to point out how the unification is still a "work in progress," still open to different, or even alternative, solutions. As a matter of fact, someone -- like Jeremy Rikfin, for example -- privileges the role of the so-called "European dream," while someone, instead, blames with increasing concern "the eclipse of Europe," even identifying it as a "crisis & decadence of a civilization" phenomenon. But there is also someone who, even though worried for the incapacity, or impossibility, of present Europe to be a real "power" -- beside the five presently operating powers in the world: United States, China, Russia, India & Japan -- insists on the need, & urgency, to establish a "strong Europe," like Christian Saint-Etienne requires, as finally geared with a real federal-style supranational political system. Therefore, the issue is the re-launch of the brave project-program, which, already during the first part of the Forties in the XX century, had defined the Ernesto Rossi & Altiero Spinelli's "free & unite Europe manifesto" (better known as "Ventotene manifesto"), now recovered also by Guy Verhofstadt, just marking a "new Europe," doomed to form the "United States of Europe." Of course, the recent "widening," which required the transit from the Europe of 15 to the Europe of 25 & then of 27 (with even wider enlargement hypothesis, as requested, for example, by Turkey) presents again the eventuality -- or better still the opportunity, according to some thinkers -- of committing one selves to the "bedrock research" of Europe -- like Karl Lamers claims -- which means setting against the present, & frail, "intergovernmental Europe," the strategy of a "variable geometry" Europe, also indicated as a "two-speed" Europe. Adapted from the source document.