Suchergebnisse

Full list of authors: Acciari, V. A.; Ansoldi, S.; Antonelli, L. A.; Arbet Engels, A.; Artero, M.; Asano, K.; Babić, A.; Baquero, A.; Barres de Almeida, U.; Barrio, J. A.; Batković, I.; Becerra González, J.; Bednarek, W.; Bellizzi, L.; Bernardini, E.; Bernardos, M.; Berti, A.; Besenrieder, J.; Bhattacharyya, W.; Bigongiari, C.; Blanch, O.; Bošnjak, Ž.; Busetto, G.; Carosi, R.; Ceribella, G.; Cerruti, M.; Chai, Y.; Chilingarian, A.; Cikota, S.; Colak, S. M.; Colombo, E.; Contreras, J. L.; Cortina, J.; Covino, S.; D'Amico, G.; D'Elia, V.; da Vela, P.; Dazzi, F.; de Angelis, A.; de Lotto, B.; Delfino, M.; Delgado, J.; Delgado Mendez, C.; Depaoli, D.; di Pierro, F.; di Venere, L.; Do Souto Espiñeira, E.; Dominis Prester, D.; Donini, A.; Doro, M.; Fallah Ramazani, V.; Fattorini, A.; Ferrara, G.; Fonseca, M. V.; Font, L.; Fruck, C.; Fukami, S.; García López, R. J.; Garczarczyk, M.; Gasparyan, S.; Gaug, M.; Giglietto, N.; Giordano, F.; Gliwny, P.; Godinović, N.; Green, J. G.; Green, D.; Hadasch, D.; Hahn, A.; Heckmann, L.; Herrera, J.; Hoang, J.; Hrupec, D.; Hütten, M.; Inada, T.; Inoue, S.; Ishio, K.; Iwamura, Y.; Jiménez, I.; Jormanainen, J.; Jouvin, L.; Kajiwara, Y.; Karjalainen, M.; Kerszberg, D.; Kobayashi, Y.; Kubo, H.; Kushida, J.; Lamastra, A.; Lelas, D.; Leone, F.; Lindfors, E.; Lombardi, S.; Longo, F.; López-Coto, R.; López-Moya, M.; López-Oramas, A.; Loporchio, S.; Machado de Oliveira Fraga, B.; Maggio, C.; Majumdar, P.; Makariev, M.; Mallamaci, M.; Maneva, G.; Manganaro, M.; Maraschi, L.; Mariotti, M.; Martínez, M.; Mazin, D.; Menchiari, S.; Mender, S.; Mićanović, S.; Miceli, D.; Miener, T.; Minev, M.; Miranda, J. M.; Mirzoyan, R.; Molina, E.; Moralejo, A.; Morcuende, D.; Moreno, V.; Moretti, E.; Neustroev, V.; Nigro, C.; Nilsson, K.; Nishijima, K.; Noda, K.; Nozaki, S.; Ohtani, Y.; Oka, T.; Otero-Santos, J.; Paiano, S.; Palatiello, M.; Paneque, D.; Paoletti, R.; Paredes, J. M.; Pavletić, L.; Peñil, P.; Perennes, C.; Persic, M.; Prada Moroni, P. G.; Prandini, E.; Priyadarshi, C.; Puljak, I.; Ribó, M.; Rico, J.; Righi, C.; Rugliancich, A.; Saha, L.; Sahakyan, N.; Saito, T.; Sakurai, S.; Satalecka, K.; Saturni, F. G.; Schmidt, K.; Schweizer, T.; Sitarek, J.; Šnidarić, I.; Sobczynska, D.; Spolon, A.; Stamerra, A.; Strom, D.; Strzys, M.; Suda, Y.; Surić, T.; Takahashi, M.; Tavecchio, F.; Temnikov, P.; Terzić, T.; Teshima, M.; Tosti, L.; Truzzi, S.; Tutone, A.; Ubach, S.; van Scherpenberg, J.; Vanzo, G.; Vazquez Acosta, M.; Ventura, S.; Verguilov, V.; Vigorito, C. F.; Vitale, V.; Vovk, I.; Will, M.; Wunderlich, C.; Zarić, D.; Baack, D.; Balbo, M.; Biederbeck, N.; Biland, A.; Bretz, T.; Buss, J.; Dorner, D.; Eisenberger, L.; Elsaesser, D.; Hildebrand, D.; Iotov, R.; Mannheim, K.; Neise, D.; Noethe, M.; Paravac, A.; Rhode, W.; Schleicher, B.; Sliusar, V.; Walter, R.; D'Ammando, F.; Horan, D.; Lien, A. Y.; Baloković, M.; Madejski, G. M.; Perri, M.; Verrecchia, F.; Leto, C.; Lähteenmäki, A.; Tornikoski, M.; Ramakrishnan, V.; Järvelä, E.; Vera, R. J. C.; Chamani, W.; Villata, M.; Raiteri, C. M.; Gupta, A. C.; Pandey, A.; Fuentes, A.; Agudo, I.; Casadio, C.; Semkov, E.; Ibryamov, S.; Marchini, A.; Bachev, R.; Strigachev, A.; Ovcharov, E.; Bozhilov, V.; Valcheva, A.; Zaharieva, E.; Damljanovic, G.; Vince, O.; Larionov, V. M.; Borman, G. A.; Grishina, T. S.; Hagen-Thorn, V. A.; Kopatskaya, E. N.; Larionova, E. G.; Larionova, L. V.; Morozova, D. A