Suchergebnisse

The relevance of the research. The musical work of the well-known Ukrainian composer, a bright representative of the Kharkiv school of composers — Yurii Alzhniev — is widely known and respected in the modern musical culture of Ukraine. The artist is the author of a large number of large-scale and small-scale works for symphony and chamber orchestras, orchestra and ensemble of folk instruments, a significant number of choral, vocal, vocal-symphonic works, theatre music, separate compositions for various instruments and instrumental ensembles, etc. Today, the most significant samples of Yurii Alzhniev's works are deservedly within the scope of scientific and research attention of domestic musicologists. After all, these works are now increasingly being performed by leading Ukrainian groups and soloists, on concert stages in various regions of Ukraine and abroad. At the same time, many bright musical compositions of the artist, which were created by him in recent years and represent a high artistic value, remain out of research attention. One of such opuses in Yurii Alzhniev's creative portfolio is the choral concert "The sound of the Master's soul..." for a mixed unaccompanied choir, in which national features of Ukrainian traditional choral singing and original author's decisions regarding the organization of the compositional structure and stylistic filling of the work are skilfully and highly artistically interwoven.
The purpose of this article is to identify the compositional and genre-stylistic features of Yuri Alzhnev's choral concert "The sound of the Master's soul..." for a mixed a capella choir, through a musico-logical analysis of this work.
At the heart of the methodology of the work are the methods and techniques of musicological analysis used in theoretical musicology. In particular, this is a method of complex analysis, which is used in the implementation of a holistic analysis of a selected piece of music, as well as separate theoretical methods: genre and style analysis, analysis of musical form, intonation analysis, analysis of elements of musical language. In addition, systematic and system-forming methods, the method of comparative analysis, methods of systematization, synthesis, and generalization are involved in the work methodology.
The results obtained in the course of achieving the goals in this article are focused on revealing the compositional and genre-stylistic features of the choral concert "The sound of the Master's soul..." for a mixed a capella choir, through the musicological analysis of this work.
The novelty of the work lies in the fact that the choral work of the famous Ukrainian composer Yuriy Alzhnev in recent years has found its musicological interpretation for the first time in the form of his choral concert "The soul calls for an owner..." The genre-stylistic and compositional specifics of this work are defined, the authorial approaches to the realization of this composition in the outlined aspects are summarized.
The practical significance of the performed musicological analysis of the selected work lies in the possibility of using it in the study of the musical work of modern Ukrainian composers, disciplines related to musical composition and choral art, as well as a musicological supplement to the use of this music in concert performance practice.
Conclusions. Turning to the creation of his choral concert "The soul calls for an owner..." Yurii Alzhniev chose this genre typical for choral music, relying mostly on a complex of traditional means and canons. At the same time, he created a rather interesting and individualized musical drama in this work, in which he skilfully used and expanded the possibilities of a simple verse form, integrating features of the three-part and rondo forms into it. In terms of style, the composer, once again, significantly enriches the relatively traditional musical presentation of the concert, "decorating" it with intonation freshness, interesting textural and compositional solutions, "spiciness" of harmonic language, etc. At the same time, the intonation basis of the work radiates its deep national character and belonging to the Ukrainian choral tradition. This is the essence of the authorial musical and linguistic specificity and the originality of Yurii Alzhniev's choral style, which was deeply and vividly manifested in the choral concert "The soul calls for an owner...".

Purpose
The purpose of this paper is to examine how learners view peace and their role in peacebuilding. Peace is widely perceived as the absence of war and violence (Castro and Galace, 2010). The literature revealed that youths play an active role in peacebuilding. This study was designed to look into the journey of Grade 10 learners to becoming peacebuilders. Specifically, this sought answers to the following questions: What are the perceptions of the Grade 10 learners of peace? How do the Grade 10 learners contribute to peacebuilding? What are the learners' dreams and aspirations for a culture of peace?


Design/methodology/approach
The research captured stories of the Grade 10 learners of a Filipino-Chinese school in Iloilo City who participated in the study voluntarily. The learners wrote an essay in one of their reflection sessions in social studies class completing the following phrases: Peace is …; I am a Peacebuilder …; My dreams and aspirations for a culture of peace …. The data gathered were analyzed following Creswell's framework in data analysis in qualitative research which suggests a linear, hierarchical approach. The themes generated were interpreted as the final process of the data analysis.


Findings
Majority of the participants perceived peace positively rather than merely an absence of war. Peace means freedom. Moreover, peace improves society and brings in a new period of progress. Learners across cultures have common views of peace, and they believed that peacebuilding has to begin in themselves. Through positive action such as setting as a good example and influencing others to do the same, the learners contribute to peacebuilding. In times of conflict and misunderstanding, they act as agents of peace by being a mediator. During crisis in the community, they extended their helping hands to the needy wholeheartedly.


Research limitations/implications
Consistent with the prevailing views of peace, learners perceived peace positively and negatively. It is interesting to note that most participants had a positive perception of peace, which demonstrated a more profound conception of the topic. Their broader perspectives on peace may have been influenced by the author, who taught the participants for two years and who began as a peace advocate and incorporated peace ideas into class discussions in some instances. The findings from this study might only be the tip of the iceberg and far from being definitive given the small number of participants and the researcher's relationship with them, which may have impacted their responses and created some concerns about authenticity and anonymity.


Practical implications
This study upheld the claim of Gandhi that youths are agents of positive change (Del Felice and Wisler, 2007). Young people are potential peacebuilders. This study provided encouragement for the truth that we should not undervalue youth's ability to effect change. This can prompt greater discussion among scholars about peace in general inside the group, which might be viewed as being ignored on peace studies.


Social implications
The participants' dreams and aspirations for a culture of peace went beyond just improving their own lives. They shared Gandhi and Rizal's aspirations for a better world and a habitable Philippines. Their narratives exhibited that they wished for a common good, which was uplifting. Their expectations and aspirations might have varied because of their economic situation and cultural orientation.


