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The suburbs appear as the shape of the egalitarian future. Emphasis upon status (graded ranks) appear archaic--'the new suburbanite appears to suffer, less from exclusion, than from a surfeit of inclusions.' Using P & P. Goodman's COMMUNITAS: MEANS OF LIVELIHOOD AND WAYS OF LIFE (1947) as a utopian description of subUr life the author discusses changes in subUr life under the headings of utopia & reality, limitations of prophesy, limitations between individual & soc behavior, the revolt against industrialism, life & work values, the subUr way of life, decentralization of living, loss of human differentiation, the role of the automobile in suburbia, the uneven distribution of leisure, the dilemma of professionals, suburbia's positive & negative aspects, subUr styles of life & thought, the aimless quality of subUr life, the future of leisure, & tensions of the subUr scene. It is concluded that 'Americans are almost too ready to abandon one thing for another, provided they are persuaded .. that the other is somehow `better'.... The range of such persuasion is not terribly wide, & it is wider ... in inessentials or externals .... More problematic is the persuasion itself. When mobilized for the planners' good ends it is frequently self-defeating because it almost inevitably uses the given means such as appeals to snobbery or to a fake efficiency. Yet the fear of this problem, ... seems to me ... to have intimidated thinking about what the good ends are. Thus, even if people could be persuaded, there is nothing to persuade them of.... Many Americans will soon discover the loss of Ur & subUr texture & might then be ready to do something, were a model available.' L. P. Chall.

An expository review of a study designed to answer the question: Why do some people in Sweden vote the communist ticket? Rydenfelt's book, published in 1954, reports research extending over a 6 yr period. The method is basically ecological, and compares the % of communist votes received in some 380 different election districts with other conditions and characteristics of the districts, such as (mean - average) income level, degree of industrialization, & extent of geographical isolation. This mode of analysis is supplemented with personal interviews, examination of printed matter, and statist materials. Conditions associated with a relatively heavy communist vote are: the presence of a competent agitator, bad labor-management relations, a `collective inferiority complex', geographical isolation, etc. Conditions associated with a relatively light communist vote are: an active religious tradition, an old and established total cultural pattern, the ability of the social democrats to drain off potential communist votes, etc. The author's results also indicate that radicalism can take either a political or a religious form; both the communists and radical religious groups attract more men and young people than the more conservative religious and political groups. Differences between people who vote communist and those who vote social democratic are not econ in nature but appear rather to be explained in terms of different psychol'al orientations. A number of important hypotheses are not supported by Rydenfelt's findings. In particular the presumed + relationships between (1) degree of industrialization & communist vote, (2) low income & communist vote, & (3) unemployment & the communist vote are not substantiated. The author concludes that 'communism's strength and extent within various social groups and geographical regions is not determined to any decisive degree by econ circumstances'. Swedes may vote the communist ticket for ideological reasons, out of `tradition', or as a protest. Alternative modes of expressing dissatisfaction with society are through the religious revival movements and through the Social Democratic Party. These have furnished competition to the communists and acted as safety valves for Swedish society. K. Geiger.

An evaluation of changes in the economic and SS, organization, and attitudes of American scientists since WW II. From 1940-52 non-military research expenditures increased by a factor of 4; military (including atomic) research, by a factor of 40. Yet the economic status of scientists has changed very little, e.g. new PhD's in education and industry received $2,000-3,500 before war; today, $4-5,000 in education, $6-8,000 in industry. Thus, with living costs doubled, 'industrial scientists have kept only slightly ahead of inflation, while academic scientists have been left slightly behind.' Physicists are only group whose average real pay has increased considerably, due to their absorption by industry. New 'occupational hazards' in the form of loyalty checks and security investigations beset post-war scientists. Initial waits for clearance may mean incomeless months, withdrawal of clearance even more traumatic and costly. Scientists travelling abroad are s-ibiect to special investigations and passport delays. As for till organization of scientists, the traditional 'school' headed by a 'great leader' (the 'theoretical physicists' under Niels Bohr in Copenhagen; etc.), encouraging critical thought and exploratory research, has been largely replaced by 'scientific teams.' Papers signed by 6 collaborators, with no 'senior author,' and cutting across the boundaries of individual disciplines, are now common in scientific literature. Moreover, few if any 'great leaders' have emerged since the war. Young scientists now assemble 'not around a master, but around a ...cyclotron.' Restrictions on exploratory research have more than cancelled out benefits from increased research expenditures. The 'research contract' tends to stifle exploratory investigation. The psychological outlook and attitudes of scientists are changing aster than their economic and SS. Immediately after the war they became politically active (for international control of atomic energy), since 1948, this has given way to cynicism and confusion. The majority, particularly the younger, seek refuge in apolitical professionalism, while a minority-restless, frustrated, and apprehensive, remain intensely concerned with making mankind aware of the destructive potential of modern science, and of the need for a new and rational code of political behavior. J. G. Chall.

