Suchergebnisse

The study aims to critically analyze the EU's political identity and how the migrant crisis embodies the most challenging political issue facing the E.U., implicating growing xenophobia and questioning European multiculturalism. Moreover, the author provides insight into the migrant crisis's socio-political and security challenges, followed by ethnographic research of the migrant's religious identity within the Balkan route. Migrations are a central issue for Europe's future, security, and identity. The EU's cultural integrity remains unclear, and the migrant crisis opens up a multiculturalism discourse. The nation-state model has undergone significant globalized world changes, becoming less sustainable and less critical for cultural, political, and economic processes. Due to the growing economic insecurity and the fear of losing national identities in an environment of globalized culture, some have perceived multiculturalism as a threat. The humanitarian and security discourse reflects the micro-level of the situation on the ground and the mass media's macro levels and political action. Acceptance of ethnoreligious or political diversity does not relieve immigrants of the duty to recognize all the rules necessary to conduct productive coexistence. Migrants' participation in socio-economic and political systems means realizing the preconditions for the beginning of cultural integration. The crisis triggered an avalanche of anti-Islam sentiments that became a reference matrix for radical populism. The sense of identification with the housing society-Bosniaks, where Islamic regulations on the matrix are legitimized by recognizing a universal theological pattern, is a symbolic moment and a participative approach to understanding both religion and integration. Constructing immigrants as a group, whether they are migrants, refugees, or asylum seekers, tends to encourage the perception that "their "interests, values, and traditions are competing with "ours, "stimulating negative emotions in the form of prejudice. ; El estudio analiza críticamente la identidad política de la U.E. y cómo la crisis migratoria encarna el problema político más desafiante que enfrenta la U.E., implicando una creciente xenofobia y cuestionando el multiculturalismo Europeo. Además, el autor ofrece información sobre los desafíos sociopolíticos y de seguridad de la crisis migratoria, seguido de una investigación etnográfica de la identidad religiosa del migrante dentro de la ruta de los Balcanes. Las migraciones son un tema central para el futuro, la seguridad y la identidad de Europa. La integridad cultural de la UE sigue sin estar clara y la crisis de los inmigrantes abre un discurso de multiculturalismo. El modelo de Estado-nación ha experimentado importantes cambios mundiales globalizados, volviéndose menos sostenible y menos crítico para los procesos culturales, políticos y económicos. Debido a la creciente inseguridad económica y al miedo a perder las identidades nacionales en un entorno de cultura globalizada, algunos han percibido el multiculturalismo como siendo una amenaza. El discurso humanitario y de seguridad refleja el nivel micro de la situación sobre el terreno y los niveles macro y la acción política de los medios de comunicación. La aceptación de la diversidad étnico-religiosa o política no exime a los inmigrantes del deber de reconocer todas las reglas necesarias para llevar a cabo una convivencia productiva. La participación de los migrantes en los sistemas socio-económicos y políticos significa conocer las condiciones previas para el comienzo de la integración cultural. La crisis desencadenó una avalancha de sentimientos antiislámicos que se convirtió en una matriz de referencia para el populismo radical. El sentido de identificación con la sociedad de la vivienda-Bosnias, donde las regulaciones islámicas en la matriz se legitiman al reconocer un patrón teológico universal, es un momento simbólico y un enfoque participativo para entender tanto la religión como la integración. Construir a los inmigrantes como un grupo, ya sean migrantes, refugiados o solicitantes de asilo, tiende a fomentar la percepción de que "sus" intereses, valores y tradiciones compiten con "los nuestros", estimulando emociones negativas en forma de prejuicio. ; O estudo analisa criticamente a identidade política da U.E. e, como a crise dos migrantes incorpora a questão política mais desafiadora que a U.E. enfrenta, implicando uma xenofobia crescente e questionando o multiculturalismo Europeu. Além disso, o autor fornece uma visão sobre os desafios sociopolíticos e de segurança da crise dos migrantes, seguido por uma pesquisa etnográfica da identidade religiosa do migrante dentro da rota dos Balcãs. As migrações são uma questão central para o futuro, a segurança e a identidade da Europa. A integridade cultural da U.E. permanece obscura e a crise dos migrantes abre um discurso multicultural. O modelo de Estado-nação passou por significativas mudanças mundiais globalizadas, tornando-se menos sustentável e menos crítico para os processos culturais, políticos e econômicos. Devido à crescente insegurança econômica e, ao medo de perder identidades nacionais em um ambiente de cultura globalizada, alguns perceberam o multiculturalismo como sendo uma ameaça. O discurso humanitário e de segurança reflete o nível micro da situação no terreno e os macro níveis e, ação política dos meios de comunicação. A aceitação da diversidade etno-religiosa ou política não exime os imigrantes do dever de reconhecer todas as regras necessárias para conduzir uma convivência produtiva. A participação dos migrantes nos sistemas socioeconômicos e políticos significa a realização das pré-condições para o início da integração cultural. A crise desencadeou uma avalanche de sentimentos anti-islâmicos que se tornaram uma matriz de referência para o populismo radical. O sentido de identificação com a sociedade habitacional-Bósnias, nas quais os regulamentos islâmicos na matriz são legitimados pelo reconhecimento de um padrão teológico universal, é um momento simbólico e, uma abordagem participativa para compreender a religião e a integração. A construção dos imigrantes como um grupo, sejam eles migrantes, refugiados ou requerentes de asilo, tende a estimular a percepção de que "seus" interesses, valores e tradições competem com os "nossos", estimulando emoções negativas na forma de preconceito.

The article investigates the processes of the powerful financial industrial groups emerging in the Donbass region throughout the 1990-ies. It is stated that Donbass regional significance drastically raised with Ukraine's gaining independence due to fuel resources concentrated in the region and critically important for state fuel and energy supplies. The research specifically focuses upon the miner unions movement, its role in gaining Ukraine's independence, its further evolution and impact it had upon the regional elite formation. The first Donetsk elite's representative to ever acquire a top position in Kyiv was Yuhym Zviahilskiy, the Zasiadko mine's former director. What boosted his rapid promotion was his cooperation with the Ukraine's President Leonid Kuchma seeking allies for his fight with the Dniepropetrovsk clan. The whole variety of the turn-of-the-century financial industrial groups is arguably divided into the following categories: 1) source-based groups (emerging mostly around coal mining and ore extraction industries typical for the Donbass region); 2) defense industry-based groups with former Komsomol and Party leaders in charge; 3) groups based on legal and secretive agencies (mostly known for Victor Medvedchuk and Surkis brothers' activities); 4) Pavlo Lazarenko's proto-agrarian clan. The establishment of System Capital Management, Donbass Industrial Union, Altcom corporations is described with direct reference to Rinat Akhmetov, Serhii Taruta, Vitalii Haiduk, Borys Kolesnikov's roles in this process. The genesis of the groups under consideration is specified through their key industrial assets, affiliated banks, legal status, transregional and international expansion. The "old elite" (mostly related to the criminal syndicates) to the "new elite" (based on income legalization through financial industrial groups and international business) generational shift is explored. Three basic stages of Donetsk clan establishment have been identified: 1) the "mafiosi wars" of the first half of the 1990-ies; 2) consolidation and driving the "old guards" out of regional political and economic field (1995 - 1999); 3) the ultimate establishment of financial industrial groups pursuing their own economical and political interests (early 2000-ies). The author argues that continuous fights between the regional mafiosi groups searching for a common spokesman was one of the reasons for "the Donetsk gang's" belated engagement into struggle for political influence and Ukraine's finance and economic markets reallocation. ; Раскрываются процессы формирования мощных финансовых и индустриальных объединений на территории Донбасса в течение 1990-х гг. Исследована роль шахтерского движения в обретении независимости Украины, его дальнейшая эволюция и влияние на формирование региональных элит. Отмечено, что после провозглашения Украиной независимости статус Донбасса вырос, в том числе из-за концентрации в регионе топливных ресурсов, необходимых для обеспечения государства топливно-энергетическими ресурсами. Первым представителем донецких элит, получивших высокую должность в Киеве, стал Ефим Звягильский, бывший директор шахты имени Засядько. Ключевым моментом его роста стало сотрудничество с Президентом Украины Леонидом Кравчуком, который искал союзников для борьбы с днепропетровским кланом. Обоснована авторская классификация финансово-промышленных групп в Украине 1990-2000-х гг .: 1) сырьевые (построенные вокруг добычи угля и руды, характерные для Донбасса) 2) комсомольско-партийные на основе ВПК; 3) юридически спецслужбистская группа (ее самыми известными представителями стали Виктор Медведчук и братья Суркисы) 4) протоаграрный клан Павла Лазаренко. Описано становление корпораций «Систем Кэпитал Менеджмент», «Индустриальный союз Донбасса», «Альтком» и роль Рината Ахметова, Сергея Таруты, Виталия Гайдука, Бориса Колесникова и других влиятельных лиц из Донбасса. Раскрыты особенности возникновения этих групп: ключевые производственные активы, банковские учреждения, юридический статус, экспансия в другие регионы и за границу. Охарактеризован переход от «старой» генерации донецких элит, тесно связанной с криминальными кругами, к «новой», основанной на легализации полученных состояний в виде финансово-промышленных групп и международного бизнеса. Выделены три основных стадии формирования донецкого клана: 1)«мафиозные войны» (первая половина 1990-х гг.) 2) консолидация и вытеснение «старой гвардии» с политического и экономического поля региона (1995-1999 гг.) 3) окончательное оформление ФПГ с собственными экономическими и политическими интересами (начало 2000-х гг.). Доказано, что одной из причин запоздалого включения «донецких» в борьбу за перераспределение финансово-экономических рынков и политической власти в Украине была долговременная борьба среди мафиозных групп региона и поиски выразителя интересов. ; Розкриваються процеси формування потужних фінансових та індустріальних об'єднань на території Донбасу протягом 1990-х рр. Досліджено роль шахтарського руху у здобутті незалежності України, його подальша еволюція та вплив на формування регіональних еліт. Відзначено, що після проголошення Україною незалежності статус Донбасу виріс, в тому числі через концентрацію в цьому регіоні паливних ресурсів, необхідних для забезпечення держави паливно-енергетичними ресурсами. Першим представ-ником донецьких еліт, що отримав високу посаду в Києві, став Юхим Звягільський, колишній директор шахти імені Засядька. Ключовим моментом його зростання стала співпраця з Президентом України Лео-нідом Кравчуком, який шукав союзників для боротьби з дніпропетровським кланом. Обґрунтовано ав-торську класифікацію фінансово-промислових груп в Україні 1990-2000-х рр.: 1) сировинні (побудовані навколо видобутку вугілля та руди, характерні для Донбасу); 2) комсомольсько-партійні на основі ВПК; 3) юридично-спецслужбівська група (найвідомішими представниками стали Віктор Медведчук та брати Суркіси); 4) протоаграрний клан Павла Лазаренка. Описано становлення корпорацій «Систем Кепітал Ме-неджмент», «Індустріальний союз Донбасу», «Альтком» та роль Ріната Ахметова, Сергія Тарути, Віталія Гайдука, Бориса Колеснікова та інших впливових осіб з Донбасу. Розкрито особливості виникнення цих груп: ключові виробничі активи, банківські установи, юридичний статус, експансія в інші регіони та за кордон. Охарактеризовано перехід від «старої» генерації донецьких еліт, тісно пов'язаної з кримінальними колами, до «нової», заснованої на легалізації отриманих статків у вигляді фінансово-промислових груп та міжнародного бізнесу. Виокремлено три головні стадії формування донецького клану: 1) «мафіозні війни» (перша половина 1990-х рр.); 2) консолідація і витіснення «старої гвардії» із політичного та економічного поля регіону (1995-1999 рр.); 3) остаточне оформлення ФПГ із власними економічними і політичними інтересами (початок 2000-х рр.). Доведено, що однією з причин запізнілого включення «донеччан» у боротьбу за перерозподіл фінансово-економічних ринків та політичної влади в України була довготривала боротьба серед мафіозних груп регіону і пошуки виразника інтересів.

Full author list: A J Shajib, S Birrer, T Treu, A Agnello, E J Buckley-Geer, J H H Chan, L Christensen, C Lemon, H Lin, M Millon, J Poh, C E Rusu, D Sluse, C Spiniello, G C-F Chen, T Collett, F Courbin, C D Fassnacht, J Frieman, A Galan, D Gilman, A More, T Anguita, M W Auger, V Bonvin, R McMahon, G Meylan, K C Wong, T M C Abbott, J Annis, S Avila, K Bechtol, D Brooks, D Brout, D L Burke, A Carnero Rosell, M Carrasco Kind, J Carretero, F J Castander, M Costanzi, L N da Costa, J De Vicente, S Desai, J P Dietrich, P Doel, A Drlica-Wagner, A E Evrard, D A Finley, B Flaugher, P Fosalba, J García-Bellido, D W Gerdes, D Gruen, R A Gruendl, J Gschwend, G Gutierrez, D L Hollowood, K Honscheid, D Huterer, D J James, T Jeltema, E Krause, N Kuropatkin, T S Li, M Lima, N MacCrann, M A G Maia, J L Marshall, P Melchior, R Miquel, R L C Ogando, A Palmese, F Paz-Chinchón, A A Plazas, A K Romer, A Roodman, M Sako, E Sanchez, B Santiago, V Scarpine, M Schubnell, D Scolnic, S Serrano, I Sevilla-Noarbe, M Smith, M Soares-Santos, E Suchyta, G Tarle, D Thomas, A R Walker, Y Zhang ; We present a blind time-delay cosmographic analysis for the lens system DES J0408-5354. This system is extraordinary for the presence of two sets of multiple images at different redshifts, which provide the opportunity to obtain more information at the cost of increased modelling complexity with respect to previously analysed systems. We perform detailed modelling of the mass distribution for this lens system using three band Hubble Space Telescope imaging. We combine the measured time delays, line-of-sight central velocity dispersion of the deflector, and statistically constrained external convergence with our lens models to estimate two cosmological distances. We measure the 'effective' time-delay distance corresponding to the redshifts of the deflector and the lensed quasar DΔ t eff=3382-115+146 Mpc and the angular diameter distance to the deflector Dd = 1711-280+376 Mpc, with covariance between the two distances. From these constraints on the cosmological distances, we infer the Hubble constant H0= 74.2-3.0+2.7 km s-1 Mpc-1 assuming a flat ΛCDM cosmology and a uniform prior for ωm as \Omega m ∼ \mathcal {U(0.05, 0.5). This measurement gives the most precise constraint on H0 to date from a single lens. Our measurement is consistent with that obtained from the previous sample of six lenses analysed by the H0 Lenses in COSMOGRAIL's Wellspring (H0LiCOW) collaboration. It is also consistent with measurements of H0 based on the local distance ladder, reinforcing the tension with the inference from early Universe probes, for example, with 2.2σ discrepancy from the cosmic microwave background measurement. ; TT acknowledges support by the Packard Foundation through a Packard Research fellowship and by the National Science Foundation through NSF grants AST-1714953 and AST-1906976. This project is partly funded by the Danish council for independent research under the project 'Fundamentals of Dark Matter Structures', DFF - 6108-00470. AA was supported by a grant from VILLUM FONDEN (project number 16599). JHHC, MM, CL, DS, FC, and AG acknowledge support from the Swiss National Science Foundation (SNSF) and by the European Research Council (ERC) under the European Union's Horizon 2020 research and innovation program (COSMICLENS: grant agreement No 787866). CS has received funding from the European Union's Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under the Marie Skłodowska-Curie actions grant agreement No 664931. GCFC acknowledges support from the Ministry of Education in Taiwan via Government Scholarship to Study Abroad (GSSA). CDF and GCFC acknowledge support for this work from the National Science Foundation under Grant No AST-1715611. TA acknowledges support from Proyecto FONDECYT N○ 1190335. KCW was supported by World Premier International Research Center Initiative (WPI Initiative), MEXT, Japan. This work used computational and storage services associated with the Hoffman2 Shared Cluster provided by UCLA Institute for Digital Research and Education's Research Technology Group. This work used the Extreme Science and Engineering Discovery Environment (XSEDE) through allocation TG-AST190038, which is supported by National Science Foundation grant number ACI-1548562 (Towns et al. 2014). Specifically, this work used the Comet and Oasis system at the San Diego Supercomputer Center (SDSC), and the Bridges system, which is supported by NSF award number ACI-1445606, at the Pittsburgh Supercomputing Center (PSC, Nystrom et al. 2015). AJS thanks Smadar Naoz for providing access to additional computing nodes on the Hoffman2 Shared Cluster and Khalid Jawed for assisting with additional computational resources from the Structures–Computer Interaction Laboratory at UCLA. The DES data management system is supported by the National Science Foundation under Grant Numbers AST-1138766 and AST-1536171. The DES participants from Spanish institutions are partially supported by MINECO under grants AYA2015-71825, ESP2015-66861, FPA2015-68048, SEV-2016-0588, SEV-2016-0597, and MDM-2015-0509, some of which include ERDF funds from the European Union. IFAE is partially funded by the CERCA program of the Generalitat de Catalunya. Research leading to these results has received funding from the European Research Council under the European Union's Seventh Framework Program (FP7/2007-2013) including ERC grant agreements 240672, 291329, and 306478. We acknowledge support from the Australian Research Council Centre of Excellence for All-sky Astrophysics (CAASTRO), through project number CE110001020, and the Brazilian Instituto Nacional de Ciência e Tecnologia (INCT) e-Universe (CNPq grant 465376/2014-2).