Originality/value
Literatures revealed that youths play an active role in peacebuilding. In school, for instance, Jabor (2017) concluded that students are enablers and not only the prime recipients of peace process. In a bigger context, Del Felice and Wisler (2007) illustrated in their study how the youths spearheaded various organizations for the benefit of humanity. Despite the many attestations, the contributions of the youth to peacebuilding are still deemed understudied. Most of the studies were based on the dichotomous view of the youth: victims and perpetrators of violence (UNOY Peacebuilder, 2015).

В статье рассматривается роль церкви в формировании репродуктивного поведения в древнерусской семье. Историографический анализ проблемы показывает, что до настоящего времени она не получила окончательного разрешения ни в отечественной, ни в зарубежной литературе. Христианство играло значительную роль в поддержании значимости деторождения в древнерусском обществе, провозглашая появление потомства главной целью брака. Эта позиция церкви была близка мирянам, для которых рождение наследника означало возможность передать ему нажитое имущество, социальный статус, власть, обеспечить поминовение души. В средневековом обществе ответственность за отсутствие детей возлагалась на женщину. Бездетность для нее чаще всего означала пострижение в монастырь, иногда насильственное. Принятие бесплодной женой пострига было единственной возможностью для мужчины расторгнуть бездетный союз и получить надежду на отцовство в новом браке. Учитывая важность продления рода, супруги старались любыми способами получить долгожданное потомство. Для решения проблемы чадородия они обращались за помощью не только к христианской церкви, но и к языческим обрядам, вызывая недовольство церкви, выступавшей против любых проявлений язычества. С точки зрения христианства, рождение ребенка – это дар Божий, следовательно, получить его можно только с помощью веры и молитвы. Священники вели ожесточенную борьбу против любых способов недопущения беременности, ее прерывания. Строго наказывались мужья, действия которых создавали угрозу прерывания беременности у их жен. Еще более решительные действия предпринимала церковь в борьбе с убийством новорожденных. Она постоянно ужесточала ответственность матери за это преступление: от строгой епитимии до смертной казни. Автор приходит к выводу, что в древнерусском обществе церковь взяла на себя функцию формирования репродуктивного поведения. Она сводилась, с одной стороны, к поощрению многодетности, борьбе с различными действиями, направленными на предотвращение беременности или избавление от ребенка, а с другой – к противодействию любым пережиткам язычества, даже если они использовались для преодоления проблемы бесплодия.
The article examines the role of the church in the formation of reproductive behavior in the Old Russian family. The historiographical analysis of the problem shows that it has not been solved in either domestic or foreign literature. Christianity played a significant role in maintaining the importance of childbearing in ancient Russian society, proclaiming the appearance of offspring as the main purpose of marriage. This position of the church was close to the laity, for whom the birth of an heir meant the opportunity to pass down the acquired property, social status and power to children, to ensure prayer for the dead. In medieval society, the responsibility for the absence of children was assigned to a woman. Her childlessness was often followed by taking the monastic veil, sometimes forcibly. Taking the veil by his wife was the only opportunity for a man to terminate a childless marriage and get a chance of hope for fatherhood in a new marriage. Given the importance of procreation, married couples tried to have the long-awaited offspring by any means. To solve the problem of childbearing, they turned for help not only to the Christian church but also to pagan rituals, thus causing discontent of the church, which opposed the manifestations of paganism in matters of conception. From the Christian point of view, the birth of a child is a gift from God, and therefore it can be obtained only with the help of faith and prayer. The priests waged a fierce struggle against any means of preventing pregnancy and its termination. The husbands whose actions threatened to terminate their wives' pregnancies were severely punished. Even more decisive actions were taken by the church in the fight against the murder of newborns. It constantly tightened the mother's responsibility for this crime, from strict penance to the death penalty. The author comes to the conclusion that in ancient Russian society the church assumed the function of forming reproductive behavior. It was reduced, on the one hand, to encouraging large families with many children and combating any actions aimed at preventing pregnancy or getting rid of a child and, on the other hand, to countering any vestiges of paganism, even if they were used to overcome the problem of infertility.

Introduction. The article is focused on analyzing the aesthetic aspect of A. Kojève's philosophy, the ability of his philosophy, from an aesthetic point of view, to clarify a number of key problems of the modern political and cultural environment. The purpose of the study is to determine the epistemological attitude of A. Kojève's philosophy able to clarify the way in which his philosophy problematizes the current cultural and political reality. Methods. Hermeneutics, comparative analysis and deconstruction are used as research methods. Comparative analysis allows us to demarcate A. Kojève's own line of reasoning, in the context of aesthetic and epistemological theories, as well as Hegelian themes themselves. Hermeneutics is the central method in the work, since the philosophy of A. Kojeve requires interpretation as an aesthetic theory. Deconstruction, formalized to the status of a method according to P. de Man, allows us to detect inconsistencies, the principle of mutual problematization of Kojeve's philosophy and the current political and epistemological agenda. Scientific novelty of the research. The standard way of interpreting the work of A. Kojève is to evaluate him as an interpreter of G. Hegel. The author analyzes some meaning of A. Kojève's philosophy, separate from G. Hegel's explanation of the text. The novelty lies not only in the fact that A. Kojève's philosophy is defined as theorizing that goes beyond technical hermeneutics (clear presentation), but also as a specific representation of such theorizing as epistemological aesthetic theory. The latter is a rather rare interpretation of the philosophy of A. Kojeve. This allows us to expand the traditional assumption that post-Hegelian epistemesthetics is the property of an extremely limited number of authors (for example, B. Croce). Moreover, such an interpretation of A. Kojève's theories is a new element in the emerging trend of considering political issues within the framework of epistemological aesthetics. Results. The specific mode of interpreting G. Hegel, which is carried out by A. Kojève, turns the philosophy of the former into a unique aesthetic project. In this project, the category of aesthetic experience comes to the foreground, indicating the empty, formal nature of any discourse. In this regard, any claim to knowledge of reality, to a correct idea of the subject is replaced by the idea of creating the subject of discourse. Consistent treatment of this idea is symptomatic of the philosophy of A. Kojève. This philosophy is a reflection of those historical changes that gave rise to the culture of "aesthetic rationality": empty and formal. In A. Kojève's philosophy, one can see how such a culture of the End of History is, contrary to Hegelian ideas, not the era of the struggle decline, but the era of its strange transformation, a symptom of increasing political violence. Conclusions. A. Kojève's philosophy is considered not as a utopian political project, but as a problematization of the modern cultural and political sphere. The latter is understood as an indication of the inconsistency of ontological discourses of Truth, the discovery in the very essence of discursive practices of an empty, formal principle, and therefore primarily of interest to aesthetics. The modern era of the End of History and the end of the era of persuasive speech gives an idea of the main political paradox (at least for the philosophy of A. Kojève, and at most for the modern political environment). The era of disappointment in discourse should become an era of refusal to fight for discourses, but it becomes an era of maximizing violence, since it is in a situation of disappointment that discourses can only be supported by force. We move from unconvincing speech to convincing violence, but it is possible to understand the origins and specifics of this transition only by considering A. Kojève's philosophy in the light of such a discipline as aesthetics.

