Suchergebnisse

In a response to Vladimir Vujcic's earlier review of the author's (2003) book, Politicka i medijska kultura u Hrvatskoj (Political and Media Culture in Croatia), which charged that the author had trod on research that Vujcic himself was preparing in his own recently published Politicka tolerancija (Political Tolerance), & also failed fully to account for a conclusion that intolerance of fascists, Yugoslavists, communists, & Ustashe in contemporary Croatia is not indicative of a culture of political intolerance. In response, the author points out that much of his research was carried out in 1992-1993, & that the author himself acknowledged the difficulty of adequately defining "tolerance." In conclusion Vujcic is accused of sophistry. A. Siegel

The author shows why Gray's modus vivendi tolerance has not been particularly effective in designing stable global governance. The essay is divided into two parts. The first part describes Gray's link between globalization & tolerance, & the second presents Barry's disproof of Hobbesian justice as mutual utility, & Barry's criticism of Locke's argument for tolerance. The author uses Barry's theoretical maneuvers to show why he does not find Gray's solution particularly convincing. Although he accepts Gray's idea of pluralism derived from incommensurability, the author is of the opinion that it does not exclude a possibility of a supracultural pursuit of a consensus on how the planet ought to be governed to the benefit of all. 4 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author looks into the studies Hrestomatija politologije 1962.-2002. (Chrestomathy of Political Science 1962-2002) & Fakultet politickih znanosti 1962.-2002. (The Faculty of Political Science 1962-2002) & contends that these are the first serious contributions to the history of Croatian political science. The history of this discipline in the last 20 years has turned into a new subdiscipline of political science. The author shows that -- especially during the 1960s -- the so-called political science of the "new community" prevailed, a fact overlooked in these studies. Besides, he analyzes the concept of progress in Croatian political science used by the authors of Chrestomathy & shows that they lack understanding of the general idea of progress in political science. The author thinks that the rationalist-progressivistic concept of progress should be conceptually replaced by a contextual concept of progress in political science. 39 References. Adapted from the source document.

Using Quentin Skinner's & John Pocock's methodological guidelines, the author argues that the topic of the text by Pavao Ritter Vitezovic, Ozivljena Hrvatska (The Revived Croatia) is identity. The text establishes ethnic identity &, at the same time, provides the "tools" for the future "constructors of the nation" in their creation of national identity. Because of this, the author suggests that Vitezovic, due to the subject he covered -- ie, identity -- should be considered as part of the Croatian political science tradition. 19 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author looks into the relationship between political parties & the public good. He begins by asking whether it is legally possible to compel parties to work for the public good. It seems it is not, since in democracy there are no criteria that might a priori be established as the binding norms. The public good, namely, depends on the fundamental constitutional solutions & the general political culture. In line with this, the author goes on to depict the model of the monarchical state. According to this model, the public interest may be derived "from above" ie, the public interest is a result of the emanations of the "exalted" state authority. In modern democracy, however, it is not possible to shape the general will without parties, organizations more committed to their own interests than those of their political community on the whole. In a way, parties represent a danger for this democracy & the entire political community. The author asks how, if at all, we can resolve this dilemma. Referring to Scheuner, Hesse, Emke, Habermas, & Haberle, the author finds the answer in the postulate that the promotion of the public interest cannot be left solely to the state, but that all members of a political community should get involved. Parties in the contemporary pluralist culture ought to become aware that their primary task is the public good that is not in the function of party life. 19 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author first gives a short account of those German scientific institutions that study the history of Eastern or Southeastern Europe, including the history of Croatia. Then he lists the leading researchers & outlines the fundamental tenets of two major works of German historiography on the national identities in Dalmatia. The focus is on the research method & the used "tools." The author thinks that an interdisciplinary approach should be designed in historiographic, political science, & sociological research of the process of the formation of the Croatian national identity but also of other national identities & other modernization processes in Dalmatia. 4 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author analyzes the future prospects of diplomatic service in the era of globalization. In his analysis, he draws from the German experience & the book Wem dient der auswartige Dienst? The author claims that foreign policy is determined by economic issues so it is pointless to separate the security/political & the economic/political aspects & competences of a government. The same applies to diplomatic corps: they cannot be exempted from economic tasks. Heads of diplomatic offices today have to be partners regarding economic topics when discussing politics & economy of the host country. Concerning the role of nongovernmental organizations, the author thinks that they cannot replace the state & its civil servants. For communicating with them, foreign service needs "generalists" more than "specialists." The key value of the future foreign service includes an overall review of the bilateral relations with the host country; this envisages that diplomats are to retain their central role in the networking of various actors & areas. Besides the legal/consular, economic, cultural & security/political tasks, diplomatic offices regularly maintain contacts & cooperate with the host country in specialized fields such as defense, science, social issues, & agriculture. 16 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author criticizes the universalism of democracy as a world model. He argues that WWI has been insufficiently explored from the perspective of the clash of two democratic concepts. The outcome of that war heralded the long-term victory of the Franco-American universalist concept of democracy over the traditional British concept of democracy. This has greatly influenced the political & philosophical understanding of democracy as the universalist elements of democratic constitutions have prevailed, while awareness of the historically evolved institutions of democracy has been suppressed. The author shows that the emergence of fundamental rights had nothing to do with their universalist natural-law version, since in England & Germany, there were pre-forms rooted in the specific legal traditions of those countries or regions. Since the creation of a world democratic state is not feasible, there is no genuine significance of the universalist democracy. In his conclusion, the author promotes the acceptance of the traditional concept of democracy modeled after British democracy, which would strengthen the UN & international law. This would be particularly important in today's circumstances & conducive to the acknowledgment of various traditions &, consequently, to a variety of systems of government. Adapted from the source document.