The research activity carried out during the three years of the PhD course attended, at the Engineering Department of the University of Palermo, was aimed at the identification of an alternative predictive model able to solve the traditional building thermal balance in a simple but reliable way, speeding up any first phase of energy planning. Nowadays, worldwide directives aimed at reducing energy consumptions and environmental impacts have focused the attention of the scientific community on improving energy efficiency in the building sector. The reduction of energy consumption and CO2 emissions for heating and cooling needs of buildings is an important challenge for the European Union, because the buildings sector contributes up to 36% of the global CO2 emissions [1] and up to 40% of total primary energy consumptions [2]. Despite the ambitious goals set by the Energy Performance of Buildings Directive (EPBD) at the European level [1], which states that, by 2020, all new buildings and existing buildings undergoing major refurbishments will have to be Nearly Zero Energy Buildings (NZEB) [3,4], the critical challenge remains the improvement of the efficiency when upgrading the existing building stock to standards of the NZEB level [5]. The improvement of the energy efficiency of buildings and their operational energy usage should be estimated early in the design phase to guarantee a reduction in energy consumption, so buildings can be as sustainable as possible [6]. While a newly constructed NZEB can employ the "state of the art" of available efficient technologies and design practices, the optimization of existing buildings requires better efforts [7]. One way or the other, the identification of the best energy retrofit actions or the choice of a better technological solution to plan a building is not so simple. It has become one of the main objectives of several research studies, which require deep knowledge in the field of the building energy balance. The building thermal balance includes all sources and sinks of energy, as well as all energy that flows through its envelope. More in detail, the energy demand in buildings depends on the combination of several parameters, such as climate, envelope features, occupant behaviour and intended use. Indeed, the assessment of building energy performance requires substantial input data describing structures, environmental conditions [8], thermo-physical properties of the envelope, geometry, control strategies, and several other parameters. From the first design phases designers and researchers, which are trying to respect the prescriptions of the EPBD directive and to simultaneously ensure the thermal comfort of the occupants, must optimize all possible aspects that represent the key points in the building energy balance. As will be shown in Chapter A, the literature offers highly numerous complex and simplified resolution approaches [9]. Some are based on knowledge of the building thermal balance and on the resolution of physical equations; others are based on cumulated building data and on implementations of forecast models developed by machine-learning techniques [10]. Several numerical approaches are most widespread; these have undergone testing and implementing in specialised software tools such as DOE-2 [11], Energy Plus [12], TRNSYS [13] and ESP-r [14]. Such building modelling software can be employed in several ways on different scales; they can be simplified [15,16] or detailed comprehensively by different methods and numerical approaches [17]. Nevertheless, they are often characterised by a lack of a common language, which constitutes an obstacle for making a suitable choice. It is often more convenient to accelerate the building thermal needs evaluation and use the simplified methods and models. For example, a steady state approach for the evaluation of thermal loads is characterised by a good level of accuracy and low computational costs. However, its main limitation is that some phenomenon, such as the thermal inertia of the building envelope/structure, may be completely neglected. On the other hand, the choice of a more complex solution, such as the dynamic approach, uses very elaborate physical functions to evaluate the energy consumption of buildings. Although these dynamic simulation tools are effective and accurate, they have some practical difficulties such as collecting detailed building data and/or evaluating the proper boundary conditions. The use of these tools normally requires an expert user and a careful calibration of the model and do not provide a generalised response for a group of buildings with the same simulation, because they support a specific answer to a specific problem. Meanwhile the lack of precise input can lead to low-accuracy simulation. Anyway, in all cases it is necessary to be an expert user to implement, solve and evaluate the results, and these phases are not fast and not always immediately provide the correct evaluation, conducting the user to restart the entire procedure. In the field of energy planning, in order to identify energy efficiency actions aimed at a particular context, could be more convenient to speed up the preliminary assessment phase resorting to a simplified model that allows the evaluation of thermal energy demand with a good level of accuracy and without excessive computational cost or user expertise. The aim of this research, conducted during the three years of the PhD studies, is based on the idea of overcoming the limits previously indicated developing a reliable and a simple building energy tool or an evaluation model capable of helping an unskilled user at least in the first evaluation phase. To achieve this purpose, the first part of the research was characterised of an in-depth study of the sector bibliography with the analysis of the most widespread and used methods aimed at solving the thermal balance of buildings. After a brief distinction of the analysed methods in White, Black and Grey Box category, it was possible to highlight the strengths and weaknesses of each one [9]. Based on the analysis of this study, some alternative methods have been investigated. In detail, the idea was to investigate several Black-Box approaches; mainly used to deduce prediction models from a relevant database. This category does not require any information about physical phenomena but are based on a function deduced only by means of sample data connected to each other and which describes the behaviour of a specific system. Therefore, it is fundamental the presence of a suitable and well-set database that characterise the problem, so that the output data are strongly related to one or more input data. The completely absence of this information and the great difficulty in finding data, has led to the creation of a basic energy database which, under certain hypotheses, is representative of a specific building stock. For this reason, in the first step of this research was developed a generic building energy database that in a reliable way, and underlining the main features of the thermal balance, issues information about the energy performances. In detail, two energy building databases representative of a non-residential building-stock located in the European and Italian territory have been created. Starting from a well-known and calibrated Base-Case dynamic model, which simulates the actual behaviour of a non-residential building located in Palermo, it was created an Ideal Building representative of a new non-residential building designed with high energy performances in accordance whit the highest standard requirements of the European Community. Taking into consideration the differences existing in the regulations and technical standards about the building energy performance of various European countries, several detailed dynamic simulation models were developed. Moreover, to consider different climatic characteristics, different locations were evaluated for each country or thermal zone which represent the hottest, the coolest and the mildest climate. The shape factor of buildings, which represents the ratio between the total of the loss surfaces to the gross heated volume of a building, was varied from 0.24 to 0.90. To develop a representative database where the data that identify the building conditions are the inputs of the model linked to an output that describes the energy performances it was decided to develop a parametric simulation. In detail different transmittance values, boundary conditions, construction materials, and energy carriers were chosen and employed to model representative building stocks of European and Italian cities for different climatic zones, weather conditions, and shape factor; all details and the main features are described in Chapter B. These two databases were used to investigated three alternative methods to solve the building thermal balance; these are: • Multi Linear Regression (MLR): identification of some simple correlations that uses well known parameters in every energy diagnosis [18–20]; • Buckingham Method (BM): definition of dimensionless numbers that synthetically describe the relationships between the main characteristic parameters of the thermal balance [21]; and • Artificial Neural Network (ANN): Application of a specific Artificial Intelligence (AI) to determine the thermal needs of a [22] building. These methods, belonging to the Black-Box category, permit solving a complex problem easier with respect to the White-Box methods because they do not require any information about physical phenomena and expert user skills. Only a small amount of data on well-known parameters that represent the thermal balance of a building is required. The first analysed alternative method was the MLR, described in Chapter C. This approach allowed to develop a simple model that guarantees a quick evaluation of building energy needs [19] and is often used as a predictive tool. It is reliable and, at the same time, easy to use even for a non-expert user since an in-depth knowledge in the use phase is not needed, and computational costs are low. Moreover, the presence of an accurate input analysis guarantees greater speed and simplicity in the data collection phase [23]. The basis for this model is the linear regression among the variables to forecast and two or more explanatory variables. The feasibility and reliability of MLR models is demonstrated by the publication of the main achieved results in international journals. At first, the MLR method was applied on a dataset that considered heating energy consumptions for three configurations of non-residential buildings located in seven European countries. In this way, it was developed a specific equation for each country and three equations that describe each climatic region identified by a cluster analysis; these results were published in [19]. In a second work [18], it was applied the same methodology to a set of data referring to buildings located in the Italian peninsula. In this case, three building analysed configurations, in accordance to Italian legislative requirements regarding the construction of high energy performance buildings, have been employed. The achievement of the generalised results along with a high level of reliability it was achieved by diversifying each individual model according to its climate zone. It was provided an equation for each climate zone along with a unique equation applicable to the entire peninsula, obviously with different degrees of reliability. An improved version of the latest work concerning the Italian case study appeared in the paper published in [20]. The revised model provided an ability to predict the energy needs for both heating and cooling. Furthermore, to simplify the data retrieval phase that is required for the use of the developed MLR tool, an input selection analysis based on the Pearson coefficient has been performed. In this way the explanatory variables, needful for an optimal identification of thermal loads, have been identified. Finally, a comprehensive statistical analysis of errors ensured high reliability. The second analysed alternative method represents an innovative approach in developing a flexible and efficient tool in the building energy forecast framework. This tool predicts the energy performance of a building based some dimensionless parameters implemented through the application of the Buckingham theorem. A detailed description of the methodology and results is discussed in the Chapter D and is also published in [21]. The Buckingham theorem represents a key theorem of the dimensional analysis since it is able to define the dimensionless parameters representing the building balance [24]. These parameters define the relationships between the descriptive variables and the fundamental dimensions. Such a dimensional analysis guarantees that the relationship between physical quantities remains valid, even if there is a variation of the magnitudes of the base units of measurement [25]. The dimensional analysis represents a good model to simplify a problem by means of the dimensional homogeneity and, therefore, the consequent reduction in the number of variables. Therefore, this model works well with different applications such as forecasting, planning, control, diagnostics and monitoring in different sectors. The application of the BM for predicting the energy performance of buildings determined nine ad hoc dimensionless numbers. The identification of a set of criteria and a critical analysis of the results allowed to immediately determine thought the dimensionless numbers and without using any software tool, the heating energy demand with a reliability of over 90%. Furthermore, the validation of the proposed methodology was carried out by comparing the heating energy demand that was calculated by a detailed and accurate dynamic simulation. The last Black-Box examined model was the application of Artificial Neural Networks. The ANNs are the most widely used data mining models, characterised by one of the highest levels of accuracy with respect to other methods but generally have higher computational costs in the developing phase [26]. The design of a neural network, inspired by the behaviour of the human brain, involves the large number of suitably connected nodes (neurons) that, upon applications of simple mathematical operations, influence the learning ability of the network itself [27]. Also in this case, as described in Chapter E, this methodology was applied at the two different energy databases. In [22], the ANN was used to predict the demand for thermal energy linked to the winter climatization of non-residential buildings located in European context, while in another work under review, the ANN was used to determine the heating and cooling energy demand of a representative Italian building stock. The validation of the ANNs was carried out by using a set of data corresponding to 15% of the initial set which were not used to train the ANNs. The obtained good results (determination coefficient values higher than 0.95 and Mean Absolute Percentage Error lower than 10%) show the suitability of the calculation model based on the use of adaptive systems for the evaluation of energy performance of buildings. Simultaneously, a deep analysis of the investigated problem, underlines how to determine the thermal behaviour of a building trough Black-Box models, particular attention must be paid to the choice of an accurate climate database that along with thermophysical characteristics, strongly influence the thermal behaviour of a building [9]. In detail, to develop a predictive model of thermal needs, it is also necessary to pay close attention to the climate aspects. In the literature, many studies use the degree day (DD) to predict building energy demand, but this assessment, through the use of a climatic index, is correct only if its determination is a function of the same weather data used for the model implementation. Otherwise, the predictive model is generally affected by a greater evaluation error; all these aspects are deeply discussed analysing a specific Italian case study in Chapter F, and the main results are published in [8]. The results achieved during the three years of PhD research, make it possible to affirm that each model can be used to solve thermal building balance by knowing merely a few parameters representative of the analysed problem. Nonetheless, some questions may be asked: Which of these models can be identified as the most efficient solution? Is it possible to compare the performances of these models? Is it possible to choose the most efficient model based on some specific phase in the evaluation? To attempt to answer these questions, during the research period it was decided to compare the three selected alternative models by applying a Multi Criteria Analysis (MCA), that explicitly evaluates multiple criteria in decision-making. It is a useful decision support tool to apply to many complex decisions by choosing among several alternatives. The idea rising thanks to the scientific collaboration with the VGTU University of Vilnius, Lithuanian, in the person of Prof. A. Kaklauskas and Prof. L. Tupènaitè, experts in the field of multi-criteria analysis. At the first time a multi-criteria procedure was applied to determine the most efficient alternative model among some resolution procedures of a building's energy balance. This application required extra effort in defining the criteria and identifying a team of experts. To apply the MCA, it was necessary to identify the salient phases of the evaluation procedure to explain the most sensitive criteria for acquiring conscious, truthful answers that only a pool of experts in the field can provide. Details of this work were carried out during the period of one-month research in Vilnius, from April to May 2019, where it was possible to improve the application of the Multiple Criteria Complex Proportional Evaluation (COPRAS) method for identifying the most efficient predictive tool to evaluate building thermal needs. These results are collected in Chapter G and the main results are explained in a paper under review in the Journal "Energy" from September. The identification of the most efficient alternative model to solve the building energy balance through the application of a specific MCA, allowed to deepen the identified methodology and improve research. In particular, the most efficient alternative resolution model was the subject of the research that took place during the research period at the RWTH in Aachen University, Germany with Prof. M. Traverso, Head of the INaB Department, from September 2018 to March 2019. The experience in the field of LCA and the possibility of identifying the environmental impacts linked to the building system, has led the research to investigate neural networks for a dual and simultaneous environmental-energy analysis. The results confirm that the application of ANNs is a good alternative model for solving the energy and environmental balance of a building and for ensuring the development of reliable decision support tools that can be used by non-expert users. ANNs can be improved by upgrading the training database and choosing the network structure and learning algorithm. The results of this research are collected in Chapter H and published in [28].

EKONOMİK KRİZLERDE BORÇ DEFLASYONU OLGUSU, MÜCADELE YÖNTEMLERİ VE MAKRO & FİNANSAL DEĞİŞKENLER ÜZERİNDEKİ ETKİLERİ Hamit ÖZMAN Doktora Tezi, İktisat Anabilim Dalı Tez Danışmanı: Doç. Dr. Abdullah ÖZDEMİR 2020, 319 sayfa 2008 yılında başlayan küresel kriz birçok ülkede önce resesyona sonra da deflasyonist eğilimlerin ortaya çıkmasına yol açmıştır. Uluslararası Finans Enstitüsü (IIF) 3Ç-2019 itibariyle toplam küresel borç düzeyinin tarihi rekor seviyede olduğuna dikkat çekerek toplam borç miktarının 253 trilyon $ (küresel milli gelirin % 322'si) olduğunu belirtmektedir. Borç deflasyonu teorisi, 1930'lu yılların başında I. Fisher tarafından ortaya konulan bir kavram olup sonrasında Minsky ve Bernanke tarafından geliştirilmiştir. Borç ve deflasyon kavramları, birbirlerini istikrarsızlaştıran iki olgu olup borç deflasyonu, fiyatlardaki düşüşün hem hanehalkının hem de şirketlerin reel kredi yükünü ve genele yayılması halinde kalıcı bir depresyon olasılığını arttıran bir spiral olarak tanımlanabilir. Bu çalışmanın temel konu kapsamını, borç deflasyonunun iktisadi düzen içindeki önemi, barındırdığı riskler, bu risklere yol açan etmenler, makroekonomik, finansal ve psikolojik etkileri, kurumlara düşen sorumluluklar, bu olgu ile mücadele kapsamındaki ilgili reflasyon politikaları oluşturmaktadır. Çalışmada ayrıca konu ile ilgili olarak seçilmiş ülke örneklerinden oluşan karşılaştırmalı makro ve ekonometrik analizler (ekonomik büyümeyi ve hanehalkı borçluluğunu etkileyen makro ve finansal değişkenler, borç türlerinin büyümeye etkileri) yapılmıştır. Buna göre, Avrupa'da borç krizine neden olan PIIGS (Portekiz, İspanya, İtalya, Yunanistan ve İrlanda) ülkelerinde, 2008 krizinden önceki dönemde kamu ve hanehalkı borçluluğunun ekonomik büyümeye etkisinin negatif, reel sektör borçluluğunun ise pozitif olduğu; enflasyon, kişibaşına düşen GSYİH, yatırım, tasarruf oranı ve dış ticaret açıklığı değişkenlerinin büyümeyi pozitif, faiz oranı vi değişkeninin ise negatif etkilediği sonucuna ulaşılmıştır. 2008 sonrasında ise tasarruf oranı ve dış ticaret açıklığı değişkenlerinin büyümeyi negatif etkilediği diğer değişkenlerin etki yönünde ise herhangi bir değişiklik olmadığı görülmüştür. Bunun yanı sıra, borç deflasyonu teorisinin öngördüğü üzere hanehalkı borçlanmasının, ekonomik büyümede kritik öneme sahip olmasından dolayı Türkiye ile ilgili olarak hanehalkı borçluluğunu etkileyen faktörlerin neler olduğu incelenmiş ve işsizlik oranı, faiz oranı, nüfus, kişibaşına düşen GSYİH, enflasyon, konut fiyatları ve tüketici güveninin borçluluğu belirleyen faktörler olduğu tespit edilmiştir. Son olarak borç türlerinin milli gelire etkisi Türkiye, ABD ve Japonya için incelenmiş, ülkeler bazında farklı etki yönleri belirlenmiştir. Bu çalışmanın temel amaçlarından biri, ekonomide bazı unsurların, etkileşime girerek denge sağlamak yerine birbirlerinin etkilerini arttırarak dengesizliğin boyutunu büyütebildiklerini gösterebilmektir. Yaklaşık 200 yıllık tarihsel geçmişi ile klasik iktisadın ve sonrasında neo-klasiklerin verdiği temel mesaj "piyasalara güvenin" şeklinde olmuştur. Bu çalışma ile varlık balonu söz konusu iken aşırı borç yükü altında yaşanan bir ekonomik veya finansal sıkıntı sonrası, davranışsal iktisadın bazı teorik temellerinin de devreye girmesi ile piyasalarda yaşanan bir panik havasının, fiyatlama davranışları üzerinde yarattığı radikal ve rasyonel olmayan değişikliklere dikkat çekilerek, yaşanan bu sürecin makroekonomik, finansal ve psikolojik boyutunun ortaya konulması hedeflenmiştir. Bu çalışmanın literatüre katkısı, aşırı daralmalarda, uzun süreli resesyonlarda esas unsurun aşırı borçlanma olduğunu göstererek finansal piyasalarda yaşanan liberalizasyon ile beraber artan bu borç yükünün, ülkeleri ve hanehalklarını krizler karşısında giderek daha kırılgan bir düzeye getirdiğine dikkat çekmesi ve bu riskler karşısında finansal kırılganlığı azaltacak alternatif çözüm önerileri belirleyip bunları kamuoyunun ve ilgili kurumların dikkatine sunuyor olmasıdır. Çalışmanın bir diğer katkısı, "ekonomik birimler, kendileri için en iyi olan seçeneği gerçekleştirmeye çalıştıklarında, toplumsal refah da maksimize olur" şeklinde özetlenebilecek klasik iktisadın temel görüşlerinden biri olan "toplumsal fayda" teorisinin her durumda geçerli olmadığını borç deflasyonu olgusu ışığında göstermekte olmasıdır. Son olarak, bu çalışma ve bulgularının Türkiye gibi gelişmekte olan ülkeler ve gelişmiş ekonomilerde, borç deflasyonunu oluşturan koşullar altında daha fazla borç ödedikçe daha çok borçlu duruma gelinmesi şeklinde özetlenebilecek bir borç sarmalı riskinin öncelikle farkına varılmasına, sonrasında bu riske odaklanılmasına ve nihayetinde etkin bir borç, risk ve para yönetimi anlayışının oluşmasına katkı sunacağı düşünülmektedir. ; İÇİNDEKİLER KABUL VE ONAY SAYFASI.i BİLİMSEL ETİK BİLDİRİM SAYFASI.iv ÖZET .v ABSTRACT .vii ÖNSÖZ.ix İÇİNDEKİLER.x ŞEKİLLER DİZİNİ .xvi ÇİZELGELER/TABLOLAR DİZİNİ .xvii GRAFİKLER DİZİNİ.xix EKLER DİZİNİ .xxiii KISALTMALAR DİZİNİ .xxvi GİRİŞ.1 EKONOMİK KRİZ VE BORÇ DEFLASYONU.8 1.1. .Ekonomik Kriz Modelleri . 8 1.2. . Tarihte Yaşanmış Önemli Ekonomik Krizler (20 & 21.YY) . 12 1.2.1. . 1929 Büyük Buhran (Great Depression) . 13 1.2.2. .1973-74 Petrol Krizi . 14 1.2.3. . 1987 Wall Street (Black Monday) Krizi . 15 1.2.4. . 1992-93 ERM Krizi (Döviz Kuru Mekanizması Krizi) . 15 1.2.5. . 1994-95 Latin Amerika & Türkiye Krizi . 16 1.2.6. .1997-98 Güneydoğu Asya Krizi . 18 1.2.7. .1998-99 Rusya & Brezilya Krizi . 19 xi 1.2.8. . 2000-01 Türkiye & Arjantin Krizi . 20 1.2.9. .2008 Küresel Finans Krizi . 22 1.2.10. . 2010 Avrupa Borç Krizi . 24 1.3. .Deflasyon Olgusunun Tanımı, Tarihçesi ve Önemi . 25 1.3.1. .Tanımı . 25 1.3.2. .Önemi ve Tarihçesi . 30 1.4. .İktisatçıların Borç Deflasyonuna Bakış Açıları . 33 1.5. .Davranışsal İktisadın Teorideki Yeri . 40 1.5.1. Etkin Piyasa Hipotezi ve Eleştiriler.41 1.5.2. Asimetrik Bilgi Teorisi.42 1.5.3. Finansal İllüzyon .45 1.6. .Özel Sektör ve Kamu Borcu Arasındaki İlişki . 47 1.7. .Borç Deflasyonunu Ortaya Çıkaran Nedenler . 