W prezentowanym artykule przedstawiono zarys analizy rozwoju Białorusi po uzyskaniu suwerenności państwowej. Po ostatecznym rozpadzie ZSRR (XII 1991) Białoruś miała możliwość samodzielnego kształtowania swojej polityki wewnętrznej i zagranicznej. Młode państwo, zyskując szybkie międzynarodowe uznanie, zaczęło realizować zasadę trójpodziału władzy, angażować aktywnych obywateli w dyskusję na temat perspektyw rozwoju kraju.

Autor podejmuje próbę wyjaśnienia przyczyn transformacji Białorusi z republiki parlamentarnej w państwo autorytarne. W przedstawionych rozważaniach stwierdza się, że stopniowe wprowadzanie autorytarnych metod rządzenia na początkowym etapie było popierane przez znaczną część społeczeństwa. W warunkach niskiej kultury politycznej w kraju, niepokojące procesy autorytaryzmu uznawane były za czasowe trudności etapu przejściowego od spadku totalitarnego do demokracji. Ustanowienie na Białorusi dyktatury osobistej doprowadziło do stopniowej degradacji wiodących struktur państwowych.

Spośród przyczyn chęci przywrócenia sowieckiego ustroju przez liczną część społeczeństwa białoruskiego wyróżnić należy słabe zaangażowanie Białorusinów w odbudowę państwa narodowego, podziały tożsamościowe, brak strategii jednoczącej społeczeństwo przed współczesnymi wyzwaniami.

W artykule postawiono tezę, że negatywną rolę w rozwoju Białorusi odgrywały rosyjskie elity polityczne, które w rzeczywistości nie uznawały suwerenności państwa białoruskiego, negowały tożsamość Białorusinów, języka białoruskiego, kultury i narracje historyczne. Prosowieckie i prorosyjskie poglądy Łukaszenki zachęcały Kreml do ustanowienia kontroli nad państwem białoruskim. W lutym 2022 r. Moskwa wykorzystała terytorium Białorusi do inwazji na Ukrainę, kwestionując niepodległość państwa ościennego.

Masowe protesty na Białorusi przeciwko rażącemu fałszowaniu wyborów prezydenckich (VIII 2020) pokazały, że białoruskie społeczeństwo odrzuca autorytarny reżim, a także prowadzoną dotychczas politykę wewnętrzną i zagraniczną. Władza Łukaszenki dążąc do wyjścia z głębokiego kryzysu, położyła główny nacisk na brutalne represje wobec protestujących obywateli. Obecna strategia władz naraża państwo białoruskie na całkowitą utratę suwerenności.



Three decades of sovereignty of the Republic of Belarus (1991–2021): the point of no return not passed

The presented publication provides a brief analysis of the development of Belarus after the gaining of state sovereignty. After the final collapse of the USSR (XII 1991), Belarus had the opportunity to independently shape its domestic and foreign policy. The young state, having received rapid international recognition, began to put into practice the division of branches of government, to involve active citizens in a discussion about the prospects for the the country.

The author tries to find out the reasons for the transformation of Belarus from a parliamentary republic to an authoritarian state that began after the first presidential elections (VII 1994). It is argued that this transition at the initial stage enjoyed the support of the majority of the population, who, in conditions of low political culture, associated the socio-economic difficulties of the transition stage with democratic transformations. The establishment of a personal dictatorship in Belarus has led to the gradual degradation of the main state structures.

The researcher sees the main reason for the desire of many Belarusians to return to the Soviet order in the incompleteness of the Belarusian nation-building, in the split of society into several identity groups, in the absence of a collective strategy for finding answers to the challenges of the time.

The article emphasizes the thesis that the Russian leadership played a negative role in the development of Belarus, which in practice did not recognize the independence of the post-Soviet state, denied the uniqueness of the Belarusian language, culture and historical narratives. Lukashenko's pro-Soviet and pro-Russian views were supported by the Kremlin, which, under the guise of various support, sought to establish control over the Belarusian regime. In February 2022, Moscow used the territory of Belarus to invade Ukraine, greatly questioning the sovereignty of the neighboring country.

Mass protests in Belarus against the gross falsification of the presidential elections (VIII 2020) demonstrated that the Belarusian society rejects the authoritarian regime, its domestic and foreign policy. The regime, in its actions to get out of the deep crisis, placed the main emphasis on brutal repression against dissent. This makes the future of the Belarusian state poorly predictable, makes it dependent on many internal and external circumstances.