The author looks into the post-September 11 (2001) Chinese foreign policy. It has had three areas of special importance. The top priority is China's relationship with the US. The second important area of foreign policy is its relationships with the neighboring countries, & the third concerns China's cooperation & solidarity with the developing countries. The author is of the opinion that the Chinese foreign policy has entered its mature stage; ie, it is relatively predictable. The relationships between China & Croatia have been traditionally good & partly inherited from the former SFRY. These relationships are going to evolve in accordance with the degree of Croatia's integration into the EU or with EU's policy regarding China. 3 References. Adapted from the source document.

The source of the four centuries of controversies surrounding Althusius's Politics is not the work itself but its interpretations. The author argues that Althusius's political teaching is not controversial; further, its methodical nature is highly conducive to a theoretical debate about the political/theoretical & cultural tradition of thought in general. The author first identifies the fundamental concepts of Althusius's political thought, & the logic of his exposition in Politics. He shows that Althusius's work is a systematic -- methodically presented -- study of politics, defined as a way in which people unite to have a good life by means of the communicatio of things, services & rights. Consequently, political science deals with the real or ideal ways of this association & its results. Althusius was the first author who explicitly said that only a people as a whole may be sovereign. He also created a theoretical concept of popular sovereignty. That part of his teaching is Althusius's greatest & largely undisputed contribution to political thought. In the second part, the debate about the interpretation of the "controversial" fundamental tenets of Althusius's teaching is reviewed, the tenets that refer to the essence of human community & the character of its political organization. The author concludes that Althusius's work is a type of junction of the then "defeated," but today increasingly popular, ideas: communitarianism (vs individualism) & social solidarity (vs the one-sided maximalization of individual benefit), a kind of matrix-type structure of the social system (vs political-pyramidal), ie, the autonomy of its parts (vs the monolith centralist-state system). In the dawn of a new era, the elements of those traditions that were soon to be (temporarily) defeated, were systematically depicted in Althusius's epochal opus, whose internal potential is increasingly recognized as one of the most relevant provenances of modern political thought. 25 References. Adapted from the source document.