52 1.7.1. Finansal Sistemin Globalleşmesi.52 1.7.2. Deregülasyon .56 1.7.3. Düşen Risk Algısıyla Beraber Varlık Balonlarının Oluşması .58 1.7.4. Aşırı Borçlanma ve Spekülatif Yatırımlar.60 1.7.5. Finansal Kaynakların Önemli Ölçüde Dolarize Olması .61 1.8. .Borç Deflasyonunun Etkileri . 63 1.8.1. Reel Faiz Artışı.63 1.8.2. Piyasalarda Güven Kaybı ve Yatırımlarda Azalma.65 1.8.3. Bankacılık Sektöründe Bozulma .66 1.8.3.1. Sektörünün Ekonomilerdeki Yeri ve Önemi .67 1.8.3.2. Sektördeki Zayıflama ve Takipteki Kredilerde Artış.69 1.8.4. Borçlulardan Alacaklılara Doğru Servet Aktarımı.73 xii 1.8.5. Toplam Talepte Azalış (Marjinal Tüketim Eğilimlerine Bağlı Olarak) .75 1.8.6. Borçlanma Olanaklarının Azalması (Yüksek Borçluluk Nedeniyle) .76 1.8.7. Reel Sektördeki Ticari Karlarda Zayıflama.77 1.8.8. İstihdamda Bozulma .81 1.8.9. Gelir Dağılımında Bozulma.82 1.9. . Borç Deflasyonu Sürecinde Bankaların ve Kurumsal Aktörlerin Rolü . 84 1.9.1. Bankaların Rolü.85 1.9.2. Kredi Derecelendirme Kuruluşlarının Rolü.88 1.9.3. Düzenleyici ve Denetleyici Kurumların Rolü .90 REFLASYONİST PARA-MALİYE POLİTİKALARI VE YAPISAL DÜZENLEMELER .91 2.1. . Reflasyon Politikaları ve Önemi . 95 2.2. .Dünyada ve Türkiye'de Para ve Maliye Politikalarının Tarihsel Gelişimi . 101 2.2.1. Para ve Maliye Politikalarında Tarihsel Süreç - Dünya .102 2.2.2. Para ve Maliye Politikalarında Tarihsel Süreç - Türkiye .105 2.3. . Farklı İktisat Ekollerinin Para ve Maliye Politikalarına Yaklaşımı . 108 2.3.1. Döviz Kuru Sistemlerinde Para ve Maliye Politikalarının Etkinliği .111 2.3.1.1. Sabit Döviz Kuru.111 2.3.1.2. Esnek Döviz Kuru .112 2.3.2. Politika Uygulamalarında GOÜ ve Gelişmiş Ülke Ayrımı .113 2.3.3. Kriz Öncesi Uygulan Politikaların Makroekonomik Performansa Etkisi .122 2.4. . Para - Maliye Politikaları ve Yapısal Düzenlemeler . 125 2.4.1. Para Politikaları .125 2.4.1.1. Para Politikaları Amaçları ve Sınırlılıkları.126 2.4.1.2. Para Politikaları Araçları.127 2.4.1.2.1. Açık Piyasa İşlemleri (APİ).129 2.4.1.2.2. Miktarsal (Parasal) Genişleme .130 2.4.1.2.3. Kredi Genişlemesi .131 2.4.1.2.4. Zorunlu Karşılık Sistemi .132 2.4.1.2.5. Rezervlere Faiz Ödemesi.133 xiii 2.4.1.2.6. Reeskont Kredisi ve Reeskont Faiz Oranı.134 2.4.1.2.7. Kısa Vadeli Faiz Haddi ve Faiz Koridor Sistemi .135 2.4.1.2.8. Rezerv Opsiyon Mekanizması (ROM).139 2.4.1.2.9. Döviz Kuru Politikası (Alım-Satım Müdahaleleri ve Sterilizasyon) .140 2.4.1.2.10. İletişim Politikası.141 2.4.1.2.11. Selektif Kredi Politikası ( Firma ve Hanehalkı Kredileri Ayrımı).142 2.4.1.2.12. Diğer Politika Araçları.146 2.4.1.3. Merkez Bankası, Kaydi Para Üretimi ve Senyoraj.147 2.4.1.4. Küresel Piyasa Risk Göstergeleri .164 2.4.1.4.1. TED Marjı (TED Spread).164 2.4.1.4.2. Küresel Ekonomik Belirsizlik Endeksi .165 2.4.1.4.3. VIX (Volatilite) Endeksi .166 2.4.1.4.4. Markit Endeksi (Küresel Satın Alma Yön. Anketi) .167 2.4.1.4.5. Michigan Tüketici Güven Endeksi.167 2.4.1.4.6. JP Morgan EMBI+ Endeksi .168 2.4.1.4.7. Kredi Temerrüt Takas Primi ( CDS) .169 2.4.1.4.8. Reel Konut Fiyat Endeksi.170 2.4.2. Maliye Politikaları .170 2.4.2.1. Maliye Politikaları Amaçları ve Sınırlılıkları.171 2.4.2.2. Maliye Politikaları Araçları.171 2.4.2.2.1. Kamu Harcamaları.173 2.4.2.2.1.1. Mal ve Hizmet Alımına Yönelik Kamu Harcamaları .179 2.4.2.2.1.2. Kamu Transfer Harcamaları.181 2.4.2.2.2. Kamu Gelirleri Politikası.182 2.4.2.2.3. Borçlanma Politikası .187 2.4.2.3. Etkin Risk ve Borç Yönetimi .192 2.4.2.3.1. Risk Yönetimi.193 2.4.2.3.1.1. Kredi Riski.193 2.4.2.3.1.2. Likidite Riski .194 2.4.2.3.1.3. Piyasa Riski.200 2.4.2.3.1.4. Operasyonel Risk .204 2.4.2.3.2. Borç Yönetimi .204 2.4.2.3.2.1. Reel Faiz Haddi >Ekonomik Büyüme Durumunda .205 xiv 2.4.2.3.2.2. Farklı Büyüme Hızlarının Olduğu Durumda .206 2.4.2.3.2.3. Farklı Reel Faizlerin Olduğu Durumda .207 2.4.2.3.2.4. Belirli Senyoraj Geliri Durumunda.208 2.4.2.3.2.5. Faiz Dışı Açık > Senyoraj Geliri Durumunda .209 2.4.2.4. Borç Likiditasyonunda Ortodoks ve Heteredoks Politikalar.209 2.4.2.5. Borç Sınırı, Mali Kural ve Mali Politika Manevra Alanı.213 2.4.3. Yapısal Düzenlemeler.221 2.4.3.1. Mali Şeffaflık .222 2.4.3.2. Merkez Bankası Bağımsızlığı .225 2.4.3.2.1. Araç Bağımsızlığı ve Amaç Bağımsızlığı .226 2.4.3.2.2. Ekonomik Bağımsızlık .226 2.4.3.2.3. Politik Bağımsızlık .226 2.4.3.2.4. Yasal Bağımsızlık ve Pratikte Bağımsızlık .226 LİTERATÜR VE MAKRO - EKONOMETRİK ANALİZ.230 3.1 .Literatür İncelemesi . 230 3.1.1 Ekonomik Büyümeyi Etkileyen Faktörler.231 3.1.2 Hanehalkı Borçluluğunu Belirleyen Faktörler.245 3.1.3 Konu Hakkında Diğer Teorik ve Amprik Çalışmalar.249 3.2 .Karşılaştırmalı Makro Analiz . 269 3.2.1 Kriz Öncesi ve Sonrası Makro ile Finansal Değişkenlerin Gelişimi.269 3.3 .Ekonometrik Analiz . 276 3.3.1 Ekonomik Büyümeyi Etkileyen Makro ve Finansal Değişkenler ( PIIGS Ülkeleri) : Panel Veri Analizi.276 3.3.1.1 Ekonometrik Metodoloji: Panel Veri Analizi .277 3.3.1.2 Ampirik Bulgular.278 3.3.2 Türler Bazında Borç Analizi ve Hanehalkı Borçluluğunu Etkileyen Faktörler ( Türkiye, ABD ve Japonya).283 3.3.2.1 Ekonometrik Metodoloji: ARDL Sınır Testi Analizi & VAR Analizi .283 3.3.2.1.1 Türkiye .285 3.3.2.1.2 ABD.289 3.3.2.1.3 Japonya.290 3.3.2.2 Ampirik Bulgular.291 xv 3.3.2.2.1 Türkiye .291 3.3.2.2.1.1 Hanehalkı Borçluluğunu Etkileyen Faktörler (ARDL Sınır Testi Modeli) 292 3.3.2.2.1.2 Türler Bazında Borç Analizi (VAR Modeli, Etki-Tepki Fonksiyonu ve Varyans Ayrıştırma ) : Bulgular.295 3.3.2.2.2 ABD Borç Analizi: Bulgular.297 3.3.2.2.3 Japonya Borç Analizi: Bulgular .298 3.3.3 Türkiye Özel Sektör Borçluluğu Öngörü Projeksiyonu .301 3.3.3.1 Ekonometrik Metodoloji: ARIMA (Otoregresif Tümleşik Hareketli Ortalama) Modeli.301 3.3.3.2 Ampirik Bulgular.303 4. TARTIŞMA VE SONUÇ .304 5. KAYNAKLAR .320 6. EKLER .345 ÖZGEÇMİŞ . 386

The article is an extended and revised version of the report published in April 2020 in Russian: E. Puchkov, N. Knyaginina, I. Novoselov, Sz. Jankiewicz, Covid-19 and GIA-2020: strategies for conducting final exams in foreign and Russian universities // Modern Education Analytics. Express edition No. 4. April 20, 2020. URL: https://ioe.hse.ru/mirror/pubs/share/359132748 (15.06.2020). ; COVID-19 pandemic has changed the functioning of all levels of education systems. Schools and universities had to quickly adapt and change their procedures according to conditions created by the epidemic. Long perceived as additional and backup solutions, different distance learning technologies, particularly internet-based, became the main solution for the continuation of education on all levels. Several issues have stood out particularly with this seismic change – one of those is the issue of final examinations in universities. This issue is especially crucial in Russia, where the successful passing of a state final examination, which combines majority of the topics from the study program, is a prerequisite for graduation. This paper aims to analyze and present different strategies which were used for final university examinations in different countries and universities of the world and compare it with the Russian practices. ; Evgenii Puchkov: epuchkov@hse.ru ; Nadezhda Knyaginina: nknyaginina@hse.ru ; Ivan Novoselov: inovoselov@hse.ru ; Szymon Jankiewicz: syankevich@hse.ru ; Evgenii Puchkov – analityk Laboratorium Prawa Edukacji Instytutu Edukacji Wyższej Szkoły Ekonomicznej w Moskwie (Rosja), doktorant w Instytucie Edukacji Wyższej Szkoły Ekonomicznej. Jego zainteresowania badawcze obejmują zagadnienia relacji pomiędzy polityką edukacyjną a prawodawstwem w zakresie zrównoważonego rozwoju, umiędzynarodowienie edukacji oraz badania porównawcze prawodawstwa edukacyjnego. ; Evgenii Puchkov – Analyst of the Education Law Laboratory of the Institute of Education, Higher School of Economics, Moscow, Russia, Ph.D. student in the Institute of Education of Higher School of Economics. His research interests include issues of relationship between educational policy and legislation with sustainable development, internationalization of education and comparative study of educational legislation. ; Nadezhda Knyaginina – pracownik badawczy Laboratorium Prawa Edukacji Instytutu Edukacji w Wyższej Szkole Ekonomicznej w Moskwie (Rosja). Posiada tytuł specjalisty w dziedzinie prawa na Wydziale Prawa Wyższej Szkoły Ekonomicznej. Jej zainteresowania badawcze obejmują zagadnienia prawa edukacyjnego, praw językowych, polityki językowej w działalności edukacyjnej, federalizmu w edukacji, jakości edukacji, standardów edukacyjnych i regulacji zapewniania jakości edukacji. ; Nadezhda Knyaginina – Research Fellow of the Education Law Laboratory of the Institute of Education, Higher School of Economics, Moscowholding Specialist Degree in Law from Faculty of Law of Higher School of Economics. Her research interests include issues of educational law, language rights, language policy in educational activities, federalism in education, quality of education, education standards and regulation of quality assurance of education. ; Ivan Novoselov – asystent badawczy Laboratorium Prawa Edukacji Instytutu Edukacji w Wyższej Szkole Ekonomicznej w Moskwie (Rosja). Posiada tytuł magistra prawa finansowego, podatkowego i celnego, uzyskany na Wydziale Prawa Wyższej Szkoły Ekonomicznej. Jego zainteresowania badawcze obejmują zagadnienia z zakresu prawa edukacyjnego, finansowego i budżetowego oraz studiów porównawczych z zakresu prawa edukacyjnego i finansowego. ; Ivan Novoselov – Research Assistant of the Education Law Laboratory of the Institute of Education, Higher School of Economics, Moscow, Russiaholding Master Degree in Financial, Tax and Customs Law from Faculty of Law of Higher School of Economics. His research interests include issues of educational law, financial and budgetary law and comparative studies of educational and financial legislation. ; Szymon Jankiewicz – doktor, prodziekan Wydziału Prawa, kierownik Laboratorium Prawa Edukacji Instytutu Edukacji w Wyższej Szkole Ekonomicznej w Moskwie (Rosja), doktor (kandydat nauk) prawa finansowego Instytutu Prawodawstwa i Prawa Porównawczego przy Rządzie Federacji Rosyjskiej oraz magister prawa finansowego, podatkowego i celnego na Wydziale Prawa Wyższej Szkoły Ekonomicznej. Jego zainteresowania badawcze obejmują zagadnienia prawa edukacyjnego, prawa finansowego, regulacji finansowych i budżetowych działalności edukacyjnej i instytucji edukacyjnych oraz regulacji zapewniania jakości kształcenia. ; Szymon Jankiewicz – Ph.D. Deputy Dean of the Faculty of Law, Head of the Education Law Laboratory of the Institute of Education, Higher School of Economics, Moscow, Russia with Ph.D. (Candidate of Sciences) in Financial Law from The Institute of Legislation and Comparative Law under the Government of the Russian Federation as well as Master Degree in Financial, Tax and Customs Law from Faculty of Law of Higher School of Economics. His research interests include issues of educational law, financial law, financial and budgetary regulation of educational activities and educational institutions and regulation of quality assurance of education. ; Evgenii Puchkov - Higher School of Economics, Moscow, Russia ; Nadezhda Knyaginina - Higher School of Economics, Moscow, Russia ; Ivan Novoselov - Higher School of Economics, Moscow, Russia ; Szymon Jankiewicz - Higher School of Economics, Moscow, Russia ; 7News. Coronavirus in Australia: Several universities won't record students' failed units during crisis, https://7news.com.au/lifestyle/health-wellbeing/coronavirus-in-australia-several-universities-wont-record-students-failed-units-during-crisis-c-949545. ; Bristol University. Assessment Options When Teaching Online. https://www.bristol.ac.uk/digital-education/guides/coronavirus/assessment/. ; Catholic University of Leuven. 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State Exams Were Cancelled in Several Ural Federal University Institutes, https://www.interfax-russia. ru/ural/main/gosekzameny-otmenili-v-ryade-institutov-urfu. ; ITMO University. Proctoring: How to Pass Exams Online, https://de.ifmo.ru/?node=news&id=2161. ; Izvestia. Ministry of Science and Higher Education Affirms the Right of Universities to Cancel State Exams, https://iz.ru/1000499/2020–04-16/v-minobrnauki-zaiavili-o-prave-vuzov-rossii-otkazatsia-ot-gosekzamenov. ; Kommersant. «Hands of the Student Should be Visible on the Screen»: Kommersant Learned How Exam Session Will be Handled during Quarantine, https://www.kommersant.ru/doc/4314144. ; Law.com. Remaining 'T-14' Law Schools Yield to Mandatory Pass/Fail Pressure https://www.law.com/2020/03/31/with-passfail-now-the-norm-outlier-law-schools-face-student-backlash/?slreturn=20200525050454. ; Law.com. With Pass/Fail Now the Norm, Outlier Law Schools Face Student Backlash, https://www.law.com/2020/03/31/with-passfail-now-the-norm-outlier-law-schools-face-student-backlash/. ; Mare. How are we going to test (and do we let Big Brother watch)? https://www.mareonline.nl/en/background/how-are-we-going-to-test-and-do-we-let-big-brother-watch/. ; Nesavisimaya Gazeta, Students have rallied against proctoring, citing privacy concerns, https://www.ng.ru/content/articles/681938/. ; Order of Ministry of Higher Education and Science of Russian Federation № 648 of 8.05.2020 "On the activities of organizations subordinated to Ministry of Higher Education and Science of Russian Federation in the context of preventing the spread of a novel coronavirus infection (COVID-19) in the Russian Federation". ; Orgeon State University Exam Proctoring, https://ecampus.oregonstate.edu/services/proctoring. ; Oxford University. 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Medical students take final exams online for first time, despite student concern, https://www.theguardian.com/education/2020/mar/22/coronavirus-forces-medical-students-sit-final-exams-online. ; The Guardian. UK students' union calls on universities to cancel summer exams, https://www.theguardian.com/education/2020/mar/31/uk-students-union-calls-on-universities-to-cancel-summer-exams. ; The New Paper. NUS students allegedly abuse Covid-19 measures to cheat on exam, https://www.tnp.sg/news/singapore/nus-students-allegedly-abuse-covid-19-measures-cheat-exam. ; The New York Times. With Coronavirus Disrupting College, Should Every Student Pass? https://www.nytimes.com/2020/03/28/us/coronavirus-college-pass-fail.html. ; The New York Times. Keeping Online Testing Honest? Or an Orwellian Overreach? https://www.nytimes.com/2020/05/10/us/online-testing-cheating-universities-coronavirus.html. ; The Verge. 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학위논문 (박사) -- 서울대학교 대학원 : 공과대학 기계항공공학부, 2020. 8. 민경덕. ; Abstract The Effect of Turbulent Flow on the Combustion Cyclic Variation in a Spark Ignition Engine using Large-Eddy Simulation Insuk Ko Department of Mechanical and Aerospace Engineering The Graduate School Seoul National University At the present, the problem of worldwide air pollution has emerged as an important issue and many countries are trying to solve the problem. Emission regulations have been tightened around the world in an effort to reduce emissions from internal combustion engine (ICE) vehicles. From 2014, Tier 3 emissions standards in the United States (U.S.) and EURO6 regulations in the European Union (EU) are adopted. Currently, CO2 is also being strongly enforced annually. To meet the tightened CO2 regulations, the development of high efficiency engines is actively being carried out by each vehicle manufacturer. In the development of high efficiency engines, the key point is the increase in thermal efficiency. Many technologies have been developed to increase thermal efficiency and are being applied to mass-production engines. However, there is currently a cycle-to-cycle variation (CCV) of combustion as the biggest obstacle to engine development. Therefore, research on the CCV is also being actively carried out. Because the causes that affect the cycle deviation are various and complex, it is difficult to conduct detailed research on the source of the CCV through experimental studies. Therefore, the 3D simulation is actively carried out as an alternative. In the present study, the CCV phenomenon of combustion was reproduced using large-eddy simulation (LES) approach and the investigation on the source of CCV are conducted. Currently, the engine simulation using LES is immature. Therefore, it is necessary to consider each sub-model for accurate simulation. First, three Sub-grid scale (SGS) turbulence models were evaluated with particle image velocimetry (PIV) data from the single-cylinder transparent combustion chamber (TCC-III) engine. The dynamic structure model (DSM) was adopted for this study, based on the analysis of the flow field and the predicted SGS turbulent velocity compared to the PIV data. Secondly, the G-equation was employed as a combustion model. The model can be used in the corrugated flamelets regime and the thin reaction flamelets regime. The turbulent burning velocity of the model is quite complicated to simulate the turbulent flame included in the two regimes. Therefore, in this study, the combustion regime of the target engine operating condition was found by using Reynolds averaged navier-stokes equation (RANS) approach and was identified to the corrugated flamelets regime. Thus, the G-equation was modified for the corrugated flamelets regime. Thirdly, an ignition model reflecting the characteristics of LES was developed. The lagrangian particles were employed to realize the ignition channel and the secondary electric circuit model was implemented to predict the spark energy, restrikes phenomena and the end of ignition time. The one of the key features of the ignition model developed in this study is that a simplified empirical function is implemented to realize the thermal diffusion during arc phase. After ignition phase, the channel grows by chemical reaction and the flame propagation progresses. The turbulent flame brush thickness term is introduced to predict the transition state between the laminar flame propagation and the turbulent flame propagation. Finally, when the channel is grown sufficiently, flame is propagated in the 3D field by the G-equation Finally, 30 LES cycles were performed to identify the cause of the CCV and validated against the experimental data. The sources of the CCV are mainly from the small scale turbulent flow and the large scale turbulent flow. The small scale turbulent flow effect was investigated and the fact that the small scale turbulent flow is related to the tumble motion is identified. In terms of the large scale turbulent flow, the effect of the local vortex on the flame propagation was found through the detailed analysis of the flow field. In particular, the vortex produced by wall flow on the secondary tumble plane is an important factor. A new piston shape was designed to strengthen the vortex formation by wall flow. The result of new piston case shows the reduced combustion CCV than the base case. This research provides the guide how to investigate the sources of the combustion CCV and how to reduce the combustion CCV for the future engine development Keywords: SI engine, LES, CFD (Computational Fluid Dynamics), CCV (Cycle-to-cycle variation), Ignition model, SGS model Student Number: 2013-20641 ; 국 문 초 록 현재 전 세계 대기오염 문제가 중요한 이슈로 떠오르고 많은 나라들이 이 문제를 해결하기 위해 노력하고 있다. 내연기관 차량의 배기 가스 배출량을 줄이기 위해 전 세계적으로 배출가스 규제가 강화되었다. 2014년부터 미국은 Tier 3 배기배출물 규정을 유럽연합은 EURO 6 규정을 채택하고 있다. 현재 연비 규제인 CO2도 매년 강력하게 강화되고 있다. 강화된 CO2 규정을 충족시키기 위해, 고효율 엔진의 개발은 각 차량 제조사에 의해 활발하게 이루어지고 있다. 고효율 엔진 개발에서 핵심은 열효율 증가이다. 열효율을 높이기 위해 많은 기술이 개발되어 양산 엔진에 적용되고 있다. 그러나 현재 엔진 개발에 가장 큰 장애물로 연소 사이클 간 편차가 있다. 따라서 사이클 편차에 대한 연구도 활발히 진행되고 있다. 사이클 편차에 영향을 미치는 원인은 다양하고 복잡하기 때문에, 실험 연구를 통해 사이클 편차의 근본 원인에 대한 상세한 연구를 실시하기 어렵다. 따라서 대안으로 3D 시뮬레이션을 활용한 연구가 활발히 진행되고 있다. 본 연구에서는, 연소의 사이클 편차 현상을 Large-Eddy Simulation (LES) 유동 해석 방법을 이용하여 재현하고 사이클 편차의 원인에 대한 연구를 진행한다. 현재 LES를 이용한 엔진 시뮬레이션은 아직까지 미숙한 단계이다. 따라서 정확한 시뮬레이션을 위해 각 물리적 현상을 구현할 수 있는 모델을 구현해야 한다. 먼저, 3개의 sub-grid scale (SGS) 난류 모델을 단기통 광학 엔진의 (TCC-III) particle image velocimetry (PIV) 측정 결과로 평가하였다. PIV 데이터와 비교한 유동장 및 예측된 SGS 난류속도에 대한 분석을 바탕으로 본 연구에서는 dynamic structure model (DSM)이 채택되었다. 둘째로, G-equation 모델을 연소 모델로 선택하였다. G-equation 모델은 Pitsch[1]에 의해 LES 적용 가능 하도록 개발되었다. 이 모델은 corrugated flamelets regime과 thin reaction flamelets regime에서 사용될 수 있다. 연소 속도 모델은 두 연소 환경에 포함된 난류 연소를 모사하기 위해 상당히 복잡하다. 따라서 본 연구에서는 RANS 를 이용하여 대상 엔진 작동 조건의 연소 환경을 찾아 내었고, 연소 환경은 corrugated flamelets regime에 속한 것을 확인 하였다. 따라서 기존의 G-equation 연소 모델을 corrugated flamelets regime에 맞도록 변경 하였다. 셋째로, LES의 특성을 반영한 점화 모델이 개발되었다. Lagrangian 개념을 이용하여 점화 채널을 구현하고, 2차 전기 회로 모델을 이용하여 점화 에너지, 리스트라이크, 점화 시간 종료 등을 예측하였다. 본 연구에서 개발된 점화 모델의 주요 특징 중 하나는 아크 페이즈 중 열 팽창 현상을 구현을 위해 간단한 경험 함수를 이용한다는 것이다. 아크 페이즈 후, 점화 해널은 화학 반응에 성장하고 화염 전파가 진행된다. 난류 화염 두께는 층류 화염 전파와 난류 화염 전파 사이의 천이 상태를 예측하기 위해 도입되었다. 마지막으로 점화 채널이 충분히 커지면 G-equation 의해 3D 계산 영역에서 화염 전파가 구현된다. 마지막으로 30개의 LES 사이클을 수행하여 연소의 사이클 편차 원인을 분석하고 실험 데이터를 이용하여 시뮬레이션의 정확도를 검증하였다. 연소의 사이클 편차의 원인은 주로 작은 규모의 난류 유동과 큰 규모의 난류 유동에서 나온다. 난류 모델로 구현된 작은 규모의 난류 유동과 큰 규모의 난류 유동에 속한 텀블 값을 같이 분석 하였다. 작은 규모의 난류 유동은 텀블 값과 관계가 있다는 사실을 파악 하였다. 큰 규모 난류 유동 측면에서는 국부적인 유동의 소용돌이가 화염 전파에 미치는 영향을 유동장을 상세히 분석하여 확인되었다. 특히 2차 텀블면에서 벽면 유동에 의해 생성되는 소용돌이가 연소의 사이클 편차에 미치는 중요한 요인임을 밝혀 내었다. 벽면 유동에 의한 소용돌이 형성을 강화하기 위해 새로운 피스톤 현상을 설계 하였다. 새로운 피스톤 형상의 결과는 베이스 피스톤보다 연소의 CCV가 줄어들었다. 본 연구는 향후 엔진 개발을 위해 연소 CCV의 원인을 조사하는 방법과 연소 CCV를 줄이는 방법에 대한 방법론을 제시한다. 주요어: 전기점화 엔진, LES, 전산유체역학, 사이클 편차, 점화모델, 난류모델 학 번: 2013-20641 ; Chapter 1. Introduction 1 1.1 Background and Motivation 1 1.2 Literature Review 10 1.2.2 Turbulence Modeling 12 1.2.3 Combustion Modeling 16 1.3 Research Objective 20 1.4 Structure of the Thesis 22 Chapter 2. Sub-grid Scale Turbulence Model 24 2.1 The Fundamentals of Turbulent Flow 23 2.1.1 The Energy Cascade 23 2.1.2 The Energy Spectrum 27 2.2 Sub-grid Scale Turbulence Model 29 2.2.1 Zero-equation Model 31 2.2.1.1 Smagorinsky Model 31 2.2.1.2 Dynamic Smagorinsky Model 32 2.2.2 One-equation and Non-viscosity Model 34 2.2.2.1 Dynamic Structure Model 34 2.3 Evaluation of Turbulence Models 37 2.3.1 Numerical Configuration 40 2.3.2 Comparison of Sub-grid Scale Model 45 Chapter 3. Modeling of Gasoline Surrogate Fuel 59 3.1 Literature Review 55 3.2 Determination of Surrogate Component 56 Chapter 4. Combustion Model for LES 63 4.1 The Laminar Burning Velocity 59 4.1.1 Literature Review 59 4.1.2 The Correlation for the Laminar Flame Speed 62 4.2 G-equation Model for LES 69 4.3 Sub-filter Turbulent Burning Velocity 73 Chapter 5. Lagrangian Ignition Model 82 5.1 Literature Review 77 5.2 Modeling of Ignition 81 5.2.1 Initialization of Particles 82 5.2.2 Channel elongation 83 5.2.3 Electric circuit model 83 5.2.4 Plasma channel expansion. 88 5.2.5 Ignition channel development 94 5.2.6 Restrike 95 5.2.7 Transition between ignition and flame propagation 96 Chapter 6. Experimental and Numerical Setup 106 6.1 Experimental Setup 99 6.2 Numerical Setup 104 Chapter 7. Simulation Results of Combustion CCV 116 7.1 Validation of Simulation Results 109 7.2 Correlation between Combustion Phase and Peak Pressure 115 7.3 Investigation of turbulent flow effect on CCV 121 7.3.1 Small Scale Turbulent Flow Effect on CCV 121 7.3.2 Large Scale Turbulent Flow Effect on CCV 127 7.4 Method for Reduction of CCV 156 7.4.1 Investigation of the Controllable Source of CCV 156 7.4.2 Result of New Designed Piston 166 Chapter 8. Conclusions 182 Chapter 9. Bibliography 186 국 문 초 록 201 ; Doctor