Introduction. The introduction of monopoly is associated with the minister of finance S.Y. Vitte, who initiated an active reforming activity during the economic modernization of the country. The current article analyzes social and economic consequences of introducing the wine monopoly assessed by the contemporaries of S.Y. Vitte. This was one of the most complicated and controversial reforms in term of acceptance by the society, which raised opposite assessments, including ones with regard to Vitte himself. Notwithstanding the above, it became a part of the "Vitte's Program" aimed at the creation of the national industry during the country's economic modernization. In this context the monopoly solved an important problem, in particular, it helped to search and attract funds inside the country in order to solve the set targets, which caused controversial reaction in the society. A number of prominent state and social officials as well as famous economic scientists spoke about its implementation. Methods and materials. The author analyzed different points of view expressed by such officials as: M.M. Kovalevskiy, I.H. Ozerov, P.P. Migulin, N.A. Velyaminov, N.I. Fridman, M.N. Kulomzin, A.F. Koni, P.L. Bark, V.N. Kokovtsov, P.H. Shvanebach, L.D. Hodskiy and others, who gave their estimation of social and economic consequences of introduction of the wine monopoly, as well as the role of Vitte in its development, implementation and social and economic consequences, in their publications, articles, reminiscences and memoirs. Basic methods of research used in the article are historical and genetic and comparative historical. They allow assessing general and specific issues in the approaches and assessments of the completed reform. Analysis. Although the necessity of the monopoly introduction was discussed in the Government long before Vitte, his predecessors at the position of the minister of finance have not decided to make this step, as they understood the reaction, which will be caused in the society due to its introduction. Indeed, after the monopoly has been introduced, a number of prominent state and social activists expressed their opinion about the necessity of its introduction, the role of Vitte in its development and implementation as well as about the social and economic consequences of this reform. Among the liberal circles the estimations were mostly of a critical nature. Having admitted that the excise system was not able to eliminate alcoholism and that the organization of alcoholic industry needed serious reforms, liberal mass media of that period did not anchor any hopes on the improvement of the industry with the official trade. However, the analysis of the reform made among its developers as well as certain scientific and social actors was more balanced and objective. Results. Therefore, the reform of drinks (wine monopoly), which was introduced by Vitte in 1894 and existed almost till the beginning of the First World War was controversially assessed by its contemporaries and, as it was shown during the conducted research, often the reason for this was the attitude to Vitte himself. The critics of Vitte, as a rule, did not take into account that by introducing the monopoly he defended mostly the interests of the state and after his resignation he was no longer personally responsible for its final results. In this regard, the last minister of finance of the Russian Empire, P.L. Bark, who replaced the monopoly during the First World War with the nonalcohol law, in his memoirs highly appraised the role of Vitte in the development and implementation of the reform and considered it quite reasonable in the relevant historical conditions. Most of the contemporaries agreed that the introduction of the monopoly helped to significantly increase the cash flow to the budget, at that, the monopoly failed to solve the second important goal, which is the decrease of alcoholism level among peasants – major part of the empire's population. The advantage of the reform, which almost nobody challenges, is the significant increase of the quality of consumed product.

In recent years, the U.S. has vigorously pursued the policy of "using Taiwan to contain mainland China" to thwart China's rise and maintain its hegemonic position. This policy has further exacerbated the China U.S. rivalry in the Taiwan Strait. The audacious visit to Taiwan by Nancy Pelosi, Speaker of the U.S. House of Representatives, in August 2022 triggered a systematic countermeasure from China and dramatically exacerbated tensions in the Taiwan Strait. This article first analyzes the purpose of Pelosi's visit to Taiwan, then reviews China‟s countermeasures against the visit. The author argues that the tensions in the Taiwan Strait have not escalated into the so-called "Fourth Taiwan Strait Crisis" because the policies of the mainland China, the United States, and Taiwan are still self-restrained. However, these tensions have negatively affected China U.S. relations and Cross-Strait relations. 在危机的 边缘 佩洛西 访 台及其 对 中美博弈的冲 击 近年来，为了阻滞中国的持续崛起以维护其霸权地位，美国积极推行"以台制华"的政策，进而提升了中美台海博弈的烈度。2022年8月，美国国会众议院议长佩洛西访问台湾之行引发了中方的系统性反制，显著加剧了台海的紧张形势。本文首先对佩洛西访台事件及其动因进行了分析，其次梳理了中方针对佩洛西访台的全面反制举措，在此基础上指出由于中国大陆、美国与台湾地区均采取了较为克制的应对举措，使得此次台海紧张形势未升级为"第四次台海危机"，但仍对中美关系和两岸关系造成了恶劣的影响。

The relevance of the topic is determined by the existing contradiction between the great importance of Olexandr Cherepnin's compositional works, which are widely recognized in the modern cultural world and contain many innovative artistic and theoretical ideas, and the lack of proper coverage in the scientific literature. The analysis of the array of musicological literature devoted to the peculiarities of the musical culture of the XX century proves the fact that the artistic personality of O. Cherepnin and his life and creative path still generally remain beyond the attention of researchers.
The purpose of the article is to reveal the meaningful and terminological features of the mode harmonic concept of O. Cherepnin's compositional works.
The methodology. The main methods applied in this study are systematic approach and methods of comparative and musicological (mainly mode harmonic) analysis.
The results. O. Cherepnin's musical language has overcome a long way before it was formed into a single mode harmonic concept. This mode harmonic concept of the artist's works was first embodied in many of his works, and then was theoretically comprehended by him and given in the article "Basic Elements of My Musical Language" (1962). Therefore, from the beginning, the features of the composer's mode harmonic language were formed under the influence of artistic necessity and were not subjected to theoretical conceptual principles. The mode harmonic concept of the artist, which became a generalization of his creative activity and artistic ideas, is based mainly on the theory of ambivalence of major and minor. At the same time, the composer does not use the major­minor as the mode basis for his works, basing (as the author himself and researchers of his work emphasize) primarily on the theory of modality.

Cherepnin's mode harmonic concept of musical language is based on a nine­stage scale, which is considered by the composer as universal and is found in most of his works. The most separate and independent components of the nine­stage scale are the three major­minor tetrachords and the two hexachords. The presence of different pitch positions of the scale allows to determine the tonal center at the level of separate fragments of the musical fabric of the work.