Starting from the research results indicating weakening of the ties between political parties & citizens in West European democracies, the author poses the question of what has been happening with the party functions of the democratic legitimation of polities. By juxtaposing two interpretations -- one about the "mutual murder" of political parties & democracy, & the other about the weakening of political parties as a "modernizing" process that does not jeopardize democratic polities -- the author examines the possibility of testing these hypotheses on the case of Croatia as a new democracy. The analysis -- bearing in mind that all the conclusions based on the "traveling explanations" are of dubious value -- shows that Croatia is, tentatively speaking, nearer to the "modernizing" interpretation. Namely, there is not enough evidence that political parties as institutions are crucial for the growth of public support to a democratic polity. The role of parties as actors, ie, in the sense of political elites with a recognizable attitude toward democracy, is much more important in that respect. The author warns that the withering of the direct legitimizing role of political parties in new democracies does not necessarily imply a decreased importance of other functions of political parties in maintaining the democratic process. 3 Tables, 2 Figures, 34 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author analyzes the position of journalists at the time of elections. It turns out that they are subject to pressures by politicians, who try to use the media for their promotion. Electoral reporting is extremely & precisely regulated; it would be hard to find some other field of journalism with such clearly elaborated recommendations & rules. Nevertheless, journalists are exposed to various methods of manipulation & pressures. Legal provisions are necessary, but it is also vital to understand the laws of the journalistic profession & the media. Also important is advertising or hidden advertising. The author concludes that reporting about elections could be professionalized primarily by decreasing the influence of political parties on the media, strengthening the institutions of civil society, & permanently educating journalists. 15 References. Adapted from the source document.

In a reply to Vujevic's response to his earlier review of the latter's FTRPoliticka i medijska kultura u HrvatskojR ([Political and Media Culture in Croatia] 3PLMS 2003 1), the author points out the polemical nature of invoking fascism, communism, etc, to make rhetorical points; also notes that Vujevic fails to grasp his own nuanced thought, & that he also fails to distinguish between tolerance as a virtue of the civil society & tolerating in the sense of tacitly accepting the odious. The author takes issue with Vujevic's definition of tolerance as embracing difference rather than supporting it, & also asserts his claim that Vujevic does not analyze his own data correctly, claiming that a 38% sector of the population in favor of legally protecting political parties of various ideological stripes is a majority. 1 Table. A. Siegel

The author deals with the problem of adjustment to the Bologna process, using the philosophical-political distinctions between open & guided intertraditional exchange, & between utopian & piecemeal social engineering. In his opinion, the process might be perceived as a sort of cultural imperialism that need not be disastrous for its victims. The reform should create the conditions for the organization of serious multidisciplinary studies at the university level (European studies, American studies, gender studies, peace studies, etc). Should changes at the U of Zagreb be implemented systematically, though prudently, the results could be positive. However, the author warns that the role of tradition should not be underestimated nor the possibility of serious quandaries in the implementation of the reform of higher education excluded, even if the changes are introduced gradually. 4 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author analyzes the direction that the European Union has taken after the Nice conference. In order to create an appropriate & transparent competency system for the European Union, the priority on today's agenda are the models borrowed from the constitutions of different federal states. The first model is the so-called dual federalism that evolved in the US. This model aspires to strictly separate the European competency & the member countries' competency. The second option has been provided by the German Fundamental Law (Constitution). According to this model, the European Union would be accorded competences in line with the systematics of the exclusive, competitive & comprehensive legislation. The author is of the opinion that this would lead to a sort of formal transparency but would not completely prevent the overlapping of the competences of the Union, its member countries & other territorial units. A special focus is given to the transparency & efficacy of the reform process. Also, it is emphasized that a coherent coordination of the horizontal & vertical reform of the competency system is called for. Regarding democracy, the author thinks there is no need for a new model of democracy, but a systematic revision of the existing system of decision making in the European Union. Besides, a genuine democratization would not set its sights solely on reforming institutional regulation, but also on strengthening the mediation bodies. This would improve the relations between the public & the parliaments of the nation-states & the federal units concerning European issues. This would go hand in hand with an expansion of European party organizations & a more efficient "Europeanization" of central associations & institutions for interest-promotion. And finally, the author looks into the traditional boundaries between the private & the public. The public sector would take over from private economy some established procedures or would completely hand over certain tasks. This would require well-defined criteria. Also, an efficient control by parliaments & government bodies is necessary as a guarantee of innovation & cost-effectiveness & as a protection against abuse. This might help to turn Europe into a place of unity & cooperative behavior. Adapted from the source document.