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Why did Wilsonian ideals influence AEF actions in the First World War, and how did that affect the United States' involvement in the nation's first large-scale coalition operation? Wilsonian ideals influenced the AEF's actions in the First World War because most American leaders and soldiers shared Wilson's concepts of Progressivism and believed that the United States should play a role in saving Europe. Even if some did not agree with Wilson's politics, most doughboys shared his ideas of American Exceptionalism, and these views affected United States involvement in the nation's first large-scale coalition operation. In merging the two topic areas of Wilson's ideologies and AEF involvement in the war, this essay will attempt to answer how the American doughboy found motivation in the same principles that guided President Wilson. ; Master of Arts in Military History ; Week 11 Final Paper Wilsonianism in the First World War: Progressivism, American Exceptionalism, and the AEF Doughboy Brian P. Bailes A paper submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Master of Arts in Military History Norwich University MH 562B Dr. John Broom August 16, 2020 Bailes 2 While the duration of American Expeditionary Forces (AEF) involvement in First World War combat operations remained short compared to the armies of the European powers, the experience had a lasting impact on the United States' status as a global power. President Woodrow Wilson's mediation in the European affair throughout American neutrality, his integration of the AEF into Allied operations, and his contribution to the post-war peace process cast him as a central figure of the conflict as well as a harbinger of United States interventionist foreign policy. Through the more than a century since the end of the war, historians have analyzed and debated various facets of United States belligerency. Historians have explored President Wilson's ideologies and the decision making that ultimately led to him making his April 1917 appeal to Congress for American belligerency. Additionally, historians have expanded on AEF actions in Europe and argued how General Pershing's adamancy on maintaining an independent American command created tension with the Allied leaders. Historians have not connected these two topics to analyze how a reader can conceptually link Wilson's ideas and doughboy exploits in Europe. Why did Wilsonian ideals influence AEF actions in the First World War, and how did that affect the United States' involvement in the nation's first large-scale coalition operation? Throughout the historiography of United States involvement in the First World War, specific themes reoccur as significant areas of consensus. The historiography presents two primary arguments in which historians agree. Historians agree that Wilson's peace objectives drastically differed from those of the Allies, and historians agree that these differences motivated Wilson's decisions regarding how the United States would enter the war. Historians also agree that friction existed between General Pershing and the Allied Commanders once the AEF arrived in Europe and began combat operations. These two commonalities in the historiography remain Bailes 3 relatively constant throughout the past 50 years of historical research, and even when portraying more positive sentiments expressed between AEF and Allied soldiers, historians still note some tension between Pershing and the Allied commanders. Historians agree that Wilson's peace objectives differed significantly from those of the Allies. David Woodford argues that the gap between British imperial interests and Wilson's peace objectives affected the alliance between the United States and England throughout the war.1 William Widenor argues that Wilson failed in achieving his goals during the Versailles Peace Settlement because he attempted to make too many concessions for enduring peace, and he claims that Wilson grew at odds with the Allied leaders at the peace conference.2 George Egerton argues that British policymakers were closely monitoring the dispute within the United States Senate during the Treaty of Versailles conference, and he suggests that British leadership remained skeptical of Wilson's League of Nations.3 Historians capture Wilson's opposing peace aims throughout the European conflict, and they seemingly agree on how these aims influenced Wilson's policies and actions. Some historians cite the most significant gap in peace aims as existing between the United States and France. David Stevenson argues that French leaders were continually at odds with Wilson throughout the war as the French war aims focused much more on their national security, which they saw as requiring the destruction of Imperial Germany.4 Stevenson points out that while Wilson's peace aims differed from England as well as France, many French objectives 1 David R. Woodward, Trial by Friendship: Anglo-American Relations, 1917-1918 (Lexington: The University Press of Kentucky, 1993), 7-25, 35-43, 77-80, 125-9, 208-20. 2 William C. Widenor, "The United States and the Versailles Peace Settlement," Modern American Diplomacy, eds. John M. Carroll and George C. Herring (Lanham: SR Books, 1996), 46-59. 3 George W. Egerton, "Britain and the 'Great Betrayal': Anglo-American Relations and the Struggle for United States Ratification of the Treaty of Versailles, 1919-1920," The Historical Journal 21, no. 4 (December 1978): 885-911, https://www.jstor.org/stable/2638973. 4 David Stevenson, "French War Aims and the American Challenge, 1914-1918," The Historical Journal 22, no. 4 (December 1979): 877-894, https://www.jstor.org/stable/2638691. Bailes 4 were more aggressive against Germany as they involved reclaiming land lost to Germany in previous wars, specifically the 1870 Franco-Prussian War.5 Stevenson highlights the fact that Wilson could not get French officials to see the "two Germanys" concept that prevailed in American thinking at the time. While the American public generally saw two Germanys – the autocratic ruling party dominated by the Prussian elite and the German people living under that oppressive regime – Stevenson argues that France only saw Imperial Germany as a total enemy.6 Robert Bruce explains that during the post-war occupation period, the American doughboys perceived Frenchmen as distrustful and hateful toward German soldiers, and this sullied the alliance between France and the United States.7 In line with Wilson's ideology, historians cite Wilson's desire for Europe to achieve a "peace without victory" as he attempted to serve as a mediator during the United States period of neutrality. These historians ultimately conclude that Wilson believed any of the European powers achieving their aims through victory would lead to a continuation of balance of power politics in Europe. They argue that Wilson thought merely putting an end to the fighting would be the only way to achieve lasting peace. Ross Gregory argues that Wilson acted as a persistent mediator throughout the war as he strove for a "peace without victory."8 Arthur Link explains that Wilson believed a "peace without victory" and a "draw in Europe" proved the best solution for establishing a new system to replace the broken power structure in Europe.9 Ross Kennedy portrays Wilson as advocating the United States as a neutral mediator striving for a "peace 5 Stevenson, 884, 892-4. 6 Stevenson, 885. 7 Robert B. Bruce, A Fraternity of Arms: America & France in the Great War (Lawrence: The University Press of Kansas, 2003), 286-95. 8 Ross Gregory, The Origins of American Intervention in the First World War (New York: W.W. Norton & Company, Inc., 1971), 115-6. 9 Arthur Link, "Entry into World War I," Progress, War, and Reaction: 1900-1933, eds. Davis R.B. Ross, Alden T. Vaughan, and John B. Duff (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Company, Inc., 1970), 141. Bailes 5 without victory" before the U.S. entered the war, then as an advocate of "just peace" after they entered the war.10 Kennedy argues that Wilson blamed the international system that led to power politics and wanted to have a separate voice in the peace process to shape a new diplomatic and global political order.11 Historians point to Wilson's ideology as a reason for his differing peace objectives, and historians point to Wilson's Christian faith as a significant motivation for his progressive philosophy. Lloyd Ambrosius highlights Wilson's four tenets of national self-determination, open-door economic globalization, collective security, and progressive history as the framework in which he envisioned a global order shaped by American democratic ideals that would bring the world to peace.12 Ambrosius examines Wilson's embrace of "American Exceptionalism" and looks at how his Anglo-American bias clouded his vision and prevented him from seeing the various cultural factors throughout the world.13 Ronald Pestritto examines Wilson's progressive form of history while arguing that Wilson saw democracy emerging within society as a phenomenon only natural to specific groups of people, and he only saw a few civilizations as "progressed."14 Pestritto notes Wilson's Christian inspiration, referencing early manuscripts written by Wilson titled "Christ's Army" and "Christian Progress."15 William Appleman Williams argues that Wilson maintained a Calvinist idealism that intensified the existing doctrine 10 Ross A. Kennedy, "Woodrow Wilson, World War I, and American National Security," Diplomatic History 25, no. 1 (Winter 2001): 15, 29, https://doi.org/10.1111/0145-2096.00247. 11 Kennedy, "Woodrow Wilson, World War I, and American National Security," 2-3. 12 Lloyd E. Ambrosius, Wilsonianism: Woodrow Wilson and His Legacy in American Foreign Relations (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002), 2-47. 13 Ambrosius, Wilsonianism, 125-34; Lloyd E. Ambrosius, Woodrow Wilson and American Internationalism (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2017), 33-49; Lloyd E. Ambrosius, "World War I and the Paradox of Wilsonianism," The Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 17 (2018): 5-22, https://doi.org/10.1017/S1537781417000548. 14 Ronald J. Pestritto, Woodrow Wilson and the Roots of Modern Liberalism (Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc., 2005), 6-61. 15 Pestritto, Woodrow Wilson and the Roots of Modern Liberalism, 23, 40. Bailes 6 based on God's supposed ordination of American influence and expansion in the world.16 Richard Gamble explains that Wilson's vision and rhetoric nested with many of the Christian messages of progressive religious leaders in the United States during the First World War who saw the war as a Christian crusade to spread American ideals.17 Historians seem in unanimous agreement that Wilson's separate peace aims formed the primary impetus for him seeking an independent American presence in the war effort. David Esposito argues that Wilson wanted to have an American presence in the war because he realized that to establish a dominant American voice in the post-war peace talks, the United States needed to make a significant contribution to Allied victory.18 Edward Coffman details the United States' experiences in the First World War by explaining Wilson's desire to gain an independent voice in the peace process.19 David Trask maintains that Wilson wanted to "remain somewhat detached from the Allies" in defeating Imperial Germany to provide Wilson leverage so that he could directly influence the post-war peace process.20 Arthur Link explains that Wilson did see the benefit of not joining the Entente but keeping the United States independent of "any political commitments" with the Allies as providing a chance to ensure an American presence at the peace conference.21 Thomas Knock argues that Wilson faulted the "balance of power" politics of Europe and saw the United States as the actor to save Europe and create a new system of 16 William Appleman Williams, The Tragedy of American Diplomacy (New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 1959; New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 2009), 67-112. Page references are to the 2009 edition. 17 Richard M. Gamble, The War for Righteousness: Progressive Christianity, the Great War, and the Rise of the Messianic Nation (Wilmington: ISI Books, 2003), 22-3, 86-208, 254-5. 18 David M. Esposito, "Woodrow Wilson and the Origins of the AEF," Presidential Studies Quarterly 19 no. 1 (Winter 1989): 127-38, https://www.jstor.org/stable/40574570. 19 Edward M. Coffman, The War to End All Wars: The American Military Experience in World War I (Lexington: The University Press of Kentucky, 1968), 5-8. 20 David F. Trask, The AEF & Coalition Warmaking, 1917-1918 (Lawrence: The University Press of Kansas, 1993), 2-6. 21 Link, "Entry into World War I," 141. Bailes 7 diplomacy.22 Overall, historians agree that President Wilson desired very different peace outcomes for a post-war Europe, and this influenced him as he made decisions regarding United States actions throughout the war. In addition to the agreement that Wilson's peace aims differed from the Allies, historians also agree that once the United States did enter the war and the AEF arrived in Europe, friction quickly developed between General Pershing and the Allied commanders. David Trask argues many instances of "increasing friction" existed between Pershing and the French and British command. Trask includes a case where the Allies "attempted to bypass Pershing" by working directly with Wilson even though Wilson had appointed Pershing as Commander in Chief of the AEF.23 Trask argues that Pershing believed that the preceding few years of trench warfare had "deprived the French and even the British of offensive spirit," and he maintains that with Pershing's "open warfare" tactics, his methods of training drastically differed from the Allies.24 Michael Adas cites disagreement between Pershing and the Allied commanders immediately after Pershing arrived in France due to Pershing's unwillingness to listen to the experienced French and British leaders as they tried to suggest ways to employ the AEF.25 Adas argues that Pershing's desire to pursue "open warfare" did not take into account the realities of trench warfare and resulted in costly casualties.26 Russell Weigley cites frequent tensions between Pershing and the Allied commanders, including an example in September of 1918 in which AEF 22 Thomas J. Knock, To End All Wars: Woodrow Wilson and the Quest For a New World Order (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992; Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2019), 30-69. 23 Trask, AEF & Coalition Warmaking, 38-9. 24 Trask, AEF & Coalition Warmaking, 19. 25 Michael Adas, "Ambivalent Ally: American Military Intervention and the Endgame and Legacy of World War I," Diplomatic History 38 no. 4 (September 2014): 705-7, http://doi.org/10.1093/dh.dhu032. 26 Adas, "Ambivalent Ally," 710. Bailes 8 "traffic congestion" caused a significant disturbance in a visit from Georges Clemenceau.27 Weigley explains that Pershing's belief in "open warfare" would not work due to the enormous American divisions built for the trenches, arguing that Pershing would need "smaller, maneuverable divisions" if he wanted his open warfare to work.28 All historians agree that the issue of AEF amalgamation with the French and British forces served as the primary reason for the friction between the military leaders. David Woodford cites the notion that AEF amalgamation would "undermin[e] the significance of the American military role." Hence, Pershing remained adamant in his stance not to let the Allies use American soldiers to fight under French or British flags.29 Woodward notes that Pershing felt his AEF superior to the Allies as he "believed that the Americans had almost nothing to learn from French and British officers."30 Woodford explains that war aims and peace objectives formed the basis of a fractured Anglo-American relationship that finally crumbled during the peace conference.31 Mitchell Yockelson argues that despite tension between Pershing and the Allied leaders regarding the question of amalgamation, the 27th and 30th Divisions contributed significantly to the Allied effort under British command. Yockelson highlights a fascinating illustration of Pershing's stubbornness in noting that Pershing did not follow the exploits of these divisions even though they proved instrumental in the offensive against the Hindenburg Line.32 As an enduring theme throughout the amalgamation debate, historians point to Pershing's desire for the United States to deliver the decisive blow against Germany with an independent 27 Russell F. Weigley, "Strategy and Total War in the United States: Pershing and the American Military Tradition," Great War, Total War: Combat and Mobilization on the Western Front, 1914-1918, eds. Roger Chickering and Stig Förster (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2000), 333. 28 Weigley, "Pershing and the American Military Tradition," 341-2. 29 Woodward, Trial by Friendship, 57-8. 30 Woodward, 88. 31 Woodward, 7-80, 112-220. 32 Mitchell A. Yockelson, Borrowed Soldiers: Americans Under British Command, 1918 (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2008), 92-228. Bailes 9 American army. Allan Millett argues that Wilson gave Pershing the explicit directive to keep the AEF separate from the Allies and allowed Pershing the freedom to make decisions on how to integrate the AEF.33 Millett cites Pershing's initial plan to use an AEF offensive on Metz as the critical blow that would decide the war and establish an American contribution to defeating Imperial Germany. Pershing would not have his AEF ready to carry out this offensive until 1919, and his stubbornness in dealing with the requests for amalgamation in the interim "frustrated the Allies."34 Bullitt Lowry narrates Pershing's attempt to shape the post-war peace terms by arguing that Pershing wanted to force Germany into an "unconditional surrender." While Lowry concludes that Pershing's effort to influence the political realm failed, he believed that the only way to "guarantee victory" would be to crush Germany in battle.35 David Woodward argues that Pershing believed that the AEF would decide the war by becoming "the dominant role in the war against Germany."36 Woodward cites Pershing's ideas regarding "the aggressive American rifleman, whose tradition of marksmanship and frontier warfare" could rid the Western Front of trench warfare and execute a great offensive against Germany.37 Historians cite the notion throughout the ranks of the AEF that the United States should remain independent from the Allies, and historians point to the fact that many doughboys saw themselves as superior soldiers to the Allies. Robert H. Zieger argues that "virtually the entire military establishment" agreed with Pershing's desire to have an independent American 33 Allan R. Millett, "Over Where? The AEF and the American Strategy for Victory, 1917-1918," Against All Enemies: Interpretations of American Military History from Colonial Times to the Present, eds. Kenneth J. Hagan and William R. Roberts (Westport: Greenwood Press, Inc., 1986), 237. 34 Millett, "Over Where?," 239. 35 Bullitt Lowry, "Pershing and the Armistice," The Journal of American History 55 no. 2, (September 1968): 281-291, https://www.jstor.org/stable/1899558. 36 Woodward, Trial by Friendship, 81. 37 Woodward, 89, 207. Bailes 10 command.38 Still, Zieger does note that this separate American command relied heavily on the Allies for logistics support, and the AEF "misunderstood the military dynamics of the Western Front."39 Richard Faulkner argues that Pershing's doctrine rested on his belief that the "superior American rifle marksmanship, aggressiveness, and skilled maneuvering" could win the fight for the Allies.40 Faulkner argues that American soldiers saw themselves as intervening in the war effort to help the failing French and British, taunting their British partners by claiming AEF stands for "After England Failed." He devotes a chapter named as such to explain the AEF belief in the superiority of the American fighting man.41 Harold Winton argues that Pershing believed that the United States soldier was superior to his European counterpart.42 Jennifer Keene argues that issues such as the treatment of African-American soldiers and disagreements about which nation contributed the most to the Allied victory created rifts between the two allies.43 In her full text, Keene narrates AEF interactions with their French Allies, and she claims that doughboys saw themselves as superior fighters who could help turn the tide of war.44 Michael Neiberg explains that United States citizens and soldiers came away from the conflict with the belief in the "inherent superiority" of the American system over that of Europe.45 38 Robert H. Zieger, America's Great War: World War I and the American Experience (Oxford: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc., 2000), 92-102. 39 Zieger, America's Great War, 96. 40 Faulkner, Pershing's Crusaders: The American Soldier in World War I (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 2017), 285. 41 Faulkner, 281-304. 42 Harold Winton, "Toward an American Philosophy of Command," The Journal of Military History 64, no. 4 (October 2000): 1059, https://www.jstor.org/stable/2677266. 43 Jennifer D. Keene, "Uneasy Alliances: French Military Intelligence and the American Army During the First World War," Intelligence and National Security 13, no. 1 (January 2008): 18-36, https://doi.org/10.1080/02684529808432461. 44 Jennifer D. Keene, Doughboys, the Great War, and the Remaking of America (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 2001), 105-11. 45 Michael S. Neiberg, The Path to War: How The First World War Created Modern America (New York: Oxford University Press, 2016), 23. Bailes 11 Even when historians convey a more positive relationship between the AEF and their Allied counterparts, they still address the tension between Pershing and Allied leadership. Robert Bruce portrays a much more positive partnership between the doughboy and his French ally. Bruce documents Marshal Joseph Joffre's visit to the United States after Congress declared war against Germany to muster American support for the French. By comparing France's visit to Britain's, Bruce argues that Joffre established the framework for an intimate Franco-American partnership.46 Bruce maintains that the French respected the American soldier and viewed the entry of the AEF into the war as the saving grace of the Allies. Bruce narrates a bond between doughboys and French troops that increased as they trained and fought together.47 Despite this positive portrayal by Bruce of the French and AEF bond, Bruce still highlights the tension in Pershing's interactions with French commanders as well as noting the general perception amongst French commanders that Pershing thought "he knew everything there was to know about modern warfare."48 Bruce adds that different peace aims and post-war sentiments towards Germany created disagreements amongst American and French soldiers that fractured the relationship built during the war.49 Of note, Bruce suggests that the doughboys harbored what they saw as a "perceived lack of aggressiveness in the French."50 After synthesizing the historiography, the question remains regarding how these two arguments can be linked. Why did Wilsonian ideals influence AEF actions in the First World War, and how did that affect the United States' involvement in the nation's first large-scale 46 Robert B. Bruce, "America Embraces France: Marshal Joseph Joffre and the French Mission to the United States, April-May 1917," Journal of Military History 66 no. 2 (April 2002): 407-441, http://doi.org/10.2307/3093066; Bruce, A Fraternity of Arms, 32-59. 47 Bruce, A Fraternity of Arms, 86-121. 48 Bruce, A Fraternity of Arms, 128, 143. 49 Bruce, A Fraternity of Arms, 286-95. 50 Bruce, A Fraternity of Arms, 122. Bailes 12 coalition operation? Wilsonian ideals influenced the AEF's actions in the First World War because most American leaders and soldiers shared Wilson's concepts of Progressivism and believed that the United States should play a role in saving Europe. Even if some did not agree with Wilson's politics, most doughboys shared his ideas of American Exceptionalism, and these views affected United States involvement in the nation's first large-scale coalition operation. In merging the two topic areas of Wilson's ideologies and AEF involvement in the war, this essay will attempt to answer how the American doughboy found motivation in the same principles that guided President Wilson. Perhaps a reader will identify that the AEF demonstrated trends in Europe that highlight an "American way of war" that still resonates in United States coalition operations today. When President Wilson brought the United States into the First World War in April of 1917, he sold it as an effort to make the world safe for democracy. In Wilson's war address to Congress, Wilson called Imperial Germany's resumption of their unrestricted submarine campaign "warfare against mankind."51 Wilson maintained that Imperial Germany had given the United States no other choice but to declare war when they resumed their submarine attacks on merchant ships in the early spring of 1917. Still, Wilson furthered his justification for war by appealing to the broader ideal of fighting to defeat the Imperial German autocracy. Wilson described the "selfish and autocratic power" against which a free people needed to wage war.52 Later in his address, Wilson stated that he found hope in what he saw as the restoration of power to the people demonstrated in the Russian Revolution. Wilson saw a pre-Lenin revolution as 51 Woodrow Wilson, "Address to a Joint Session of Congress Calling for a Declaration of War" in "President Wilson," Essential Writings and Speeches of the Scholar-President, ed. Mario R. DiNunzio (New York: NYU Press, 2006): 399, https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt9qfgbg.15. 52 Wilson, "Declaration of War," 400. Bailes 13 bringing democracy to the people of Russia, and it opened the door for the realization that the Allies fought because "the world must be made safe for democracy."53 Arthur Link comments on Wilson's initial optimism on hearing of the Russian Revolution overthrowing Czar rule.54 While the Russian Revolution took a different turn in the following years, the initial news of the Russian people revolting against the Czar gave Wilson confidence that democracy could spread in Europe since now the Allies truly represented a democratic system. Wilson had spent the first years of the war trying to mediate peace in Europe through United States neutrality, and he tried to negotiate an end to the fighting without a victory for any of the imperial belligerents. Wilson did not see a lasting peace coming to Europe if any of the imperial powers achieved their peace objectives, so he attempted to mediate a truce. Kendrick Clements narrates how Wilson's desire to keep the United States neutral grew at odds with his economic support for the Allies. War for the United States rose to be more likely as Imperial Germany became increasingly aggravated with the United States for supplying aid to France and Britain while professing neutrality.55 Fraser Harbutt argues that at the initial outbreak of war in Europe, leaders as well as citizens of the United States concerned themselves with the economic impacts of the war primarily, and the United States benefited economically by supporting the Allies, specifically in the steel trade.56 Imperial Germany's resumption of unrestricted submarine warfare, as well as the capture of Germany's Zimmerman Telegram in January 1917, soliciting an alliance with Mexico, prompted Wilson to support waging war on Imperial Germany. Now American entry into the conflict presented Wilson with some new options for shaping the post- 53 Wilson, "Declaration of War," 401-2. 