The harmonic vertical (harmonic structure) of the majority of O. Cherepnin's works is also formed on the basis of the vertical segments of the specified nine­stage scale. Such mode segments, which in separate works of the composer or their parts play the role of mode harmonic basis, are defined by us as "submodes" (my term — Ch. H.). The most common are tritone consonances, and each "submode" has its own chord that performs the function of the tonic one. The most important among them, according to the composer's point of view, is a major­minor tetrachord, i.e. vertical four­tone chord. All these consonances are very diverse in their interval structure and intensity of sound. Five­ and six­tone chords are used by the artist much less due to their intense phonism and the need for at least an acoustic solution. Pentatone scales, which are constantly presented in an incomplete form (with the omission of one or two tones), and symmetrical modes are also widely used in O. Cherepnin's works. Bright ethnic elements of the composer's mode harmonic concept, which are widely used in his works, are the specific tritone consonances, called by O. Cherepnin as "Georgian trisounds".
The topicality of the study lies in the disclosure of one of the main conceptual foundations of the multifaceted musical language of O. Cherepnin — his mode harmonic component, which has not yet been sufficiently studied.
The practical significance. The obtained results of the research allow to reveal the world importance of O. Cherepnin's artistic figure and composer's works, to highlight his innovative musical­theoretical ideas and to determine the special place of the artist in the constellation of contemporary composers who actively experimented with tonal­harmonic systems. The obtained conclusions generally expand the view on the nature and structure of mode harmonic thinking of composers of the XX century.

В статье раскрывается проблема определения содержания региональной программы общего музыкального образования путем обоснования ее социально-культурных доминант. На основе рассмотрения действующих программ «Музыка» в Чувашской Республике в контексте их социально -культурных ориентиров дается описание факультативного курса «Музыкальное путешествие по родному краю» для начальных классов общеобразовательных школ Чувашии, который базируется на национальном музыкально-художественном материале. Данный факультативный курс опирается на результаты факторного анализа, обосновывающего те социально-культурные доминанты содержания курса, которые направлены на формирование у детей комплекса как музыкальных, так и этнокультурных знаний, умений и представлений в области национальной культуры. Основой исследования послужили научные труды по методике и методологии художественного образованияЭ. Б. Абдуллина, О. А. Апраксиной, Л. Г. Арчажниковой, Л. В. Кузнецовой. В результате исследования был проведен факторный анализ действующих данных программ по музыке, который показал следующее: глобализация образования, затрагивающая школьные предметы гуманитарного и художественно-эстетического циклов, не должна стирать этническое своеобразие народных культур, что ярко представлено их музыкальными традициями, направленными на воспитание в ребенке любви к родному краю, к Отечеству; в некоторых из анализируемых программ не в полной мере применяются принцип художественной интеграции на уроках музыки и метод художественного контекста. Тем самым не уделяется должного внимания культуроемкости региональных программ школьного музыкального образования. Исходя из этого актуальными социально -культурными основами, т. е. доминантами содержания региональной программы общего музыкального образования определены следующие: воспитание патриотов своей малой родины и России; гуманистическая, культуротворческая направленность профессиональной деятельности педагога-музыканта; этнокультурная толерантность как механизм формирования гражданского самосознания обучающихся. Проведенное исследование обладает практической значимостью и может быть использовано в различных образовательных организациях республики: в детских общеобразовательных школах, детских школах искусств, в курсах методики музыкального обучения и воспитания в музыкальнопедагогических колледжах, на факультетах музыкального образования и начальных классов педагогических вузов, в содержании курсов специализации и повышения квалификации учителей музыки.
The article reveals the problem of determining the content of the regional programme of general music education by substantiating its socio-cultural dominants. Considering of the existing programmes "Music" in the Chuvash Republic, in the context of their socio-cultural guidelines, the author describes an optional course "Musical Journey to the Native Land" for the primary classes of general education schools in Chuvashia, which is based on national musical and artistic material. This optional course is based on the results of a factor analysis that justifies the socio-cultural dominants of the course content, which are aimed at the formation of a complex of both musical and ethnocultural knowledge, skills and ideas in the field of national culture in children. The research was based on scientific works on methodology of art education: E. B. Abdullin, O. A. Apraksina, L. G. Archazhnikova, L. V. Kuznetsova. As a result of the study, a factor analysis of the current data of music programmes was carried out. It showed that the globalization of education, affecting school subjects of humanitarian and artistic-aesthetic cycles, should not erase the ethnic originality of folk cultures, which is clearly represented by their musical traditions aimed at cultivation of love for their native land in a child, for the Fatherland; in some of the analyzed programmes, the principle of artistic integration in music lessons is not sufficiently used, as well as the method of artistic context. Thus, the cultural intensity of regional school music education programmes is not given due attention. Hence, the following are determined by the relevant socio-cultural foundations, that is, the dominants of the content of the regional programme of general musical education: education of patriots of both their small homeland and Russia; humanistic, cultural and creative orientation of professional activity of teacher-musician; ethno-cultural tolerance as a mechanism for the formation of civic identity of pupils. The study has practical significance and can be used in various educational systems of the republic: at children's general education schools, children's art schools, at courses on the methodology of musical education and education in music and pedagogical colleges, faculties of music education and primary classes of pedagogical universities, in the content of courses of specialization and advanced training of music teachers