The author defines an area study as the study of a region presenting a certain politico-social unity with a view to understanding and explaining its place and role in international society. This result can only be obtained by the systematic use of all branches of study that may provide valid explanations. This approach is not new, but the originality of US area studies lies in their systematic character, the number and variety of disciplines on which they draw and the novelty of the aim in view. 3 aspects of area research methodology are considered. (1) Place of area studies in the study of international relations. The scientific examination of the factors in the situation of a given country or group of countries implies that the chief aim is to assess the relationship between a geographical area and the rest of the world. (2) When can a region be considered an area and submitted to systematic study? The first case suitable for an area study is that of a dependent or independent territory with sufficiently pronounced individuality to enable it to play its own part in international relations. It is expedient to group a number of territories for an area study when (a) this group presents some unity of character (geographical, ethnic, linguistic, etc.) leading to common features in international relations or (b) when none of the elements in the group has pronounced individuality. (3) What are the elements of a systematic study and how is it possible to determine the disciplines to be employed? It is felt that history, geography and sociology should form the core of any area study . Other disciplines are used as required in particular geographic areas. The director will play an important role in choosing the area to be studied and in selecting the sciences that may be profitably used. The study must be made by a team, each member a specialist in a given area, the director being a specialist in international relations. M. Morris.

In the westernization process, the assumption is made that the Mc is the 'progressive' element striving to overcome the vested interest of the Uc's & the ignorance of the traditionbound peasant masses. While this generally represents the Iranian society, the author focuses on 'att's' of the modern Mc which complicate its 'progressive' role. A small group of wealthy landowners, merchants, manufacturers, & a larger group of army officers support the gov, officials, policies, & other activities. Opposition is in 3 groups: (i) leaders of large tribes, (ii) bazaar & its workers led by traditional religious leaders, & (iii) the 'modern' Mc of gov officials, small landowners, teachers, & non-bazaar merchants. The peasants - (80% Iranians) - are of little importance in public life. This report is based on (a) unstructured observations & conversations recorded in Shiraz, (b) a small sample of personal acquaintances was asked questions at the end of the 11-month stay, & (c) analysis of letters, newspapers, magazines, movies, & Persian & relevant Western literature was included. The following att's bearing on the capacity of the Mc to lead modernization are discussed: (1) Men are by nature evil, powerseeking, & irrational; 'right' educ can change men for the better. (2) All is changeable & in a state of flux. (3) The emotional effect on the audience of verbal communication is stressed; exaggeration is acceptable & demanded. (4) Untruth in statements is tolerated to an unusual degree & in bargaining, describing one's country, or opinions, the truth is regarded as stupid or foolish. (5) One must distrust those around him in society regardless of how friendly they seem at present, (6) Life is a struggle to obtain & preserve a position in an established order through manipulation of others. (7) One is pessimistic about there being any values beyond his own immediate pleasure for which he should strive including fear & distrust of the opposite sex & marriage. (8) Belief in personal superiority, moral & intellectual, over those around him. (9) Any gov is the enemy & great exploiter of the people: only unorganized church people & threats of revolution or de-pop inhibit the gov. (10) One's needs for security, happiness, & success cannot be satisfied in Iran & nothing can signif'ly improve conditions in Iran. The emphasis on personal manipulation of people, absence of att's necessary for cooperation, clouding of communication with untruths, exaggeration, & pessimism are hindrances to the modernizing role of the Mc. J. D. Twight.

A part of a larger study of mail communications from businessmen to legislators on matters of econ policy done by the CIS-MIT in 1954-55. Data were gathered by interviews with 50 Congressmen (C), their staff, & a large number of businessmen (B); & by reading the incoming mail of C. The author makes the following points: (1) Both C & B place great importance on mail as a form of influence on political-legislative actions; yet, since much of B mail is 'stimulated' (writing campaigns) the expected influence is dissipated because it is precisely this kind of mail which is rarely read by C; (2) on many vital issues little or no mail may be received; (3) on tariff & reciprocal trade laws most mail comes from a few sources (business, labor & the League of Women Voters); (4) the message letters convey is shaped by the institution stimulating the mass mailing; (5) mass mail stimulated by any given industry tends to have its own special characteristics (the cherry industry letters are 'reasonable sounding'); (6) mail communication is direct; letter writers rarely go through local or state channels to write C; (7) writers rarely fully identify themselves or get prestigeful persons to vouch for them (paradoxically, the attention C pays to mail is in part a function of how important the writer or his friend is); (8) mail from non-constituents is disregarded by C; (9) writers show little technical mastery of econ legislation; (10) most letters show a high degree of cliches & stereotyped phrases, & few letters show new thoughts or indicate conviction; (11) there is a diff in the handling & effect of mail received by Senators & Representatives: Representatives see & handle their own mail & its disposition depends on the individual, the subject, time, etc; Senators have mail clerks, rarely see their mail, & rely on the judgment of their clerks as to the importance of mail; (12) precisely where a mail campaign might be helpful, there often is none; (13) generally, constituents with ideas suggest solutions which are either procedurally impossible or are not in accordance with legislative custom; & (14) mail communications on new laws are often ineffective because they come too late in the legislative process. T. L. Blair.