54 Link, "Entry into World War I," 122-3. 55 Kendrick A. Clements, "Woodrow Wilson and World War I," Presidential Studies Quarterly 34, no. 1 (March 2004: 62-82, https://www.jstor.org/stable/27552564. 56 Fraser J. Harbutt, "War, Peace, and Commerce: The American Reaction to the Outbreak of World War I in Europe 1914," An Improbable War? The Outbreak of World War I and European Political Culture Before 1914, eds. Holger Afflerbach and David Stevenson (New York: Berghahn Books, 2007), 320-1. Bailes 14 war world. Thomas Knock describes how even though the United States entry into the war meant the essential failure of Wilson's "Peace Without Victory," the international community had seemingly bought into Wilson's concept of "collective security."57 In the previous few years of American neutrality, Wilson had advocated for creating a collection of democratic nation-states to band together to prevent war, and by 1917 the international community seemed interested. Wilson would use American belligerency to shape his new world order for peace. Russia's withdrawal from the war in March of 1918 made the need for a United States presence all the more significant for the Allies. The American soldier would be a crusader of sorts, attempting to cure Europe of the diplomacy of old that had brought her to destruction. The European July crisis of 1914 that erupted in a full-scale war the following month proved to be the culmination of decades of the European balance of power diplomacy that led to rival alliances and an armament race between the feuding dynasties.58 European power politics had dominated the continent for centuries, which inevitably escalated into a world war, and the United States soldier would have the opportunity to save the nations from which most of their ancestors had descended. Michael Neiberg argues that by 1917, the American people felt an obligation to enter the war to save Europe. While the people of the United States supported neutrality initially, Neiberg explains that public opinion swayed over time toward a desire to save Europe from the terror of Imperial Germany.59 The United States Secretary of War from 1916-1921, Newton Baker, published a text almost two decades after the armistice in which he maintained that the United States went to war to stop Imperial Germany and make the world safe for democracy. Baker took issue with the 57 Knock, To End All Wars, 115. 58 James Joll and Gordon Martel, The Origins of the First World War, 3rd ed. (New York: Routledge, 2013), 9-291. 59 Neiberg, The Path to War, 7-8, 31-3, 235. Bailes 15 historians of the 20s and 30s who claimed that economic interest influenced the United States entry into the war, and he argued they ignored the necessity of U.S. involvement to stop Germany. Baker explained that the American public remained overwhelmingly critical of the German autocracy and desired to intervene to save the European people.60 Private Alexander Clay of the AEF's 33rd Division demonstrated this sense of duty as he wrote regarding his 1918 deployment to France. As Clay's ship passed the Statue of Liberty while leaving the New York harbor, he thought to himself of the French leader Lafayette's role in securing United States victory during the American Revolution. He wrote that the AEF went to France to "repay the debt of our gratitude to your country for your country's alliance with our country in obtaining liberty from an oppressor England."61 For the United States to effectively reshape the world, there needed to be an independent American command that would ensure the United States contributed to the victory over Imperial Germany, which would give Wilson his seat at the post-war peace talks. In a January 22, 1917 address to the Senate in which he articulated his vision for peace in Europe, Wilson claimed that the warring European nations could not shape a lasting peace. While Wilson still did not advocate for United States intervention at this point, he did state that to achieve peace "[i]t will be absolutely necessary that a force be created as a guarantor of the permanency of the settlement so much greater than the force of any nation now engaged or any alliance hitherto formed or projected that no nation, no probable combination of nations could face or withstand it."62 In this speech, Wilson advocated for a "peace without victory" because he did not envision a peaceful 60 Newton D. Baker, Why We Went to War (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1936), 4-10, 20, 160-3. 61 Private Alexander Clay in American Voices of World War I: Primary Source Documents, 1917-1920, ed. Martic Marix Evans (Chicago: Fitzroy Dearborn Publishers, 2001; New York: Routledge, 2013), 19, Kindle. 62 Woodrow Wilson, "Essential Terms for Peace in Europe" in "President Wilson," Essential Writings and Speeches of the Scholar-President, 393. Bailes 16 outcome if any of the imperial powers achieved victorious peace terms.63 Wilson reiterated his stance that the United States should play a decisive role in shaping post-war Europe and ensuring that "American principles" guided the rest of the world.64 When the United States declared war against Imperial Germany a few months after this speech, it essentially put Wilson's vision into motion. Diplomatic historian William Widenor argues that Wilson realized that the United States needed to participate in the war "rather than as an onlooker" to achieve his visions for peace.65 Widenor notes Wilson's desire for the United States to enter the war as an "associate" to the Entente as opposed to an "ally," and Widenor maintains that Wilson desired to change the world and "democratize and also, unfortunately, to Americanize it."66 The late international historian Elisabeth Glaser captures the Wilson administration's balancing between maintaining an economic relationship with the Entente powers while attempting to remain "an independent arbiter in the conflict."67 Wilson appointed General Pershing to lead the American effort, and Wilson gave him the simple instruction to keep the American Expeditionary Forces as a command separate from the Allies. In 1928, the Army War College published The Genesis of the American First Army, which documented the details surrounding how the War Department created an independent army of the United States. The text includes a caption from Secretary of War Baker's memorandum to Pershing. Baker informed Pershing of Wilson's order to "cooperate with the forces of the other countries employed against the enemy; but in so doing the underlying idea must be kept in view that the forces of the United States are a separate and distinct component of 63 Wilson, "Essential Terms for Peace in Europe," 394. 64 Wilson, 396-7. 65 William C. Widenor, "The United States and the Versailles Peace Settlement," 42. 66 Widenor, 42-3. 67 Elisabeth Glaser, "Better Late than Never: The American Economic War Effort, 1917-1918," Great War, Total War: Combat and Mobilization on the Western Front, 1914-1918, eds. Roger Chickering and Stig Förster (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2000), 390. Bailes 17 the combined forces, the identity of which must be preserved."68 The President did give Pershing the authority to decide how the AEF would integrate into Allied operations. Upon Pershing's June 13, 1917 arrival in Paris, he began making decisions regarding AEF employment as it pertained to logistics, training, and an initial American area of operations on the Western Front. With a plan of achieving a force of 1,328,448 men in France by the end of 1918, Pershing needed to ensure his troops were able to build combat power and prepare for war while simultaneously ensuring that he maintained a distinct American command.69 The following 17 months of conflict with American boots on the ground in Europe saw significant political and diplomatic friction between Pershing and the Allied commanders. Pershing attempted to keep his AEF intact while satisfying Allied requests for American soldiers to replace French and British casualties, especially when Germany launched their Spring 1918 offensives. Pershing described in his memoirs that the French and British requested American soldiers to fill their gaps on the front lines when they had each sent diplomatic missions to America shortly after the United States entered the war. Pershing maintained his adamancy against the United States "becoming a recruiting agency for either the French or British," and he recounted that the War Department retained his position as well.70 While Allied leaders ostensibly supported having an independent American army participate in the war effort, the need to replace casualties in the trenches proved to be their immediate concern. Russia withdrawing from the conflict allowed Germany to reinforce their strength on the Western Front and mount a series of offensives. Germany knew they had a limited window of time for victory 68 Army War College (U.S.) Historical Section, The Genesis of the American First Army (Army War College, 1928), Reprints from the collection of the University of Michigan Library (Coppell, TX, 2020), 2. 69 The Genesis of the American First Army, 2-9. 70 John J. Pershing, My Experiences in the World War, vol. 1 (New York: Frederick A. Stokes Company, 1931), 30-3. Bailes 18 with the United States continuing to build combat power, so they surged in the early months of 1918. Pershing faced a strategic dilemma of trying to support the Allies and get his troops in the fight while simultaneously attempting to build an independent American army. Ultimately, Pershing gave the Allies some of his army divisions as much needed replacements, and he made an effort to ensure that these divisions remained as intact as possible. Pershing endeavored to organize these divisions under a U.S. corps level command, but this corps command proved mostly administrative rather than tactical.71 By the time Pershing activated his independent American First Army, it only spent a few months in combat. The temporarily amalgamated doughboys Pershing gave to the Allies to meet their requests had contributed more to the defeat of Imperial Germany than Pershing's independent army. Mostly because Pershing had interspersed his divisions throughout the French and British fronts to meet the Allied requests for replacements, the American First Army did not activate until August of 1918. The September 20-25 Meuse-Argonne offensive would be the first significant operation for Pershing's independent army.72 David Trask concludes his critique of Pershing by recognizing the contribution that the American soldier played in providing manpower to the Allies. Trask commends the bravery of the American doughboy, but he argues that the amalgamated U.S. divisions contributed more to victory than the American First Army.73 In a similar vein, Mitchell Yockelson contends that the 27th and 30th Divisions who remained under British command throughout the war benefited over the rest of the AEF from extensive training led by the experienced British troops, and they contributed significantly to the Allied 71 The Genesis of the American First Army, 9-46. 72 John J. Pershing, Final Report of Gen. John J. Pershing: Commander-in-Chief American Expeditionary Forces. (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1919), 37-8; The Genesis of the American First Army, 45-58. 73 Trask, The AEF & Coalition Warmaking, 174-7. Bailes 19 victory.74 Pershing detailed his plans to capitalize on the initiative gained with his Meuse-Argonne offensive to deliver his decisive blow against Germany. The November 11 armistice came before he could achieve his grand vision.75 While the American doughboy played a critical role in providing an Allied victory over Imperial Germany, Pershing never realized his concept of an independent American command autonomously crushing the German army. The American soldier contributed most significantly to the Allied victory by taking part in offensives planned and conducted under the control of French and British Generals. Understanding American motivation during the war effort requires understanding the Progressive Movement taking place in the early-twentieth-century United States. Michael McGerr writes a detailed account of the cause and effect of the Progressive Movement. McGerr describes the wealth disparity brought about by Victorian society and the Gilded Age, and the class conflict emerging from this gave birth to a social and political movement that attempted to enact massive change in the American system.76 McGerr claims that the Progressive Movement attempted such major reform that no social or political action since has tried "anything as ambitious" due to the adverse reactions of such massive change.77 The Progressive Movement engulfed American society and brought about changes in family structures, race relations, and governmental powers. Herbert Croly illustrated the drive for monumental change rooted in the Progressive Movement with his text Progressive Democracy. In his narrative, Croly advocated for a complete overhaul of the American system to achieve freedom and alleviate wealth disparity. Croly saw governmental reform as the method for spreading democracy to all 74 Yockelson, Borrowed Soldiers, 213-23. 75 Pershing, My Experiences in the World War, vol. 2, 355-87. 76 McGerr, A Fierce Discontent, 3-146. 77 McGerr, 315-9. Bailes 20 citizens.78 In describing American public opinion during the time of United States entry into World War I, David Kennedy argues that for those Americans who championed progressive ideals, "the war's opportunities were not to be pursued in the kingdom of commerce but in the realm of the spirit."79 While the United States maintained a formidable economic link with the Allies throughout American neutrality, Wilson appealed to American ideals to garner public support for the war. United States entry into the war did not come as the natural development of the Progressive Movement. Still, the American public's reason for supporting the war certainly borrowed progressive sentiments. Wilson championed progressive initiatives that had ingrained themselves in the national mood of early-twentieth-century America. Wilson ran for President in 1912 on the principles he codified the following year in his text The New Freedom. Wilson argued that the Jefferson era of United States democracy had long ended. Wilson maintained that because of the new complexities found in American society, a "reconstruction in the United States" needed to occur to achieve real economic and social freedom.80 Ronald Pestritto articulates Wilson's vision for a governmental system as it relates to a society's history and progress. According to Wilson, the method of government that works for people depends on how far that population has progressed. In that manner, the government should always change to reflect the progression of its people best.81 Pestritto argues that a major theme found in Wilson's 1908 text Constitutional Government in the United States rests in the idea that: [T]here are four stages through which all governments pass: (1) government is the master and people are its subjects; (2) government remains the master, not through 78 Herbert Croly, Progressive Democracy (New York: Macmillan, 1914; New Brunswick: Transaction Publishers; Second printing 2006), 25, 103-18. 79 David M. Kennedy, Over Here: The First World War and American Society (New York: Oxford University Press, 1980; New York: Oxford University Press, 2004), 39. 80 Woodrow Wilson, The New Freedom: A Call for the Emancipation of the Generous Energies of a People (New York and Garden City: Doubleday, Page & Company, 1913), www.philosophical.space/303/Wilson.pdf. 81 Pestritto, Woodrow Wilson and the Roots of Modern Liberalism, 34-42. Bailes 21 force but by its fitness to lead; (3) a stage of agitation, when leaders of the people rise up to challenge the government for power; and (4) the final stage, where the people become fully self-conscious and have leaders of their own choosing.82 Wilson epitomized the Progressive Movement's ideals regarding the government adapting to the changes of the people to create a more representative system of government. He would appeal to these principles in advocating for United States intervention in Europe. An underlying sentiment existed within the Progressive Movement that sought to bring about massive change, and this energy extended into the war effort. Lloyd Ambrosius explains the rise of the United States as an imperial power during the Gilded Age and Progressive Era. The outcome of the American Civil War created a more powerful central government, and economic growth during the following decades allowed more opportunity for global expansion.83 As the United States extended its global presence, the ideals that formed the nation began to influence foreign policy. David Kennedy writes about the shift in prominent progressives toward support of the war effort. Kennedy references John Dewey as a significant advocate for utilizing the war to satisfy progressive initiatives. According to Kennedy, progressives found appeal in Wilson's reasons for American belligerency in Europe as "a war for democracy, a war to end war, a war to protect liberalism, a war against militarism, a war to redeem barbarous Europe, a crusade."84 Michael McGerr states that the First World War "brought the extraordinary culmination of the Progressive Movement."85 Regardless of the typical progressive view of war, progressives could find merit in Wilson's justification for United States involvement. 82 Pestritto, 37. 83 Ambrosius, Woodrow Wilson and American Internationalism, 26-32. 84 Kennedy, Over Here: The First World War and American Society, 50-3. 85 McGerr, A Fierce Discontent, 280. Bailes 22 Even though a vast segment of the United States population did not support going to war in Europe, the notion of saving Europe still permeated throughout American society. In a series of essays published in the July 1917 edition of The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, multiple thinkers of the time expressed the necessity of the United States entering the war to save Europe. Miles Dawson argued the importance of the United States' mission in the war by documenting the five "fundamentals" that made the United States unique, and he explained the importance of spreading those principles globally. Dawson advocated for the spreading of American ideals throughout the rest of the world.86 George Kirchwey argued that the United States must go to war to defeat Imperial Germany and secure peace. Kirchwey suggested that the war was a fight against an autocratic empire and a crusade to make the world safe for democracy. Kirchwey maintained that the United States needed to lead the effort in creating a world order for peace.87 Samuel Dutton saw the purpose of the United States as transcending party lines. Dutton suggested that the aim of defeating autocratic Imperial Germany needed to be a united American mission.88 Emily Greene Balch wrote that the United States "enters the war on grounds of the highest idealism, as the champion of democracy and world order."89 Walter Lippman argued that once the United States entered the war, they were obligated to fight to make the world safe for democracy. Lippman placed the blame for the war squarely on Germany and their aggression in Belgium and unrestricted submarine warfare. Similar to Wilson in his war address, Lippman drew parallels to the Russian Revolution and the 86 Miles M. Dawson, "The Significance of Our Mission in This War," The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 72 (July 1917): 10-13, http://www.jstor.com/stable/1013639. 87 George W. Kirchwey, "Pax Americana," Annals, 40-48, http://www.jstor.com/stable/1013645. 88 Samuel Dutton, "The United States and the War," Annals, 13-19, http://www.jstor.com/stable/1013640. 89 Emily Greene Balch, "The War in Its Relation to Democracy and World Order," Annals, 28-31, https://www.jstor.org/stable/1013643 Bailes 23 importance of it signaling that the Allies truly represented democracy.90 Wilson's reasons for war had found a voice in the academic circles of the United States, and they nested well with the progressive message. Wilson's goals for peace illustrate how Progressive initiatives manifested into the global sphere. In his August 18, 1914 address advocating for the American population to remain neutral during the European conflict, Wilson maintained that the United States held a responsibility "to play a part of impartial mediation and speak the counsels of peace and accommodation, not as a partisan, but as a friend."91 Similarly, when addressing the Senate over two years later communicating his persistent intent of mediating peace in Europe through American neutrality, Wilson criticized the demands for peace submitted by the Entente that sought revenge over Imperial Germany rather than a lasting peace. Wilson instructed that "peace must be followed by some definite concert of power which will make it virtually impossible that any such catastrophe should ever overwhelm us again."92 In line with his progressive ideology, Wilson believed in United States intervention in the European conflict that would fundamentally improve their diplomatic system entirely. The United States would intervene in Europe to not only end the conflict but restructure the political climate in a more peaceful, progressive manner. Kendrick Clements argues that Wilson's economic and diplomatic decisions throughout United States neutrality drew him into the war gradually as he continued to side with the Allies. Wilson attempted to maintain his ideals for peace as the United States continued to get closer to belligerency.93 When the United States entry into the war proved virtually inevitable, Wilson 90 Walter Lippman, "The World Conflict in Its Relation to American Democracy," Annals, 1-10, https://www.jstor.org/stable/1013638. 91 Woodrow Wilson, "An Appeal for Neutrality in World War I," 390. 92 Woodrow Wilson, "Essential Terms for Peace in Europe," 392. 93 Clements, "Woodrow Wilson and World War I," 63-81. Bailes 24 ensured that the reasons for fighting aligned with the progressive energy that moved within American society. A religious vigor inspired military action that can be seen as a product of the Progressive Movement as well. Richard Gamble narrates the origin of the opinion that the United States represented a light for the rest of the world, and he describes how this concept brought the nation into the war. Gamble argues that these Christian ideals drove the political climate as Wilson's vision echoed the religious sentiment, and they prompted men to fight.94 Gamble describes the "social gospel" movement that had energized progressive Christians in the United States as extending into the international realm. The same energy that had influenced Christians to enact domestic change had transcended into a desire to improve the world, and Wilson ensured these sentiments carried over into United States foreign policy.95 Ronald Pestritto argues Wilson's religious conviction and explains that Wilson linked his faith with his duty to help shape the rest of the world. Pestritto explains the belief that "America was a key battleground in the victory of good over evil."96 Richard Gamble's mention of literature such as Washington Gladden's 1886 "Applied Christianity" highlights the popular message of progressive faith that nests with Pestritto's argument.97 Wilson illustrated the linkage of religion and progressive reform when he spoke in Denver, Colorado, in a 1911 build-up to his run for the Presidency. Wilson commented that "liberty is a spiritual conception, and when men take up arms to set other men free, there is something sacred and holy in the warfare."98 Wilson went on to champion the necessity of finding truth in the Bible's message, and he concluded by warning against believing "that 94 Gamble, The War for Righteousness, 5-87. 95 Gamble, 69-87. 96 Pestritto, Woodrow Wilson and the Roots of Modern Liberalism, 40-3. 97 Gamble, The War for Righteousness, 49-67. 