This article aims to clarify two traditions of understanding time, namely the rationalistic, which includes the scientific (in the West, going back to the 'Physics' of Aristotle) and philosophical (going back in the West to Augustine), and mystical (the most methodically sustained is the Yogic tradition of Classical India and Sufism). The article contains several sections: Introduction raises the problem of time and sets the subject boundaries. The main part is comprised of the following sections: 1. Time as found in objects: a brief summary of the rational scientific and quasi scientific trend of time interpretation from Aristotle's Physics to Reichenbach's "Philosophy of Time and Space". The physical one-sidedness of the consideration of time is completely immersed in the object domain. 2. Time as associated with the ontological subject: essential points of purely philosophical understanding of time beginning with St. Augustine via Kant up to Heidegger. This philosophical approach is no less one-sided, and comprehends time almost exclusively as a subjective phenomenon (memory, contemplation, desire, one's own nature etc.) Both trends lack any discrimination between the initial indication of the phenomenon of time (the answer to the question 'what is time as a phenomenon?') and the interpretation of the meaning of this phenomenon (the answer to the question 'how to understand the phenomenon of time?'). 3. Interpretations of the time phenomenon are implicitly based on the everyday mode of awareness. The problem of time is one of the most difficult problems to comprehend. The main thesis of the article is that the pra-phenomenon of time is revealed to consciousness from the necessarily occurring switching and comparison between two processes: orientation in the external world and attention to cogitation, i.e., between the external and internal. This duality coincides with the duality that is realized in the elementary unit of rational thought - judgment, the subject of which is recognized as belonging to the external world, and the predicate – to the internal. Separately, it is planned to consider the understanding of time in the mystical tradition. We will focus on two ways of understanding time - the rationalistic (philosophical), represented by the teachings of Kant, and the mystical, represented by the Sufis and Yogis (with an indication of the fundamental difference between them). Note that these two methods are not opposed by us, although in a sense they exclude each other. 4. Lapse of time and the notion of a mode of awareness. The ordinary mode of awareness called vikṣipta 'dispersed' in Yoga philosophy is characterized by a fundamental dualism of inner and outer worlds' events. Both are processes and the non predicative comparison of their pace constitutes the ordinary experience of the lapse of time. This mode is the most habitual one and the very mode within which it is possible to speak and compose texts, however it is not unique. There exist other possibilities. 5. One-pointed awareness mode and the atemporal process. Voluntarily achieved one-pointedness has no distinction between the outer and inner world and is therefore 'out of' or 'above' time. It is well known in mystical literature (exemplified by the text by eminent Sufi author, Niffari). In European rational philosophy this position was explained by Hegel, but not in his 'Philosophy of Nature", usually associated with the concept of time, it was in the 'Science of Logic' (in the timeless unfolding of absolute knowledge). The Conclusion presents a summary. The crucial point which enables a thinker to overcome the traditional scientific and philosophical one-sidedness of the conceptualization of time is the notion of a mode of awareness and comprehension of the fundamental duality of outer world processes and cogitations' succession. A non-ordinary awareness mode is methodologically elaborated in Yoga philosophy, witnessed in mystical Sufi texts, and finally, grasped in Hegel's concept of a speculative proposition.

<div class="trans-abstract"><p>A partir dos textos reunidos no livro <em>Situating the self: gender, community and postmodernism in contemporary ethics</em> (1992), sabe-se que Seyla Benhabib responde aos excessos racionalistas de Habermas e aos limites da tradição universalista moderna com uma releitura da concepção arendtiana de "pensamento alargado". Neste artigo, eu me proponho a mostrar que a presença de Arendt no pensamento de Benhabib é ainda mais radical do que parece à primeira vista, pois a autora de <em>A condição humana</em> está na raiz do seu projeto teórico orientando o enfrentamento filosófico que Benhabib faz com a tradição, na sua primeira grande obra, <em>Critique, norm, and utopia: a study of the foundations of Crítical theory</em> (1986). A minha hipótese interpretativa é a de que a tese central deste livro, segundo a qual a teoria crítica é assombrada pela filosofia do sujeito, carrega as marcas da crítica arendtiana à filosofia política ocidental.</p><p><strong>Palavras-Chave: </strong>Hannah Arendt; Seyla Benhabib; Filosofia do Sujeito; Filosofia Política; Pluralidade</p></div><div class="trans-abstract"><p class="sec"><span>SEYLA BENHABIB WITH HANNAH ARENDT AGAINST THE PHILOSOPHY OF THE SUBJECT</span></p><p class="sec">ABSTRACT</p><p>From <em>Situating the self: gender, community and postmodernism in contemporary ethics</em> (1992), we know that SeylaBenhabib answers Habermas' excesses and the limits of the modern universalist tradition with a reinterpretation of the Arendtian conception of "enlarged thought". In this article, I propose to show that Arendt's presence in Benhabib's thought is even more radical than it seems at first, because the author of The human condition is at the root of Benhabib's theoretical project, guiding her in her philosophical confrontation with tradition at her first major work,<em>Critique, norm, and utopia: a study of the foundations of Crítical theory</em>(1986). My interpretive hypothesis is that the central thesis of this book, according to which Crítical theory is haunted by the philosophy of the subject, bears the marks of Arendt's criticism to Western political philosophy.</p><p><strong>Key words: </strong>Hannah Arendt; Seyla Benhabib; Philosophy of the Subject; Political Philosophy; Plurality</p></div><div class="trans-abstract"><p class="sec"><span>SEYLA BENHABIB AVEC ARENDT CONTRE LA PHILOSOPHIE DU SUJET</span></p><p class="sec">ABSTRACT</p><p>A partir des textes rassemblés dans le livre Situating the self: gender, community and postmodernism in contemporary ethics (1992), on sait que Seyla Benhabib répond aux excès rationalistes d'Habermas et aux limites de la tradition universaliste moderne par une réinterprétation de la conception arendtienne du «mentalité élargie». Dans cet article, je propose de montrer que la présence d'Arendt dans la pensée de Benhabib est encore plus radicale qu'il n'y paraît au premier abord, car Arendt est à l'origine de son projet théorique guidant la confrontation philosophique que Benhabib fait avec tradition, dans son premier grand ouvrage, Critique, norm, and utopia: a study of the foundations of crítical theory (1986). Mon hypothèse interprétative est que la thèse centrale de ce livre, selon laquelle la théorie critique est hantée par la philosophie du sujet, porte les marques de la critique arendtienne de la philosophie politique occidentale.</p><p><strong>Key words: </strong>Hannah Arendt; Seyla Benhabib; Philosophie du sujet; Philosophie politique; Pluralité</p></div>

The analysis presented here offers a possible framework for understanding when sub-state actors behave prudently and more strategically in their foreign relations, and when other priorities might instead heighten the chances of seemingly irrational, erratic, or dangerous, foreign policies. Using a case study of the Kurdistan Regional Government of Iraq to illustrate the argument, the author attempts to show how "regime consolidation" plays a key role in allowing such actors to prioritise policies aimed at grappling with external challenges, threats and opportunities. Internally legitimate, consolidated regimes can better present "one face" to the outside world and behave more strategically in the international arena. Political systems lacking consolidation or internal legitimacy, in contrast, turn to the external environment in search of resources to help them with domestic threats and challenges. This may lead to seemingly erratic, unpredictable and risky foreign policies on their part.
Abstract in Kurmanji
Aktorên bin-dewletî û girtina rîskên siyaseta derve: Hikûmeta Herêma Kurdistanê ya Iraqê
Analîza ku li vir hatiye pêşkêşkirin çarçoveyeke muhtemel ji bo fehmkirina demên ku aktorên bin-dewletî di têkiliyên xwe yên derve de bi hişyarî û stratejîk tevdigerin û demên di dewsê de pêşkiyên din şansên siyaseta derve yên xeternak, guherbar û îrrasyonel didine ber xwe. Bi bikaranîna mînaka Hikûmeta Herêma Kurdistanê ya Iraqê nivîskar hewl dide ku nîşan bide ka çawa "xurtkirina rejîmê" roleke serekî dilîze di destûrdana van aktoran de ku pêşekiyê bidin polîtîkayên ku bi dijwarî, tehdît û talûkeyên derve bigre. Rejîmên di hundir de meşrû û xurt dikarin baştir "rûyekî" nîşanê cîhana derve bidin û di qada navneteweyî de bêhtir stratejîk tevbigerin. Lê belê sîstemên siyasî yên ne xurt û di hundir de ne meşrû jî berê xwe didin derdora derve di lêgerîna çavkaniyan de da ku alîkariya wan bikin ji bo talûke û zehmetiyên hundirîn. Ev dikare bibe sedem ku ew polîtîkayên derveyî yên birîsk, netexmînbar û hevnegir ên berçav bigrin ji aliyê xwe ve.
Abstract in Sorani
Ektere dewllete lawekeyyekan û xoleqerey metrisî danî syasetî derewe: hkumetî herêmî kurdistanî 'êrraq
Ew şîkaryaney lêreda amadekrawn , çwarçêweyekî guncaw pêşkeş dekat bo têgeyiştin lewey le katêkda ektere dewllete lawekîyekan beşêweyekî wiryayane û sitratîjyanetir le peywendîyekanî derewey xoyanda hellsukewt deken, we katêkîş ewlewîyetekanî tir renge şansî ewey le rukeşda wek syasetî derekî na'eqllanî, namo, yan trisnak derdekewêt berizbkatewe. Hkumetî herêmî kurdistanî 'êraq wek keysî twêjînewe bekarhatuwe bo rûnkirdnewey ew argumêntey ke nûser hewll dedat nîşanî bdat çon "ptewkirdnî rjêm" rollêkî serekî debînêt le rêgedan bew core ekterane bo ewey ew syasetane bkate ewlewîyet ke amanc lêy berberekanêy allingarîy û hereşe û derfete drekîyekane. Ew rjêmaney ke şer'îyetî nawxoyyan heye û çespawn baştir detwanin "yek rûîy" pîşanî dinyay derewe bken û le meydanî nêwdewlletîşda sitratîjyanetir hellsukewt bken. Bepêçewanewe, ew sîsteme syasyaney ke neçespawn û şer'îyetî nawxoyyan kurtidênêt, le gerran bedway serçawekanda rû le jîngey derekî deken bo ewey yarmetîyan bda le herreşe û allingarîye nawxoyyekan. Eme lewaneye wabkat ke ew syasete derekîyaney ke be namo, pêşbînî nekraw û metrisîdar derdekewn le terefî ewanewe bêt.
Abstract in Zazaki
Faîlê bindewletkî û rîskgêrîya sîyasetê teberî: Hukmatê Herêmê Kurdîstanî yê Îraqî

No analîzê tîyayî seba fehmkerdişê wextê ke faîlê bindewletkîyî têkilîyanê xo yê teberî de bitedbîr û hîna zaf stratejîk hereket kenê û wexto ke herinda ci de prîorîteyê bînî asayîş ra gore îhtîmalê polîtîkayanê teberî yê bêmantiq, bêqerar yan zî xeternakan kenê zêde, ci rê çarçewayêka potansîyele pêşkêş keno. Bi xebata nimûneyî yê Hukmatê Herêmê Kurdîstanî yê Îraqî no arguman nîşan dîyeno. Nuştox wazeno bimusno ke "konsolîdasyonê rejîmî" senî rolêko sereke gêno ke tede kerdoxanê winasîyan rê destûr dîyeno ke polîtîkayanê xo yê çareserkerdişê zehmetî, tehdîd û îmkananê teberî prîorîtîze bikerê. Eke zere de meşrû yê, rejîmê kondolîdekerdeyî eşkenê xo bi "yew rî" teber rê bimusnê û sahneya mîyanneteweyîye de hîna zaf stratejîk hereket bikerê. Heto bîn ra, sîstemê sîyasîyî ke tede konsolîdasyon yan zî meşrûîyetê zereyî çin ê, ê xo çarnenê dorûverê xo yê teberî ke seba helkerdişê tehdîd û zehmetîyanê zereyî ro çimeyan bigêre. No seba înan beno ke bibo sebebê polîtîkayanê teberî yê bêqerar, nevervînbar û rîzîkodaran.