98 Woodrow Wilson, "The Bible and Progress" in "On Religion," Essential Writings and Speeches of the Scholar-President, https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt9qfgbg.7, 54. Bailes 25 progress can be divorced from religion."99 To Wilson, Christianity taught the spiritual duty of working toward social progress, and most progressive men of faith believed in these same sentiments which carried over toward United States actions in France. At the core of this Progressive energy and Wilson's peace aims were the sentiments surrounding an idea of American Exceptionalism. Many of the same ideas found in the religious aspect of the need to work for social progression catered to a sense of American Exceptionalism. In the same May 7, 1911 address in Denver, Colorado, Wilson spoke of the greatness of the United States as a direct correlation to the religious zeal and Biblical principles with which the founders had established the nation. According to Wilson, "America has all along claimed the distinction of setting this example to the civilized world."100 Wilson believed that the United States should serve as the model of Christian values for the rest of the world as "America was born to exemplify that devotion to the elements of righteousness which are derived from the revelations of Holy Scripture."101 In his text In Search of the City on a Hill, Richard Gamble describes how the United States narrative utilized an interpretation of divine providence to create an image of a nation built on religious principles that should serve as an example for the rest of the world.102 Lloyd Ambrosius describes the prevalent belief in the early twentieth-century United States that considered the United States a "providential nation" as citizens attempted to justify global expansion.103 If the United States existed as a providential manifestation of God's will, then that could rationalize the spread of the American system into the international realm. 99 Wilson, "The Bible and Progress," 53-9. 100 Wilson, 56. 101 Wilson, 59. 102 Richard M. Gamble, In Search of the City on a Hill: The Making and Unmakng of an American Myth (London: Continuum International Publishng Group, 2012), 6-119. 103 Ambrosius, Woodrow Wilson and Ameriam Internationalism, 33. Bailes 26 Men of faith found a divine message in the need for the United States to intercede in the global sphere to mold the world in her image. Wilson's brand of progressive history nested well with his idea of American Exceptionalism. Lloyd Ambrosius explains Wilson's fundamental belief that "primitive peoples moved toward greater maturity over the generations."104 Wilson applied this to the history of the United States. As Ronald Perstritto describes, Wilson believed that "the history of human progress is the history of the progress of freedom."105 As people progressed, they, in turn, developed a governmental system that allowed for more representation for its citizens. According to Ambrosius, Wilson believed that "the United States represented the culmination of progressive historical development."106 The American people had achieved real progression in Wilson's historical model, and democracy achieved through the American Revolution solidified his theory. Wilson certainly made this point evident in his writings regarding history. Wilson suggests that "the history of the United States demonstrates the spiritual aspects of political development."107 The United States embodied the ideal form of Wilson's progressive history. Wilson saw it as the responsibility of the United States to spread its exceptional personification of progressive history with the rest of the world. Wilson acknowledged his views on the uniqueness of the United States in his New Freedom. While arguing for progressive reform in the states, Wilson stated that "[t]he reason that America was set up was that she might be different from all the nations of the world."108 Indeed, Wilson believed in the providential nature of the United States, and he desired to shape the rest of the world. 104 Ambrosius, Woodrow Wilson and American Internationalism, 236. 105 Pestritto, Woodrow Wilson and the Roots of Modern Liberalism, 37. 106 Ambrosius, Woodrow Wilson and American Internationalism, 236. 107 Woodrow Wilson, "The Historian," Essential Writings and Speeches of the Scholar-President, 216, https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt9qfgbg.10. 108 Wilson, The New Freedom, 16. Bailes 27 Early in the war during the period of United States neutrality, Wilson's reasons for remaining neutral stemmed from his belief in the exceptional nature of the American system and his desire for the United States to stay clear of European affairs. Even in American neutrality, Wilson still sought to mediate a peace in Europe because he perceived a chance to spread the democracy of the United States to Europe. Wilson believed that he needed to mediate in the European conflict because "mere terms of peace between the belligerents will not satisfy even the belligerents themselves," and he questioned whether the Entente and Central powers fought "for a just and secure peace, or only for a new balance of power."109 Wilson's peace aims were in sharp contrast to the Allied leaders, which illustrated his emphasis that the United States should mold a post-war Europe, and this tied directly to American Exceptionalism. While the British leadership concerned themselves with imperial interests, the French sought revenge on Germany from the 1870 Franco-Prussian War. Wilson made it clear in his war address that the United States had "no quarrel with the German people."110 Wilson's vision for a post-war world remained focused on a lasting peace rather than what he perceived as selfish imperial gains or senseless revenge. American Exceptionalism formed the foundation for the interventionist foreign policy of the Progressive Era, and it profoundly motivated Wilson as well as the bulk of American society. Diplomatic historian William Appleman Williams details the rise of the United States as a global power. Williams argues that most Americans in the early twentieth-century United States agreed not only with "Wilson's nationalistic outlook," but they also agreed that the nation should serve as an example for the rest of the world.111 As mentioned previously, Miles Dawson contributed 109 Woodrow Wilson, "Essential Terms for Peace in Europe," 393. 110 Woodrow Wilson, "Declaration of War," 401. 111 Williams, The Tragedy of American Diplomacy, 86. Bailes 28 to the July 1917 The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science to voice the justification of United States intervention in France. In his text, Dawson defined the five uniquely American fundamentals as: 1. The inalienable right of every man to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness – not as a mere dead saying, but as a living reality. 2. The right of local self-government, within territories possessing or entitled to claim such right, embracing every power of government not expressly granted to the union. 3. The guaranty to each state of a forum for the redress of grievances of one state against another with full power to enforce the verdict of that forum. 4. The guaranty of a republican form of government to each constituent state. 5. The right and duty to maintain the union.112 To thinkers like Dawson, this unique set of traits not only provided United States citizens with a system of government that separated them from the rest of the world, but it inherently gave them a duty to spread the American ideology to the rest of the world. Fundamentally, the idea that the world should take the lead from the United States exemplified the broad theme of American Exceptionalism inspiring AEF actions in the war. With Progressivism and American Exceptionalism at the root of the war effort, the citizen-soldier of the AEF found inspiration in the same rhetoric. Nelson Lloyd described the "melting-pots" of the army cantonment areas in which soldiers who were born outside of the United States "have become true Americans. They have learned the language of America and the ideals of America and have turned willing soldiers in her cause."113 Michael Neiberg argues that a lasting legacy of United States involvement in the war became a unified American mission superseding any cultural allegiance, and "disagreements would no longer be based on ethnicity 112 Dawson, "The Significance of Our Mission in This War," 11. 113 Newson Lloyd, How We Went to War (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1922), 58, https://archive.org/details/howwewenttowar00lloyrich/page/n7/mode/2up. Bailes 29 or religion."114 United States entry into the war gave the American citizen-soldier a reason for fighting to preserve a democratic system in Europe, and Wilson's belief that the United States would play a central role became widespread amongst the ranks of the AEF. Lieutenant Willard Hill of the Transport Division and 94th Aero Pursuit Squadron claimed when hearing of the United States entry into the war "that this war is not over yet and that the U.S. troops will play a very decisive factor."115 The purpose of United States entry into the war inspired an idealism that would unify soldiers and champion a belief that the AEF would save Europe from the autocracy of Imperial Germany. Private Willard Newton of the 105th Engineers, 30th Division, exclaimed his joy during the September offensives by stating, "[a]t last we are at the beginning of a real battle between Prussianism and Democracy! And we are to fight on the side of Democracy that the world may forever be free from the Prussian peril!"116 The sentiments of these soldiers expressed a voice that echoed Wilson's desire to utilize an American army to bring peace to Europe, and Pershing dutifully followed his instructions. Pershing's stubbornness in not giving in to the Allies' request to amalgamate troops remained the most significant source of friction between him and the Allied military leaders. Still, Pershing's belief that the doughboy remained a superior warrior to the French and British soldier intensified Pershing's negative feelings toward his Allied counterparts. Pershing did not hide his views regarding coalitions when he wrote early in his memoirs that "[h]istory is replete with the failures of coalitions and seemed to be repeating itself in the World War."117 Russell Weigley argues that Pershing believed "that only by fighting under American command would 114 Michael S. Neiberg, "Blinking Eyes Began to Open: Legacies from America's Road to the Great War, 1914-1917," Diplomatic History 38, no. 4 (2014): 812, https://doi:10.1093/dh/dhu023. 115 Lieutenant Willard D. Hill (Cleburne, Texas) in American Voices of World War I, 47. 116 Private Willard Newton (Gibson, North Carolina) in American Voices of World War I, 140. 117 Pershing, My Experiences in the World War, vol. 1, 34. Bailes 30 American soldiers retain the morale they needed to fight well."118 This assertion proved incorrect as those American doughboys who fought under French and British command performed extraordinarily.119 David Trask maintains that Pershing's "presumption that the American troops were superior to others in the war helps explain his stubborn insistence on an independent army even during the greatest crisis of the war."120 Although the German Spring Offensives of 1918 put the Allies in desperate need of replacements, Pershing held his ground in resisting amalgamation. He only agreed to temporary amalgamation after much deliberation. Pershing's plan required maintaining a separate and distinct American force if the United States was to play a critical role in defeating Imperial Germany. This plan did not always synchronize with General Foch's overall plan for the Allied strategy for defeating Imperial Germany. Mitchell Yockelson describes an instance in late September 1918 in which a newly established AEF officers' school near Pershing's headquarters pulled a bulk of American officers from the front lines, which "affected the AEF First Army divisions that were about to attack in the Meuse-Argonne operation."121 United States political leadership back home undoubtedly noticed the friction between Pershing and the Allied leaders. David Woodward mentioned that at one point, Wilson and Secretary Baker intervened to plead with Pershing to be more accommodating to the Allies. According to Woodward, "Pershing proved as immovable as ever when it came to wholesale amalgamation and introducing Americans to trench warfare before he deemed them ready for combat."122 118 Weigley, "Pershing and the U.S. Military Tradition," 335. 119 Weigley, 335. 120 Trask, The AEF & Coalition Warmaking, 61. 121 Yockelson, Borrowed Soldiers, 127. 122 Woodward, Trial by Friendship, 168-9. Bailes 31 Pershing's doctrine of "open warfare" proved predicated on a firm belief in the exceptional quality of the American fighting man. In his memoirs, Pershing documented his view that the results of the Battle of the Marne had placed the opposing forces in a trench defensive that had taken away their aggression and ability to fight an offensive battle. Pershing maintained that "victory could not be won by the costly process of attrition, but it must be won by driving the enemy out into the open and engaging him in a war of movement."123 Sergeant-major James Block of the 59th Infantry, 4th Division, wrote after an offensive near Belleau Wood that his troops "had proven to ourselves that we were the Hun's master, even in our present untrained condition. The Hun could not stand before us and battle man to man."124 David Trask argues that Pershing's reliance on the rifle and bayonet under his open warfare doctrine limited the AEF's ability to adapt to the combined arms fight as quickly as did the French and British.125 In his Final Report, Pershing praised the Allied training system that prepared his inexperienced troops for combat on the Western Front. Although he admitted that his soldiers needed to learn from the experiences of the combat tested French and British, he stated that "[t]he long period of trench warfare had so impressed itself upon the French and British that they had almost entirely dispensed with training for open warfare."126 Pershing relied heavily on his infantrymen, and he saw the rifle and the bayonet as the superior weapon. He did not factor advances in the machine gun, tanks, and artillery to integrate all lethal assets onto the battlefield. According to Richard Faulkner, Pershing planned on using his troops – who he believed were 123 Pershing, 151-4. 124 Sergeant-major James W. Block (Marquette, Michigan) in American Voices of World War I, 108. 125 Trask, The AEF & Coalition Warmaking, 19. 126 Pershing, Final Report, 13-5. Bailes 32 better suited for offensive warfare – to "force the Germans from their trenches into open terrain where the Allies' greater resources would then destroy the unprotected enemy army."127 Perhaps nothing exhibited Pershing's obtuse attitude toward his Allied counterparts more than his desire to beat the French in seizing Sedan from the Germans. Pershing outlined his wishes that his "troops should capture Sedan, which the French had lost in a decisive battle in 1870."128 Russell Weigley comments on Pershing's intent "to try to snatch from the French army the honor of recapturing the historic fortress city of Sedan, where the Emperor Napoleon III had surrendered to the Prussians on September 1-2, 1870."129 Sergeant-major Block described the fierce German resistance during the late September Allied offensives. Still, he claimed that "[o]nce the Americans penetrated that line, their advance northward would be comparatively easy. Sedan would fall next."130 The AEF performed well during the offensives in early November, and the crumbling Imperial German army made Sedan easily attainable for either Pershing's Second Army or the Franco-American armies.131 David Trask points out the diplomatic issue that would ensue if Pershing were to "deprive the French army of this honor."132 The new commander of the American First Army, General Liggett, ultimately did not carry out the attack, which undoubtably prevented a political and diplomatic disaster.133 Russell Weigley maintains that Liggett changed plans after "the offended French" updated him of Pershing's plans on November 7.134 The idea that Pershing wished to take away French retribution by giving 127 Faulkner, Pershing's Crusaders, 285. 128 Pershing, My Experiences in the World War, vol. 2, 381. 129 Weigley, "Pershing and the U.S. Military Tradition," 342. 130 Sergeant-major Block in American Voices of World War I, 135. 131 Bruce, A Fraternity of Arms, 282-3. 132 Trask, The AEF & Coalition Warmaking, 174. 133 Trask, 174, 134 Weigley, 343. Bailes 33 his troops a decisive victory and morale boost demonstrated his disconnect from the sentiments of his Allied counterparts. Pershing's belief in the superiority of the American soldier to his French and British counterpart extended to the lower ranks of the AEF. While perhaps sensationalizing his account, Scout Corporal Edward Radcliffe of the 109th Infantry, 28th Division wrote regarding actions around St Agnon "that the French of the 10th or 6th army had fallen back, their officers being shot by our men when they ordered them to retreat."135 In a post-World War I survey, Sergeant Donald Drake Kyler of the 16th Infantry, 1st Division answered a question about what he learned about America and Americans from the war. Sergeant Kyler stated that "Americans are inclined to brag about their systems and accomplishments which may or not be superior to those of other peoples or cultures."136 In many of the accounts of AEF actions in Europe, General Pershing and his doughboys showcased American Exceptionalism. Richard Faulkner devotes a chapter of his text to argue that most of the AEF doughboys perceived inferiority in the French way of life compared to the United States. The majority of white AEF soldiers came away from the war, believing that, in terms of technology as well as general health and welfare, American society remained superior to that of France and England.137 Faulkner makes note that "with the notable exception of the African Americans, the soldiers generally believed that their society was markedly superior to anything they encountered in Europe."138 Sergeant-major Block wrote a letter home to his parents during the post-war occupation period. He wrote of the perception that "Paris makes up for the backwardness of the rest of France."139 135 Corporal Edward Radcliffe in American Voices of World War I, 94. 136 Sergeant Donald Drake Kyler (Fort Thomas, Kentucky) in American Voices of World War I, 196. 137 Faulkner, Pershing's Crusaders, 188-93. 138 Faulkner, 189. 139 Sergeant-major Block in American Voices of World War I, 191. Bailes 34 While the bond formed between the French and British soldiers and the AEF doughboy proved strong, there still seemed to be a sentiment of American superiority amongst the AEF ranks. Tasker H. Bliss, who served as Army Chief of Staff from September 1917 to May 1918, documented the challenge of absent unified Allied command in a 1922 essay. Bliss wrote a detailed piece in which he criticized the lack of a unified Allied mission while praising General Foch and championing his eventual selection as "Allied Commander-in-Chief."140 Bliss condemned the Allied leaders for waiting so long before establishing any sort of unified command, and he argued that for the first years of the war, they fought for their national goals only. Bliss maintained that this hindered United States integration into the war effort as well.141 Charles Pettit wrote an account of his time on the Western Front. Initially serving in the British army, Pettit joined the AEF once they arrived and concluded his 42 months of combat with the Rainbow Division. Pettit commented that "[w]e know why the French and English didn't win the War. They was waiting for us."142 Robert Bruce expands on the relationship between the American and French soldiers during the post-war occupation period. The doughboys believed that the Allied victory had eliminated the threat of autocratic Imperial Germany. At the same time, the French soldiers still demonstrated distrust of the German for fear of a future war. According to Bruce, "Americans did not want to hear about the need to prepare for a future war with Germany. They believed that victory in the Great War and the conversion of Germany to a democracy was enough to end the menace; Americans were unwilling to do more."143 For the AEF doughboy, the United States' actions in the war had saved Europe from the threat of the 140 Tasker H. Bliss, "The Evolution of the Unified Command," Foreign Affairs 1, no. 2 (December 1922): 1-30, https://www.jstor.org/stable/20028211. 141 Bliss, 7-30. 142 Charles A. Pettit in Echoes From Over There: By the Men of the Army and Marine Corps who Fought in France, eds. Craig Hamilton and Louise Corbin (New York City: The Soldiers' Publishing Company, 1919), 107-9. 143 Bruce, A Fraternity of Arms, 289. Bailes 35 Imperial German autocracy. United States' involvement in its first large-scale coalition operation had solidified the dominance of the American soldier and the system for which he fought. The American doughboy contributed significantly to the Allied victory over Imperial Germany. Without American boots on the ground in France, Imperial Germany may have defeated the Allies. Allan Millett argues that Pershing's independent army did not achieve all that Pershing had hoped. Still, Millett maintains that an accurate assessment of the war would be that the "Allies might have lost the war without the American Expeditionary Forces."144 With the Russian withdrawal from the war and Germany's surge in the Western Front in the Spring of 1918, the Allies desperately needed more boots on the ground. AEF actions in Cantigny, Belleau Wood, and the attack on the Hindenburg line proved the value of the doughboys to the Allied victory over Imperial Germany and the Central Powers. Acknowledging the contribution of the American soldier to the Allied victory should remain a critical focus of any study of United States involvement in the war. While the presence of American troops on the ground benefited the Allies and did give Wilson his seat at the post-war peace talks, Pershing did not realize his grand vision of an independent American army crushing Imperial Germany. Bullitt Lowry documents Pershing's desire to capitalize on increasing the United States combat power to continue pressing a weakening German army and deliver a crushing blow.145 The Germans signed the armistice before Pershing could make this happen. While Wilson gained his seat at the peace conference and Pershing did not get his chance to win a tactical victory, the French and British still received their original desires and delivered Germany "harsh armistice terms."146 144 Millett, "Over Where?," 251. 145 Lowry, "Pershing and the Armistice," 286-91. 146 Lowry, 291. Bailes 36 With the eventual collapse of the League of Nations, Wilson never achieved his vision of a new world order for peace. Still, the United States government had established its importance and commenced its entry into the realm of global powers. United States involvement in the First World War helped solidify a national identity as well as establish an American presence on the international stage. Theodore Roosevelt Jr. wrote a letter on May 15, 1919, in which he documented the benefit of the war and what he saw as "Americanizing and democratizing" the soldiers through military service.147 Roosevelt commented that through service in support of the war effort, "love of the men for their country has been deepened, that their sense of real democracy has been sharpened and steadied and that insofar as any possible bad effect goes, the men are more than ever ready and determined to see order and fair play for all."148 In a similar vein, Italian born AEF Sergeant Morini wrote that the war provided him a chance "to make good on my Americanism."149 To Morini, fighting in the war provided him with "the right to the name Yankee all right."150 While the United States' efforts in the war were in support of the Allies, the war became a chance for the nation to claim its identity. A country that had been torn apart by civil war half a century before utilized the war effort to continue to unify and recover its self-proclaimed providence. The war ostensibly became an effort to Americanize its own citizens. The historiography of United States involvement in the First World War presents various arguments. Some historians such as David Trask and Russell Weigley remain critical of General Pershing and his decision making. While some scholarly history shows a narrative less scathing of Pershing, most of the description found in popular history showcases valiant actions of 147 Theodore Roosevelt in Echoes From Over There, 95. 148 Roosevelt, 95. 149 Sergeant Morini in Echoes From Over There, 115. 