PurposeThe purpose of this study is to analyze the relationship between citizen participation and the level of trust in government's decisions and policies; as well as examining the impact of disclosure of information on the level of citizens' engagement with governments' projects. In addition, testing the real motives behind Egyptian citizens' participation in financing national projects. The study is applied to the "New Suez Canal," which was finished in only one year opposing the three years implementation period suggested by some studies.Design/methodology/approachThe researcher depended on secondary and primary data as well in working on this paper. She used secondary data gathered from scholars and from domestic and international institutions. Then, she conducted a field study and collected data through distributing 384 Likert Scale questionnaires containing 34 self-administered among respondents to test the following: 1. Citizens perceptions regarding the level of trust in government's decisions and policies. 2. The impact of citizens' trust on their willingness to participate in governments' projects. 3. Is 'public service motivation' (PSM) behind citizens' willingness of participating in national projects. 4. Is the 'high expected profit of Suez Canal Investment Certificates' behind citizens participation in national projects.FindingsH1 and H2 have been accepted as trust, transparency and citizen participation proved to be important pillars of building a participatory government. Moreover, citizens' participation in national projects encouraged national and international enterprises to invest in the canal provision. H3 and H4 are accepted and the statistical study revealed dual contradicting results regarding the motive of citizens' financial participation in the New Suez Canal project. The justification for the contradiction is that right after the 2011 up-rise, Egyptian citizens were overwhelmed with patriot emotions and feelings pushing them to participate in national projects. At the same time this patriot drive was moderated by the "performance-based rewards and citizens" self-interests' pushed by the Egyptian government (offering a high-interest rate for Suez Canal Certificates at that time). Citizens might be motivated to participate in national projects triggered by many factors: public service drive – patriotism or self-interest.Research limitations/implicationsThe study needs further deeper investigation and empirical pieces of evidence to answer the following questions: would different participatory actions result differently in other circumstances? Do individuals' levels of PSM vary over time? Besides, the researcher needs to find ways to test PSM against various motives such as self-interest, which needs to be confirmed empirically.Practical implicationsThe author came up with important recommendations for central government and decision-makers in Egypt and is based upon the study's statistical results. The most important recommendations were: central government and decision-makers should frame a policy designed to promote citizens' participation in decision-making drawing on the guidelines for civil participation in political decision-making. Decision-makers in the central government should work local and regional authorities to update and improve local and regional regulations concerning the participation of citizens in local public life and promote a culture of democratic participation shared by communities and local authorities. Performance-based rewards (high-interest rate) are moderating the citizens' public service motivation (PSM – patriot sense) and citizens may be motivated by different factors such as public service drive – patriotism or self-interest.Social implicationsThe study is tackling an important issue, which is civil participation in political decision-making. It is also discussing promoting cultural awareness regarding the importance of democratic participation shared by communities and local authorities. The study came up with certain findings proving Egyptian civil society's willingness in participating with the government in national projects; believing in its socio-economic benefits.Originality/valueFinally, the study is of value, as it could be considered a pilot study representing the outcomes of citizen participation in national projects; in addition, it can be considered as a road map to policymakers. Moreover, the findings provide a set of recommendations and policies for governments and decision-makers to undertake tangible actions to accelerate citizen participation in further projects and decisions and be able to establish a democratic system in developing countries.

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in Socialist and Postsocialist Romania, New York: Berghahn Books, 2019,
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Purpose
Self-esteem values, with the new art of living, in the minds of Indians, lead to establish faith among the spiritual organization. Later on, the spiritual organizations brand their names and market the products in their branded name. These brands, which are inspired by faith and created by Indian spiritual gurus, have even disrupted the fast-moving consumer goods (FMCG) market by being customer-centric instead of being geared by lucrative returns. It is in this context that this paper aims to find the cultural divergence factors that lead to change the consumption pattern of FMCG and how such brands of faith have been segmented in the Indian perspective by spiritual gurus. The research concludes that cultural divergence variables such as power distance, collectivism, uncertainty avoidance and long-term orientation influence the brands that are inspired by faith. Spiritual gurus in India are using sociocultural marketing activities such as social endorsement and cause-related marketing strategies for segmenting the markets.


Design/methodology/approach
The primary data were collected from the 1,678 customers of the Isha products. The respondents were selected based on the snowball sampling. The responses were collected from the followers who visited the foundation at least three times during the period of two years in Coimbatore and purchased Isha products worth more than Rs 500. The data were collected between the period August 2016 and April 2018. Of 1,678 responses, 1,465 responses were validated after coding. Of 1,465 responses that were validated, 1,126 responses were found reliable.


Findings
"Cause-related marketing" and "social group endorsement" activities of the firms tend to create a brand image. To find out which of the above activities highly influence the brands of faith, realistic-operating characteristic (ROC) analysis was carried out. ROC curves were drawn to assess the brands of faith centroid values with social group endorsement and cause-related marketing variables. ROC curves explored the precision of diagnostic tests and were used to find the best "cut-off" value for impressive and unimpressive cluster test results.


Research limitations/implications
Cultural divergence variables such as power distance, collectivism, uncertainty avoidance and long-term orientation are influencing the brands of faith. The followers of the spiritual foundation have their own distinct culture, and their social affinity values increase the brands of faith. Social group endorsement and cause-related marketing are the marketing strategies suitable for spiritual foundation (to market their product/ service). Age, education and occupation are demographic values that influence the brands of faith. The spiritual foundations are segmenting their customers based on the occupational values, and they use the cause-related marketing strategies to increase the values of brands of faith.


Practical implications
As the cultural values related to the art of living have been recognized by society as the measure of social well-being, the spiritual leaders can enhance their brands of faith. The social media communication about cause-related marketing can create trust in society. On the other hand, societal marketing activities cannot target the entire society. Hence, it is to be stratified. While stratifying, the players of diversity markets have to target a group based on the values generated by the stakeholders in the foundation. The diversified markets created by the Indian spiritual gurus are providing cultural diversity.


Social implications
The business value created by spiritual foundations is increasing the social values which are essential to uplift society. The author concludes that if business values and societal values are integrated by any group of people, it improves economic value to that society and they can use the social currency in the form of "brands of faith".


Originality/value
The cultural values of a society are measured and compared with national and global index. The enumerate method is an original one.