150 Morini, 115. Bailes 37 Pershing and his efforts in maneuvering the American Expeditionary Forces to achieve victory for the Allies against Imperial Germany. The fact remains that while the doughboys contributed significantly to the Allied victory, they helped the most when they were not fighting Pershing's fight. In his Final Report, Pershing highlights the benefit that the Allies provided to the American forces. In terms of training as well as logistics, the Allies provided the doughboys with the resources they needed to defeat Imperial Germany and the Central Powers effectively.151 Pershing recognized what the Allies had supplied him and his men, but his stubbornness and arrogance still clouded his vision to a degree. While Pershing did build a trusting relationship with the Allied commanders, and his troops were efficient, he did not always operate per their same vision. At times, Pershing's desire to maintain an independent American army superseded his desire to enable the Allied strategy. Pershing strived to meet Wilson's intent of keeping a distinct American command. The question remains if, in carrying out his President's instructions, Pershing prolonged the war and delayed the defeat of the Central Powers. Secondary and primary source literature from the First World War showcases both Wilson's peace aims – which were shaped by his ideology – as well as General Pershing and AEF actions while attempting to remain an independent command in the war. When war broke out in August 1914 in Europe, Wilson tried to mediate a peace while maintaining United States neutrality. When continued trade with the Allies brought the United States into the war in April of 1917, he seized the chance to shape a new world order by establishing an independent American command to defeat Imperial Germany. Primarily because of the Progressive Movement in the United States and the concepts surrounding American Exceptionalism, the American soldier embraced Wilson's ideologies for fighting and fought valiantly to defeat the 151 Pershing, Final Report, 90. Bailes 38 Imperial German autocracy. The Progressive Movement had established itself in American society by the time the citizen-soldier went to war in France, and the principles of American Exceptionalism permeated in virtually every facet of American culture. The American doughboy carried both of these concepts with him to France. Despite Pershing not attaining his decisive blow against the German army, and Wilson not achieving his vision for a new world order, the United States still met a significant amount of Wilson's original intent for entering the war. Wilson's ideologies influenced how the AEF fought in France. As the First World War shaped the United States standing as a global power, it also demonstrated the critical nature of maintaining relationships with coalition partners. Hew Strachan begins the conclusion to his history of the war by stating that "[t]he First World War was a coalition war."152 The American doughboy established a positive relationship with his French and British counterparts. The ability of the American soldier to learn from the experiences of the combat tested Allies, to adapt to the rigors of trench warfare, and to perform well in battle fighting beside his international partners shows the success of the AEF's performance in the nation's first large-scale coalition operation. Despite these successes, the AEF doughboy exhibited American Exceptionalism in the First World War. As the United States built its presence in the international realm over the following century, and the need for maintaining partnerships with allied nations continued to increase, the precedent set by the AEF in the nation's first large-scale coalition operation would be essential. 152 Hew Strachan, The First World War (New York: Viking Penguin, a member of Penguin Group, 2004; New York: Penguin Group, 2013), 303. Bailes 39 Bibliography Secondary Sources Adas, Michael. "Ambivalent Ally: American Military Intervention and the Endgame and Legacy of World War I." Diplomatic History 38 no. 4 (September 2014): 700-712, http://doi.org/10.1093/dh.dhu032. Ambrosius, Lloyd E. Wilsonianism: Woodrow Wilson and His Legacy in American Foreign Relations. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002. Ambrosius, Lloyd E. Woodrow Wilson and American Internationalism. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2017. Ambrosius, Lloyd E. "World War I and the Paradox of Wilsonianism." 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Publisher's version (útgefin grein) ; Smoking is a potentially causal behavioral risk factor for type 2 diabetes (T2D), but not all smokers develop T2D. It is unknown whether genetic factors partially explain this variation. We performed genome-environment-wide interaction studies to identify loci exhibiting potential interaction with baseline smoking status (ever vs. never) on incident T2D and fasting glucose (FG). Analyses were performed in participants of European (EA) and African ancestry (AA) separately. Discovery analyses were conducted using genotype data from the 50,000-single-nucleotide polymorphism (SNP) ITMAT-Broad-CARe (IBC) array in 5 cohorts from from the Candidate Gene Association Resource Consortium (n = 23,189). Replication was performed in up to 16 studies from the Cohorts for Heart Aging Research in Genomic Epidemiology Consortium (n = 74,584). In meta-analysis of discovery and replication estimates, 5 SNPs met at least one criterion for potential interaction with smoking on incident T2D at p<1x10-7 (adjusted for multiple hypothesis-testing with the IBC array). Two SNPs had significant joint effects in the overall model and significant main effects only in one smoking stratum: rs140637 (FBN1) in AA individuals had a significant main effect only among smokers, and rs1444261 (closest gene C2orf63) in EA individuals had a significant main effect only among nonsmokers. Three additional SNPs were identified as having potential interaction by exhibiting a significant main effects only in smokers: rs1801232 (CUBN) in AA individuals, rs12243326 (TCF7L2) in EA individuals, and rs4132670 (TCF7L2) in EA individuals. No SNP met significance for potential interaction with smoking on baseline FG. The identification of these loci provides evidence for genetic interactions with smoking exposure that may explain some of the heterogeneity in the association between smoking and T2D. ; WHI program is funded by the National Heart, Lung, and Blood Institute, National Institutes of Health, U.S. Department of Health and Human Services through contracts HHSN268201100046C, HSN268201100001C, HHSN268201100002C, HHSN268201100003C, HHSN268201100004C, and HHSN271201100004C. The grant funding of WHI are R21 HL123677, R56 DK104806 and R01 MD012765 to NF. The FamHS was funded by R01HL118305 and R01HL117078 NHLBI grants, and 5R01DK07568102 and 5R01DK089256 NIDDK grant." and "The Healthy Aging in Neighborhoods of Diversity across the Life Span (HANDLS) study was supported by the Intramural Research Program of the National Institute on Aging, National Institutes of Health (project # Z01-AG000513 and human subjects protocol number 09-AGN248). Support for GENOA was provided by the National Heart, Lung and Blood Institute (HL119443, HL087660, HL054464, HL054457, and HL054481) of the National Institutes of Health. Ruth loos is supported by the NIH (R01DK110113, U01HG007417, R01DK101855, R01DK107786). The Rotterdam Study GWAS datasets are supported by the Netherlands Organisation of Scientific Research NWO Investments (nr. 175.010.2005.011, 911-03-012), the Research Institute for Diseases in the Elderly (014-93-015; RIDE2), and the Netherlands Genomics Initiative (NGI)/Netherlands Organisation for Scientific Research (NWO) Netherlands Consortium for Healthy Aging (NCHA), project nr. 050-060-810. The ERF study as a part of EUROSPAN (European Special Populations Research Network) was supported by European Commission FP6 STRP grant number 018947 (LSHG-CT-2006- 01947) and also received funding from the European Community's Seventh Framework Programme (FP7/2007-2013)/grant agreement HEALTH-F4-2007-201413 by the European Commission under the programme "Quality of Life and Management of the Living Resources" of 5th Framework Programme (no. QLG2-CT-2002- 01254). The ERF study was further supported by ENGAGE consortium and CMSB. Highthroughput analysis of the ERF data was supported by joint grant from Netherlands Organisation for Scientific Research and the Russian Foundation for Basic Research (NWORFBR 047.017.043).ERF was further supported by the ZonMw grant (project 91111025), and this work was partially supported by the National Heart, Lung and Blood Institute's Framingham Heart Study (Contract No. N01-HC25195) and its contract with Affymetrix, Inc for genotyping services (Contract No. N02-HL-6- 4278). This study is also supported by National Institute for Diabetes and Digestive and Kidney Diseases (NIDDK) R01 DK078616 to Drs. Meigs, Dupuis and Florez, NIDDK K24 DK080140 to Dr. Meigs, and a Doris Duke Charitable Foundation Clinical Scientist Development Award to Dr. Florez. The HERITAGE Family Study was supported by National Heart, Lung, and Blood Institute grant HL-45670. The Women's Genome Health Study is supported by the National Heart, Lung, and Blood Instutute (HL043851 and HL080467) and the National Cancer Institute (CA047988 and UM1CA182913). Additional support for endpoint collection was provided by the National Heart, Lung, and Blood Institute under ARRA funding (HL099355). HyperGEN (Hypertension Genetic Epidemiology Network): The hypertension network is funded by cooperative agreements (U10) with NHLBI: HL54471, HL54472, HL54473, HL54495, HL54496, HL54497, HL54509, HL54515, and 2 R01 HL55673- 12. The AGES study has been funded by NIH contracts N01-AG-1-2100 and 271201200022C. Caroline Hayward is supported by an MRC University Unit Programme Grant MC_UU_00007/10 (QTL in Health and Disease)"and "Generation Scotland received core funding from the Chief Scientist Office of the Scottish Government Health Directorate CZD/16/6, the Scottish Funding Council HR03006 and the Wellcome Trust through a Strategic Award (reference 104036/Z/14/Z) for Stratifying Resilience and Depression Longitudinally (STRADL). Genotyping was funded by the UK's Medical Research Council. Jose C. Florez, NIDDK K24 DK110550 The MESA project is conducted and supported by the National Heart, Lung, and Blood Institute (NHLBI) in collaboration with MESA investigators. Support for MESA is provided by contracts 75N92020D00001, HHSN268201500003I, N01-HC-95159, 75N92020D00005, N01-HC-95160, 75N92020D00002, N01-HC-95161, 75N92020D00003, N01-HC-95162, 75N92020D00006, N01-HC-95163, 75N92020D00004, N01-HC-95164, 75N92020D00007, N01-HC-95165, N01-HC-95166, N01-HC-95167, N01-HC-95168, N01-HC-95169, UL1-TR-000040, UL1-TR-001079, UL1-TR-001420, UL1-TR-001881, and DK063491. Additionally, one or more authors are affiliated with the following commercial entities: Interleukin Genetics, GlaxoSmithKline, Daiichi-Sankyo, AstraZeneca, Data Tecnica International LLC, Illumina Inc., University of California Healthcare, Janssen Pharmaceuticals, Goldfinch Bio, and Novo Nordisk. Please see the Competing Interests Statement for additional details. The funders provided support in the form of salaries for authors but did not have any additional role in the study design, data collection and analysis, decision to publish, or preparation of the manuscript. The specific roles of these authors are articulated in the 'author contributions' section. ; Peer Reviewed

Full author list: M dal Ponte, B Santiago, A Carnero Rosell, B Burningham, B Yanny, J L Marshall, K Bechtol, P Martini, T S Li, L De Paris, T M C Abbott, M Aguena, S Allam, S Avila, E Bertin, S Bhargava, D Brooks, E Buckley-Geer, M Carrasco Kind, J Carretero, L N da Costa, J De Vicente, H T Diehl, P Doel, T F Eifler, S Everett, B Flaugher, P Fosalba, J Frieman, J García-Bellido, E Gaztanaga, D W Gerdes, D Gruen, R A Gruendl, J Gschwend, G Gutierrez, S R Hinton, D L Hollowood, K Honscheid, D J James, K Kuehn, N Kuropatkin, M A G Maia, M March, F Menanteau, R Miquel, A Palmese, F Paz-Chinchón, A A Plazas, E Sanchez, V Scarpine, S Serrano, I Sevilla-Noarbe, M Smith, E Suchyta, M E C Swanson, G Tarle, D Thomas, T N Varga, A R Walker, DES Collaboration ; We present the discovery of 255 binary and 6 multiple system candidates with wide (> 5 arcsec) separation composed by ultracool dwarfs (UCDs) companions to stars, plus nine double ultracool dwarf systems. These systems were selected based on common distance criteria. About 90 per cent of the total sample has proper motions available and 73 per cent of the systems also satisfy a common proper motion criterion. The sample of ultracool candidates was taken from the Dark Energy Survey (DES) and the candidate stellar primaries are from Gaia DR2 and DES data. We compute chance alignment probabilities in order to assess the physical nature of each pair. We find that 174 candidate pairs with Gaia DR2 primaries and 81 pairs with a DES star as a primary have chance alignment probabilities < 5. Only nine candidate systems composed of two UCDs were identified. The sample of candidate multiple systems is made up of five triple systems and one quadruple system. The majority of the UCDs found in binaries and multiples are of early L type and the typical wide binary fraction over the L spectral types is 2-4. Our sample of candidate wide binaries with UCDs as secondaries constitutes a substantial increase over the known number of such systems, which are very useful to constrain the formation and evolution of UCDs. ; Funding for the DES Projects has been provided by the US Department of Energy, the US National Science Foundation, the Ministry of Science and Education of Spain, the Science and Technology Facilities Council of the United Kingdom, the Higher Education Funding Council for England, the National Center for Supercomputing Applications at the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, the Kavli Institute of Cosmological Physics at the University of Chicago, the Center for Cosmology and Astro-Particle Physics at the Ohio State University, the Mitchell Institute for Fundamental Physics and Astronomy at Texas A&M University, Financiadora de Estudos e Projetos, Fundação Carlos Chagas Filho de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado do Rio de Janeiro, Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico and the Ministério da Ciência, Tecnologia e Inovação, the Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft and the Collaborating Institutions in the DES. The Collaborating Institutions are Argonne National Laboratory, the University of California at Santa Cruz, the University of Cambridge, Centro de Investigaciones Energéticas, Medioambientales y Tecnológicas-Madrid, the University of Chicago, University College London, the DES-Brazil Consortium, the University of Edinburgh, the Eidgenössische Technische Hochschule (ETH) Zürich, Fermi National Accelerator Laboratory, the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, the Institut de Ciències de l'Espai (IEEC/CSIC), the Institut de Física d'Altes Energies, Lawrence Berkeley National Laboratory, the Ludwig-Maximilians Universität München and the associated Excellence Cluster Universe, the University of Michigan, the NSF's National Optical-Infrared Astronomy Research Laboratory, the University of Nottingham, The Ohio State University, the University of Pennsylvania, the University of Portsmouth, SLAC National Accelerator Laboratory, Stanford University, the University of Sussex, Texas A&M University, and the OzDES Membership Consortium. Based in part on observations at Cerro Tololo Inter-American Observatory, NSF's National Optical-Infrared Astronomy Research Laboratory, which is operated by the Association of Universities for Research in Astronomy (AURA) under a cooperative agreement with the National Science Foundation. The DES data management system is supported by the National Science Foundation under Grant Numbers AST-1138766 and AST-1536171. The DES participants from Spanish institutions are partially supported by MINECO under grants AYA2015-71825, ESP2015-66861, FPA2015-68048, SEV-2016-0588, SEV-2016-0597, and MDM-2015-0509, some of which include ERDF funds from the European Union. IFAE is partially funded by the CERCA program of the Generalitat de Catalunya. Research leading to these results has received funding from the European Research Council under the European Union's Seventh Framework Program (FP7/2007-2013) including ERC grant agreements 240672, 291329, and 306478. We acknowledge support from the Australian Research Council Centre of Excellence for All-sky Astrophysics (CAASTRO), through project number CE110001020, and the Brazilian Instituto Nacional de Ciência e Tecnologia (INCT) e-Universe (CNPq grant 465376/2014-2). This manuscript has been authored by Fermi Research Alliance, LLC under Contract No. DE-AC02-07CH11359 with the US Department of Energy, Office of Science, Office of High Energy Physics. The United States Government retains and the publisher, by accepting the article for publication, acknowledges that the United States Government retains a non-exclusive, paid-up, irrevocable, world-wide license to publish or reproduce the published form of this manuscript, or allow others to do so, for United States Government purposes. This publication makes use of data products from the Wide-field Infrared Survey Explorer, which is a joint project of the University of California, Los Angeles, and the Jet Propulsion Laboratory/California Institute of Technology, and NEOWISE, which is a project of the Jet Propulsion Laboratory/California Institute of Technology. WISE and NEOWISE are funded by the National Aeronautics and Space Administration. The analysis presented here is based on observations obtained as part of the VHS, ESO Programme, 179.A-2010 (PI: McMahon). This paper has gone through internal review by the DES collaboration. ACR acknowledges financial support provided by the PAPDRJ CAPES/FAPERJ Fellowship and by 'Unidad de Excelencia María de Maeztu de CIEMAT – Física de Partículas (Proyecto MDM)'

We report the results of decade-long (2008-2018) γ -ray to 1 GHz radio monitoring of the blazar 3C 279, including GASP/WEBT, Fermi and Swift data, as well as polarimetric and spectroscopic data. The X-ray and γ -ray light curves correlate well, with no delay ≳ 3 h, implying general cospatiality of the emission regions. The γ -ray-optical flux-flux relation changes with activity state, ranging from a linear to amore complex dependence. The behaviour of the Stokes parameters at optical and radio wavelengths, including 43 GHz Very Long Baseline Array images, supports either a predominantly helical magnetic field or motion of the radiating plasma along a spiral path. Apparent speeds of emission knots range from 10 to 37c, with the highest values requiring bulk Lorentz factors close to those needed to explain γ -ray variability on very short time-scales. The MgII emission line flux in the 'blue' and 'red' wings correlates with the optical synchrotron continuum flux density, possibly providing a variable source of seed photons for inverse Compton scattering. In the radio bands, we find progressive delays of the most prominent light-curve maxima with decreasing frequency, as expected from the frequency dependence of the τ= 1 surface of synchrotron self-absorption. The global maximum in the 86 GHz light curve becomes less prominent at lower frequencies, while a local maximum, appearing in 2014, strengthens toward decreasing frequencies, becoming pronounced at ∼5 GHz. These tendencies suggest different Doppler boosting of stratified radio-emitting zones in the jet. © 2020 The Author(s). ; We thank the referee for attentive reading and comments that helped to improve presentation of the manuscript. The data collected by the WEBT collaboration are stored in the WEBT archive at the Osservatorio Astrofisico di Torino -INAF (ht tp://www.oato.inaf.it/blazars/webt/); for questions regarding their availability, please contact the WEBT President Massimo Villata(massimo.villata@inaf.it).TheSt.Petersburg University team acknowledges support from Russian Science Foundation grant 17-12-01029. The research at BU was supported in part by National Science Foundation grant AST-1615796 and NASA Fermi Guest Investigator grants 80NSSC17K0649, 80NSSC19K1504, and 80NSSC19K1505. The PRISM camera at Lowell Observatory was developed by K. Janes et al. at BU and Lowell Observatory, with funding from the NSF, BU, and Lowell Observatory. The emission-line observations made use of the DCT at Lowell Observatory, supported by Discovery Communications, Inc., BU, the University of Maryland, the University of Toledo, and Northern Arizona University. The VLBA is an instrument of the National Radio Astronomy Observatory. The National Radio Astronomy Observatory is a facility of the US NSF, operated under cooperative agreement by Associated Universities, Inc. This research has used data from the UMRAO which was supported by the University of Michigan; research at this facility was supported by NASA under awards NNX09AU16G, NNX10AP16G, NNX11AO13G, and NNX13AP18G, and by the NSF under award AST-0607523. The Steward Observatory spectropolarimetric monitoring project was supported by NASA Fermi Guest Investigator grants NNX08AW56G, NNX09AU10G, NNX12AO93G, and NNX15AU81G. The Torino group acknowledges financial contribution from agreement ASI-INAF n.2017-14-H.0 and from contract PRIN-SKA-CTA-INAF 2016. I.A. acknowledges support by a Ramon y Cajal grant (RYC-2013-14511) of the 'Ministerio de Ciencia, Innovacion, y Universidades (MICIU)' of Spain and from MCIU through the 'Center of Excellence Severo Ochoa' award for the Instituto de Astrofisica de Andalucia-CSIC (SEV-20170709). Acquisition and reduction of the POLAMI and MAPCAT data were supported by MICIU through grant AYA2016-80889-P. The POLAMI observations were carried out at the IRAM 30-m Telescope, supported by INSU/CNRS (France), MPG (Germany) and IGN (Spain). The MAPCAT observations were carried out at theGerman-Spanish Calar Alto Observatory, jointly operated by the Max-Plank-Institut fur Astronomie and the Instituto de Astrofisica de Andalucia-CSIC. The study is based partly on data obtained with the STELLA robotic telescopes in Tenerife, an AIP facility jointly operated by AIP and IAC. The OVRO 40-m monitoring program is supported in part by NASA grants NNX08AW31G, NNX11A043G, and NNX14AQ89G, and NSF grants AST-0808050 and AST-1109911. TH was supported by the Academy of Finland projects 317383 and 320085. AZT-24 observations were made within an agreement between Pulkovo, Rome and Teramo observatories. The Submillimeter Array is a joint project between the Smithsonian Astrophysical Observatory and the Academia Sinica Institute of Astronomy and Astrophysics and is funded by the Smithsonian Institution and the Academia Sinica. The Abastumani team acknowledges financial support by the Shota Rustaveli National Science Foundation under contract FR/217950/16. r This research was partially supported by the Bulgarian National Science Fund of the Ministry of Education and Science under grants DN 081/2016, DN 18-13/2017, KP-06-H28/3 (2018), and KP-06-PN38/1 (2019), Bulgarian National Science Programme 'Young Scientists and Postdoctoral Students 2019', Bulgarian National Science Fund under grant DN18-10/2017 and National RI Roadmap Projects DO1-157/28.08.2018 and DO1-153/28.08.2018 of the Ministry of Education and Science of the Republic of Bulgaria. GD and OV gratefully acknowledge observing grant support from the Institute of Astronomy and Rozhen National Astronomical Observatory via bilateral joint research project `Study of ICRF radio-sources and fast variable astronomical objects' (head -G. Damljanovic). This work was partly supported by the National Science Fund of the Ministry of Education and Science of Bulgaria under grant DN 08-20/2016, and by project RD-08-37/2019 of the University of Shumen. This work is a part of projects nos 176011, 176004, and 176021, supported by theMinistry of Education, Science and Technological Development of the Republic of Serbia. MGM acknowledges support through the Russian Government Program of Competitive Growth of Kazan Federal University. The Astronomical Observatory of the Autonomous Region of the Aosta Valley (OAVdA) is managed by the Fondazione Clement Fillietroz-ONLUS, which is supported by the Regional Government of the Aosta Valley, the Town Municipality of Nus and the 'Unite des Communes vald 'otainesMont-Emilius'. The research at the OAVdA was partially funded by several `Research and Education' annual grants from Fondazione CRT. This article is partly based on observations made with the IAC80 and TCS telescopes operated by the Instituto de Astrofisica de Canarias in the Spanish Observatorio del Teide on the island of Tenerife. A part of the observations were carried out using theRATAN-600 scientific equipment (SAO of the Russian Academy of Sciences).

All authors: Wielgus, Maciek; Akiyama, Kazunori; Blackburn, Lindy; Chan, Chi-kwan; Dexter, Jason; Doeleman, Sheperd S.; Fish, Vincent L.; Issaoun, Sara; Johnson, Michael D.; Krichbaum, Thomas P.; Lu, Ru-Sen; Pesce, Dominic W.; Wong, George N.; Bower, Geoffrey C.; Broderick, Avery E.; Chael, Andrew; Chatterjee, Koushik; Gammie, Charles F.; Georgiev, Boris; Hada, Kazuhiro Loinard, Laurent; Markoff, Sera; Marrone, Daniel P.; Plambeck, Richard; Weintroub, Jonathan; Dexter, Matthew; MacMahon, David H. E.; Wright, Melvyn; Alberdi, Antxon; Alef, Walter; Asada, Keiichi; Azulay, Rebecca; Baczko, Anne-Kathrin; Ball, David; Baloković, Mislav; Barausse, Enrico; Barrett, John; Bintley, Dan; Boland, Wilfred; Bouman, Katherine L.; Bremer, Michael; Brinkerink, Christiaan D.; Brissenden, Roger; Britzen, Silke; Broguiere, Dominique; Bronzwaer, Thomas; Byun, Do-Young; Carlstrom, John E.; Chatterjee, Shami; Chen, Ming-Tang; Chen, Yongjun; Cho, Ilje; Christian, Pierre; Conway, John E.; Cordes, James M.; Crew, Geoffrey B.; Cui, Yuzhu; Davelaar, Jordy; Laurentis, Mariafelicia De; Deane, Roger; Dempsey, Jessica; Desvignes, Gregory; Dzib, Sergio A.; Eatough, Ralph P.; Falcke, Heino; Fomalont, Ed; Fraga-Encinas, Raquel; Friberg, Per; Fromm, Christian M.; Galison, Peter; García, Roberto; Gentaz, Olivier; Goddi, Ciriaco; Gold, Roman; Gómez, José L.; Gómez-Ruiz, Arturo I.; Gu, Minfeng; Gurwell, Mark; Hecht, Michael H.; Hesper, Ronald; Ho, Luis C.; Ho, Paul; Honma, Mareki; Huang, Chih-Wei L.; Huang, Lei; Hughes, David H.; Inoue, Makoto; James, David J.; Jannuzi, Buell T.; Janssen, Michael; Jeter, Britton; Jiang, Wu; Jimenez-Rosales, Alejandra; Jorstad, Svetlana; Jung, Taehyun; Karami, Mansour; Karuppusamy, Ramesh; Kawashima, Tomohisa; Keating, Garrett K.; Kettenis, Mark; Kim, Jae-Young; Kim, Junhan; Kim, Jongsoo; Kino, Motoki; Koay, Jun Yi; Koch, Patrick M.; Koyama, Shoko; Kramer, Michael; Kramer, Carsten; Kuo, Cheng-Yu; Lauer, Tod R.; Lee, Sang-Sung; Li, Yan-Rong; Li, Zhiyuan; Lindqvist, Michael; Lico, Rocco; Liu, Kuo; Liuzzo, Elisabetta; Lo, Wen-Ping; Lobanov, Andrei P.; Lonsdale, Colin; MacDonald, Nicholas R.; Mao, Jirong; Marchili, Nicola; Marscher, Alan P.; Martí-Vidal, Iván; Matsushita, Satoki; Matthews, Lynn D.; Medeiros, Lia; Menten, Karl M.; Mizuno, Yosuke; Mizuno, Izumi; Moran, James M.; Moriyama, Kotaro; Moscibrodzka, Monika; Müller, Cornelia; Musoke, Gibwa; Nagai, Hiroshi; Nagar, Neil M.; Nakamura, Masanori; Narayan, Ramesh; Narayanan, Gopal; Natarajan, Iniyan; Nathanail, Antonios; Neri, Roberto; Ni, Chunchong; Noutsos, Aristeidis; Okino, Hiroki; Olivares, Héctor; Ortiz-León, Gisela N.; Oyama, Tomoaki; Özel, Feryal; Palumbo, Daniel C. M.; Park, Jongho; Patel, Nimesh; Pen, Ue-Li; Piétu, Vincent; PopStefanija, Aleksandar; Porth, Oliver; Prather, Ben; Preciado-López, Jorge A.; Psaltis, Dimitrios; Pu, Hung-Yi; Ramakrishnan, Venkatessh; Rao, Ramprasad; Rawlings, Mark G.; Raymond, Alexander W.; Rezzolla, Luciano; Ripperda, Bart; Roelofs, Freek; Rogers, Alan; Ros, Eduardo; Rose, Mel; Roshanineshat, Arash; Rottmann, Helge; Roy, Alan L.; Ruszczyk, Chet; Ryan, Benjamin R.; Rygl, Kazi L. J.; Sánchez, Salvador; Sánchez-Arguelles, David; Sasada, Mahito; Savolainen, Tuomas; Schloerb, F. Peter; Schuster, Karl-Friedrich; Shao, Lijing; Shen, Zhiqiang; Small, Des; Sohn, Bong Won; SooHoo, Jason; Tazaki, Fumie; Tiede, Paul; Tilanus, Remo P. J.; Titus, Michael; Toma, Kenji; Torne, Pablo; Trent, Tyler; Traianou, Efthalia; Trippe, Sascha; Tsuda, Shuichiro; Bemmel, Ilse van; van Langevelde, Huib Jan; van Rossum, Daniel R.; Wagner, Jan; Wardle, John; Ward-Thompson, Derek; Wex, Norbert; Wharton, Robert; Wu, Qingwen; Yoon, Doosoo; Young, André; Young, Ken; Younsi, Ziri; Yuan, Feng; Yuan, Ye-Fei; Zensus, J. Anton; Zhao, Guangyao; Zhao, Shan-Shan; Zhu, Ziyan.-- Original content from this work may be used under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 licence. Any further distribution of this work must maintain attribution to the author(s) and the title of the work, journal citation and DOI. ; The Event Horizon Telescope (EHT) has recently delivered the first resolved images of M87*, the supermassive black hole in the center of the M87 galaxy. These images were produced using 230 GHz observations performed in 2017 April. Additional observations are required to investigate the persistence of the primary image feature- A ring with azimuthal brightness asymmetry- A nd to quantify the image variability on event horizon scales. To address this need, we analyze M87* data collected with prototype EHT arrays in 2009, 2011, 2012, and 2013. While these observations do not contain enough information to produce images, they are sufficient to constrain simple geometric models. We develop a modeling approach based on the framework utilized for the 2017 EHT data analysis and validate our procedures using synthetic data. Applying the same approach to the observational data sets, we find the M87* morphology in 2009-2017 to be consistent with a persistent asymmetric ring of ∼40 μas diameter. The position angle of the peak intensity varies in time. In particular, we find a significant difference between the position angle measured in 2013 and 2017. These variations are in broad agreement with predictions of a subset of general relativistic magnetohydrodynamic simulations. We show that quantifying the variability across multiple observational epochs has the potential to constrain the physical properties of the source, such as the accretion state or the black hole spin. © 2020 The Author(s). Published by the American Astronomical Society. ; The authors of the present paper thank the following organizations and programs: the Academy of Finland (projects 274477, 284495, 312496); the Advanced European Network of E-infrastructures for Astronomy with the SKA (AENEAS) project, supported by the European Commission Framework Programme Horizon 2020 Research and Innovation action under grant agreement 731016; the Alexander von Humboldt Stiftung; the Black Hole Initiative at Harvard University, through a grant (60477) from the John Templeton Foundation; the China Scholarship Council; Comision Nacional de Investigacion Cientifica y Tecnologica (CONICYT, Chile, via PIA ACT172033, Fondecyt projects 1171506 and 3190878, BASAL AFB-170002, ALMA-conicyt 31140007); Consejo Nacional de Ciencia y Tecnologia (CONACYT, Mexico, projects 104497, 275201, 279006, 281692); the Delaney Family via the Delaney Family John A. Wheeler Chair at Perimeter Institute; Direccion General de Asuntos del Personal Academico-Universidad Nacional Autonoma de Mexico (DGAPA-UNAM, project IN112417); the European Research Council Synergy Grant "BlackHoleCam: Imaging the Event Horizon of Black Holes" (grant 610058); the Generalitat Valenciana postdoctoral grant APOSTD/2018/177 and GenT Program (project CIDEGENT/2018/021); the Gordon and Betty Moore Foundation (grants GBMF-3561, GBMF-5278); the Istituto Nazionale di Fisica Nucleare (INFN) sezione di Napoli, iniziative specifiche TEONGRAV; the International Max Planck Research School for Astronomy and Astrophysics at the Universities of Bonn and Cologne; the Jansky Fellowship program of the National Radio Astronomy Observatory (NRAO); the Japanese Government (Monbukagakusho: MEXT) Scholarship; the Japan Society for the Promotion of Science (JSPS) Grant-in-Aid for JSPS Research Fellowship (JP17J08829); the Key Research Program of Frontier Sciences, Chinese Academy of Sciences (CAS, grants QYZDJ-SSW-SLH057, QYZDJ-SSW-SYS008, ZDBS-LY-SLH011); the Leverhulme Trust Early Career Research Fellowship; the Max-Planck-Gesellschaft (MPG); the Max Planck Partner Group of the MPG and the CAS; the MEXT/JSPS KAKENHI (grants 18KK0090, JP18K13594, JP18K03656, JP18H03721, 18K03709, 18H01245, 25120007); the MIT International Science and Technology Initiatives (MISTI) Funds; the Ministry of Science and Technology (MOST) of Taiwan (105-2112-M-001-025-MY3, 106-2112-M-001-011, 106-2119-M-001-027, 107-2119-M-001-017, 107-2119-M-001-020, and 107-2119-M-110-005); the National Aeronautics and Space Administration (NASA, Fermi Guest Investigator grant 80NSSC17K0649 and Hubble Fellowship grant HST-HF2-51431.001-A awarded by the Space Telescope Science Institute, which is operated by the Association of Universities for Research in Astronomy, Inc. , for NASA, under contract NAS5-26555); the National Institute of Natural Sciences (NINS) of Japan; the National Key Research and Development Program of China (grant 2016YFA0400704, 2016YFA0400702); the National Science Foundation (NSF, grants AST-0096454, AST-0352953, AST-0521233, AST-0705062, AST-0905844, AST-0922984, AST-1126433, AST-1140030, DGE-1144085, AST-1207704, AST-1207730, AST-1207752, MRI-1228509, OPP-1248097, AST-1310896, AST-1312651, AST-1337663, AST-1440254, AST-1555365, AST-1715061, AST-1615796, AST-1716327, OISE-1743747, AST-1816420); the Natural Science Foundation of China (grants 11573051, 11633006, 11650110427, 10625314, 11721303, 11725312, 11933007); the Natural Sciences and Engineering Research Council of Canada (NSERC, including a Discovery Grant and the NSERC Alexander Graham Bell Canada Graduate Scholarships-Doctoral Program); the National Youth Thousand Talents Program of China; the National Research Foundation of Korea (the Global PhD Fellowship Grant: grants NRF-2015H1A2A1033752, 2015-R1D1A1A01056807, the Korea Research Fellowship Program: NRF-2015H1D3A1066561); the Netherlands Organization for Scientific Research (NWO) VICI award (grant 639.043.513) and Spinoza Prize SPI 78-409; the New Scientific Frontiers with Precision Radio Interferometry Fellowship awarded by the South African Radio Astronomy Observatory (SARAO), which is a facility of the National Research Foundation (NRF), an agency of the Department of Science and Technology (DST) of South Africa; the Onsala Space Observatory (OSO) national infrastructure, for the provisioning of its facilities/observational support (OSO receives funding through the Swedish Research Council under grant 2017-00648) the Perimeter Institute for Theoretical Physics (research at Perimeter Institute is supported by the Government of Canada through the Department of Innovation, Science and Economic Development and by the Province of Ontario through the Ministry of Research, Innovation and Science); the Russian Science Foundation (grant 17-12-01029); the Spanish Ministerio de Economia y Competitividad (grants PGC2018-098915-B-C21, AYA2016-80889-P); the State Agency for Research of the Spanish MCIU through the "Center of Excellence Severo Ochoa" award for the Instituto de Astrofisica de Andalucia (SEV-2017-0709); the Toray Science Foundation; the US Department of Energy (USDOE) through the Los Alamos National Laboratory (operated by Triad National Security, LLC, for the National Nuclear Security Administration of the USDOE (contract 89233218CNA000001)); the Italian Ministero dell'Istruzione Universita e Ricerca through the grant Progetti Premiali 2012-iALMA (CUP C52I13000140001); the European Union's Horizon 2020 research and innovation program under grant agreement No. 730562 RadioNet; ALMA North America Development Fund; the Academia Sinica; Chandra TM6-17006X; the GenT Program (Generalitat Valenciana) Project CIDEGENT/2018/021. This work used the Extreme Science and Engineering Discovery Environment (XSEDE), supported by NSF grant ACI-1548562, and CyVerse, supported by NSF grants DBI-0735191, DBI-1265383, and DBI-1743442. XSEDE Stampede2 resource at TACC was allocated through TG-AST170024 and TG-AST080026N. XSEDE JetStream resource at PTI and TACC was allocated through AST170028. The simulations were performed in part on the SuperMUC cluster at the LRZ in Garching, on the LOEWE cluster in CSC in Frankfurt, and on the HazelHen cluster at the HLRS in Stuttgart. This research was enabled in part by support provided by Compute Ontario (http://computeontario. ca), Calcul Quebec (http://www.calculquebec.ca), and Compute Canada (http://www.computecanada.ca). We thank the staff at the participating observatories, correlation centers, and institutions for their enthusiastic support. This paper makes use of the following ALMA data: ADS/JAO.ALMA#2016.1.01154.V. ALMA is a partnership of the European Southern Observatory (ESO; Europe, representing its member states), NSF, and National Institutes of Natural Sciences of Japan, together with the National Research Council (Canada), Ministry of Science and Technology (MOST; Taiwan), Academia Sinica Institute of Astronomy and Astrophysics (ASIAA; Taiwan), and Korea Astronomy and Space Science Institute (KASI; Republic of Korea), in cooperation with the Republic of Chile. The Joint ALMA Observatory is operated by ESO, Associated Universities, Inc. (AUI)/NRAO, and the National Astronomical Observatory of Japan (NAOJ). The NRAO is a facility of the NSF operated under cooperative agreement by AUI. APEX is a collaboration between the Max-Planck-Institut fur Radioastronomie (Germany), ESO, and the Onsala Space Observatory (Sweden). The SMA is a joint project between the SAO and ASIAA and is funded by the Smithsonian Institution and the Academia Sinica. The JCMT is operated by the East Asian Observatory on behalf of the NAOJ, ASIAA, and KASI, as well as the Ministry of Finance of China, Chinese Academy of Sciences, and the National Key R&D Program (No. 2017YFA0402700) of China. Additional funding support for the JCMT is provided by the Science and Technologies Facility Council (UK) and participating universities in the UK and Canada. The LMT is a project operated by the Instituto Nacional de Astrofisica, ptica, y Electronica (Mexico), and the University of Massachusetts at Amherst (USA). The IRAM 30 m telescope on Pico Veleta, Spain is operated by IRAM and supported by CNRS (Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique, France), MPG (Max-Planck-Gesellschaft, Germany), and IGN (Instituto Geografico Nacional, Spain). The SMT is operated by the Arizona Radio Observatory, a part of the Steward Observatory of the University of Arizona, with financial support of operations from the State of Arizona and financial support for instrumentation development from the NSF. The SPT is supported by the National Science Foundation through grant PLR- 1248097. Partial support is also provided by the NSF Physics Frontier Center grant PHY-1125897 to the Kavli Institute of Cosmological Physics at the University of Chicago, the Kavli Foundation, and the Gordon and Betty Moore Foundation grant GBMF 947. The SPT hydrogen maser was provided on loan from the GLT, courtesy of ASIAA. The EHTC has received generous donations of FPGA chips from Xilinx Inc., under the Xilinx University Program. The EHTC has benefited from technology shared under an open-source license by the Collaboration for Astronomy Signal Processing and Electronics Research (CASPER). The EHT project is grateful to T4Science and Microsemi for their assistance with hydrogen masers. This research has made use of NASA's Astrophysics Data System. We gratefully acknowledge the support provided by the extended staff of the ALMA, both from the inception of the ALMA Phasing Project through the observational campaigns of 2017 and 2018. We would like to thank A. Deller and W. Brisken for EHT-specific support with the use of DiFX. We acknowledge the significance that Maunakea, where the SMA and JCMT EHT stations are located, has for the indigenous Hawaiian people.

학위논문(박사)--서울대학교 대학원 :공과대학 협동과정 기술경영·경제·정책전공,2020. 2. 황준석. ; 기술 변화와 혁신이 국가 경제 성장의 주요 원천으로 강조되는 한편, 혁신활동에 있어 지리적 공간의 중요성을 인식함에 따라 지역적 차원에서의 혁신과 성장에 대한 논의가 심화되고 있다. 이러한 지역 수준 관점의 상대적 이점에 따라 지역 혁신과 성장에 관한 이론이 발전해왔으며, 그에 상응하는 지역 혁신 및 성장정책이 설계 및 이행되어왔다. 하지만 지역 고유의 개별적인 특성과 혁신역량이 다양하고 이질적임에도 불구하고 이에 대한 깊은 논의는 부재한 채 동질적인(one-size-fits-all) 지역혁신 및 성장 정책이 적용되어 왔다. 따라서 본 연구는 진화적 및 시스템적 관점을 채택하여 서로 다른 수준의 혁신 잠재력을 지닌 지역들을 대상으로 각 지역의 학습 프로세스에 중점을 둔 지역 혁신 및 성장 패턴에 관하여 분석하고자 한다. 이러한 목적 하에서 본 논문은 기술변화 진화이론에서 제시하는 지식에 대한 접근과 효율적 사용을 가능케 하는 세가지 핵심 기능 영역인 새로운 지식의 흡수, 혁신의 확산, 그리고 새로운 지식의 창출, 이 세가지 단계에 주목하고자 한다. 이 주요 세 가지 기능에 초점을 맞춰, 세 가지의 세부 연구내용이 학위논문에 포함되었으며, 개별 세부 연구들은 서로 다른 지식 축적 수준과 다양성을 가진 지역들의 지역혁신체제의 형성과 발전과정에 대한 연구를 담고 있다. 우선 첫 번째 세부 연구에서는 기술력이 거의 없거나 전혀 없는 개발도상국의 지역에서 외부의 지식을 흡수하고 지역사회 차원에서 혁신을 촉발시키기 위해 적용할 수 있는 개념적 틀을 제안하였다. 이를 위해 개발도상국의 적정기술 사례에 풀뿌리 혁신(grassroots innovation) 이론의 개념을 적용하여 질적 사례연구를 수행하였다. 풀뿌리 혁신은 선진국에서만 논의되어온 개념으로, 지속가능성을 위한 사회적 또는 포용적 혁신을 추구하는 커뮤니티 수준의 상향식(bottom-up) 혁신이다. 본 연구는 이러한 풀뿌리 혁신과 개발도상국을 대상으로 하는 적정기술의 유사성 및 연결성을 체계적으로 제시하고, 그를 바탕으로 다섯 가지의 핵심 구성 요소들을 포함한 개념적 틀을 재정의 및 제시하였다. 사례 연구에 따르면 사회적 니치는 로컬 지식 전달 메커니즘이 발현될 수 있도록 하며 이는 지역사회가 더 효율적으로 기술을 사용하는 데에 중요한 역할을 하는 것으로 나타났다. 두 번째 세부 연구의 경우에는 한국의 시군 지역들의 혁신 및 성장 패턴을 규명하고자 하였다. 클러스터들의 경우 집적효과를 통해 더욱 높은 수준의 혁신과 성장을 촉진한다는 측면에서 지역혁신체제 내에서 큰 잠재적 역할을 지닌다. 그에 따라 많은 지역에서 클러스터 정책을 지역 혁신 및 성장정책 수단으로 활용해왔으며, 우리나라의 지방정부들 역시 클러스터 기반 정책을 활발히 추진 중에 있다. 그러나 우리나라의 클러스터 정책은 지역의 상황과 수요에 대한 객관적인 분석이 미비한 채 과잉 공급되어 실효성 없는 정책으로 평가 받고 있다. 따라서 두 번째 세부 연구에서는 사회경제적 요소들과 지식 역량 관련 요소들을 함께 포함하여 시스템적 관점에서 클러스터에 따른 지역 경제성장 효과를 파악하고자 하였다. 이를 위해 클러스터가 존재하는 한국의 모든 시군 지역을 대상으로 PCA 분석과 패널 분석을 시행하였다. 분석 결과 클러스터를 통해 지역 내 혁신과 성장을 촉진하기 위해서는 사회경제적 환경이 선행되어야 함을 확인하였다. 그리고 우리나라 지역에서는 R&D 역량 제고에 따른 성장효과가 클러스터 효과보다 더 크고 장기적으로 영향을 미침에 따라, 클러스터 기반 정책이 당초 예상했던 것보다 낮은 성과를 가져올 수 있음을 제시하였다. 더불어, 지역 내 활용 가능한 인적자원, 교육 시스템, 연구개발 활동의 질, 클러스터의 집약도 등의 요소들이 한국의 지역 성장을 위해 필수적으로 고려되어야 할 제도적 부문인 것으로 확인하였다. 세 번째 세부 연구는 지식을 새로 재조합하는 능력이 지속가능하고 장기적인 성장을 위한 동인으로 평가됨에 따라, 유럽의 지역들을 대상으로 지역의 지식 재조합 역량이 지역 생산성에 미치는 영향을 파악하고자 하였다. 더 구체적으로, 본 연구는 지식 혹은 기술 재조합의 유형을 탐색(exploration) 유형과 활용(exploitation) 유형으로 나누어 두 가지 유형이 생산성에 미치는 영향을 비교분석 하고자 하였다. 이를 위해 EU NUTS 2 레벨 지역들을 대상으로 특허 데이터를 활용한 기술 구분간 결합 매트릭스의 생성으로 지식 축적 패턴을 분석하고, 확률적 프론티어 모델을 통해 기술 효율성을 계산하였다. 그리고 경제 규모, 지식 축적 정도, 시기 효과 등을 조절하여 지역의 지식 재조합 유형과 기술 효율성간의 관계를 회귀하였다. 분석 결과 활용적 재조합은 별다른 영향을 주지 않는 반면, 탐색적 재조합은 지역의 생산성 향상에 긍정적이고 유의미한 영향을 미치는 것으로 나타났다. 위의 논의를 바탕으로 본 학위논문은 서로 다른 지역 수준에 따른 정책적 시사점을 제공할 것으로 기대한다. 첫째, 기술력이 낮은 후발 지역에서는 풀뿌리 혁신의 개념적 틀을 적용하여 외부 지식, 기술 또는 혁신을 흡수하여 지역의 요구에 대응할 수 있는 기반을 형성하여야 한다. 둘째, 지역 내 지식확산이 효과적으로 이루어지기 위해서는 바람직한 사회경제적 환경이 선행되어야 하고, R&D 역량에 대한 투자가 지속적으로 함께 이루어져야 한다. 셋째, 지식 축적 정도와 지식의 다양성 수준이 높은 지역에서는 새로운 지식의 탐색적 비용과 불확실성이 높음에도 불구하고 새로운 지식 재조합의 역량을 키워야 할 것이다. ; While technological change and innovation have been treated as key to national economic growth, attention to innovation and development at a regional level has grown from the recognition of the importance of geographical space in the innovation process. Theories on regional innovation and growth have been developed under the advantages of regional examination, and regional innovation policies were designed and implemented accordingly. However, the one-size-fits-all approach to regional policies remains troublesome as regions differ widely in terms of their intrinsic characteristics and innovation capabilities. Based on these concerns, this thesis adopts an evolutionary and systematic integrated view to investigate regional innovation and growth patterns focusing on learning processes in regions with different levels of innovation potential. This thesis adopts three main functional dimensions of access to and efficient use of knowledge in evolutionary theories; that is, absorption of new knowledge, diffusion of innovations, and generation of new knowledge. In accordance with the three dimensions, three studies are included with analyses of regional innovation and development strategies for regions with different levels of knowledge accumulation and diversity. The first study proposes a framework for the initiation of community-level innovation in a developing country where technological capabilities are few or non-existent, causing mere adaption to external innovations. With a qualitative analysis of an appropriate technology case, the study adopts concepts from grassroots innovation. Grassroots innovation is a community-level bottom-up innovation that has been discussed only in developed countries as a means of socially inclusive innovation for sustainability. However, this study identifies the links between appropriate technology and grassroots innovation and redefines a framework with core constructs: context, driving force, niche, organizational form, and resource base. The case study shows that a social niche plays a significant role in improving the use of technology by creating a local knowledge transfer mechanism through social learning. The second study investigates regional innovation and growth patterns of regions with clusters in Korea. Clusters have been popular among regional policy makers for promoting greater innovation and growth. In this regard, Korean local governments have also pursued a cluster-based policy for regional development. However, the problem is that clusters are oversupplied without an objective examination of regional conditions and demands, and the existence of clusters does not necessarily secure regional networks or economic growth. Therefore, the study aims to examine the effects of clustering on regional economic performance along with socioeconomic factors and knowledge capacity factors from a systematic perspective. Principal component analysis and panel regression methods are used to analyze Korean regions with clusters. The results indicate that favorable socioeconomic contexts are prerequisites to foster innovation and growth by clusters. In addition, a cluster-based policy may have a smaller effect than expected because R&D capacity has a stronger and longer effect on economic performance. Lastly, specific factors such as a pool of labor, education systems, quality of R&D activities, and agglomeration density of clusters are found to be critical to regional growth in regions in Korea. The last study focuses on regional capacity for knowledge recombination and its impact on regional productivity in European regions, as novel recombination is assessed to be a new driver for sustainable and long-term regional growth. Consequently, the study specifies regional capacity in technological recombination into exploration and exploitation and compare their effects on regional productivity. For the analysis, a knowledge space is constructed using technology class co-occurrence matrices with patent data, and technical efficiencies are calculated using a stochastic frontier model from socioeconomic data of EU NUTS 2 level regions. The relationship of regional recombination types and technical efficiencies is then regressed, controlling for economy scale, knowledge stock, and periodic effects. The results demonstrate that explorative recombination has a positive and significant influence on productivity gains while exploitative activity has no influence. Overall, the thesis provides several policy implications for regions from the evolutionary and systematic perspectives. First, in lagging regions with low technological capabilities, the five-construct framework drawn from grassroots innovation can form a basis for absorption of external knowledge, technology, or innovation to adapt to local needs. Second, for intra-regional knowledge spillovers to be effective in intermediate regions, creating a favorable socioeconomic environment should take precedence. Moreover, consistent attention to investment in R&D capacity is required. Third, explorative new knowledge recombination is recommended in regions with a high level of knowledge accumulation and diversity despite its high cost and attendant uncertainties. ; Chapter 1. Introduction 1 1.1 Research background 1 1.2 Research objectives 6 1.3 Research outline 7 Chapter 2. Literature Review 10 2.1 Regional innovation and development 10 2.1.1 The need for regional analysis 10 2.1.2 Regional economic development theories 14 2.2 Evolutionary economic geography 17 2.3 Regional innovation systems 22 2.4 Contribution of the study 26 Chapter 3. Grassroots innovation for regional development in developing countries: A qualitative study on appropriate technology 30 3.1 Introduction 30 3.2 Literature review 32 3.2.1 Appropriate technology 32 3.2.2 Grassroots innovation 34 3.2.3 Bridging appropriate technology and grassroots innovation 37 3.3 Methodology and data 41 3.3.1 Framework: Common constructs 41 3.3.2 Methodology and data 46 3.4 Case study 49 3.5 Discussion 57 3.6 Conclusion 61 Chapter 4. Illusions of clustering: Investigating regional innovation and growth patterns in Korea from a systematic perspective 63 4.1 Introduction 63 4.2 Literature review 65 4.2.1 Regions, innovation, and growth 65 4.2.2 Clusters and regional growth 67 4.3 Methodology 72 4.4 Data 82 4.5 Results 87 4.6 Discussion 92 4.6.1 Summary of results and policy implications 92 4.6.2 Other variables 94 4.7 Conclusion 98 Chapter 5. The effects of regional capacity in knowledge recombination on productivity gains in Europe 101 5.1 Introduction 101 5.2 Literature review 102 5.3 Methodology and data 106 5.3.1 Methods 106 5.3.2 Data 111 5.4 Results 112 5.4.1 Regional recombination capacity 112 5.4.2 Regional productivity 114 5.4.3 Regional recombination and productivity 115 5.5 Discussion and conclusion 118 Chapter 6. Conclusion 121 6.1 Overall summary 121 6.2 Policy implications and contributions 125 6.3 Limitations and future research 127 Bibliography 130 Appendix 1: Sources for case study 154 Appendix 2: Model test statistics 157 Appendix 3: Additional analysis with patent variable 159 Appendix 4: Random-effects parameters in random coefficient models 161 Abstract (Korean) 163 ; Doctor

ABSTRACTObjective of this study is to determine the impact of intellectual capital disclosure on cost of equity capital in financial reporting of banking sector companies registered on the Indonesia Stock Exchange. This study used intellectual capital disclosure as independent variable, cost of equity capital as dependent variable, and firm size as moderation variable. This method used is quantitative approach. Data of research is secondary data, using annual report of companies listed in the Indonesia Stock Exchange gained through www.idx.co.id. Samples research were selected by using purposive sampling method. The analysis technique used in this research is multiple linear regression analysis. The result of this study indicate that intellectual capital disclosure has negative significant effect on cost of equity capital, human capital disclosure has negative significant effect on cost of equity capital, structural capital disclosure has no significant effect on cost of equity capital, relational capital has positive significant effect on cost of equity capital, and firm size as a moderating variable has no individual effect but it can be as predictor variable on the relationship of intellectual capital disclosure to the cost of equity capital.Keywords: intellectual capital disclosure, cost of equity capital, size firm REFERENCES(n.d.). Retrieved from Bursa Efek Indonesia (IDX): www.idx.co.idAbeysekera, I. (2011). The relation of intellectual capital disclosure strategies and market value in two political settings. Journal of Intellectual Capital, Vol. 12 No. 2 pp. 319-338.Aisyah, C. N., & Sudarno, S. (2014). 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