.; Nikiforova, A. A.; Savchenko, S. S.; Troitskiy, I. S.; Troitskaya, Y. V.; Vasilyev, A. A.; Merkulova, O. A.; Chen, W. P; Samal, M.; Lin, H. C.; Moody, J. W.; Sadun, A. C.; Jorstad, S. G.; Marscher, A. P.; Weaver, Z. R.; Feige, M.; Kania, J.; Kopp, M.; Kunkel, L.; Reinhart, D.; Scherbantin, A.; Schneider, L.; Lorey, C.; Acosta-Pulido, J. A.; Carnerero, M. I.; Carosati, D.; Kurtanidze, S. O.; Kurtanidze, O. M.; Nikolashvili, M. G.; Chigladze, R. A.; Ivanidze, R. Z.; Kimeridze, G. N.; Sigua, L. A.; Joner, M. D.; Spencer, M.; Giroletti, M.; Marchili, N.; Righini, S.; Rizzi, N.; Bonnoli, G.; MAGIC Collaboration; Fact Collaboration.-- This is an Open Access article, published by EDP Sciences, under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. ; Aims. We present a detailed characterisation and theoretical interpretation of the broadband emission of the paradigmatic TeV blazar Mrk 421, with a special focus on the multi-band flux correlations. Methods. The dataset has been collected through an extensive multi-wavelength campaign organised between 2016 December and 2017 June. The instruments involved are MAGIC, FACT, Fermi-LAT, Swift, GASP-WEBT, OVRO, Medicina, and Metsahovi. Additionally, four deep exposures (several hours long) with simultaneous MAGIC and NuSTAR observations allowed a precise measurement of the falling segments of the two spectral components. Results. The very-high-energy (VHE; E 100 GeV) gamma rays and X-rays are positively correlated at zero time lag, but the strength and characteristics of the correlation change substantially across the various energy bands probed. The VHE versus X-ray fluxes follow dierent patterns, partly due to substantial changes in the Compton dominance for a few days without a simultaneous increase in the X-ray flux (i.e., orphan gamma-ray activity). Studying the broadband spectral energy distribution (SED) during the days including NuSTAR observations, we show that these changes can be explained within a one-zone leptonic model with a blob that increases its size over time. The peak frequency of the synchrotron bump varies by two orders of magnitude throughout the campaign. Our multi-band correlation study also hints at an anti-correlation between UV-optical and X-ray at a significance higher than 3. A VHE flare observed on MJD 57788 (2017 February 4) shows gamma-ray variability on multi-hour timescales, with a factor ten increase in the TeV flux but only a moderate increase in the keV flux. The related broadband SED is better described by a two-zone leptonic scenario rather than by a one-zone scenario.We find that the flare can be produced by the appearance of a compact second blob populated by high energetic electrons spanning a narrow range of Lorentz factors, from 0 min = 2104 to 0 max = 6105. © 2021 Georg Thieme Verlag. All rights reserved. ; The MAGIC Collaboration would like to thank the Instituto de Astrofísica de Canarias for the excellent working conditions at the Observatorio del Roque de los Muchachos in La Palma. The financial support of the German BMBF, MPG and HGF; the Italian INFN and INAF; the Swiss National Fund SNF; the ERDF under the Spanish Ministerio de Ciencia e Innovación (MICINN) (FPA2017-87859-P, FPA2017-85668-P, FPA2017-82729-C6-5-R, FPA2017-90566-REDC, PID2019-104114RB-C31, PID2019-104114RB-C32, PID2019-105510GB-C31,PID2019-107847RB-C41, PID2019-107847RB-C42, PID2019-107847RB-C44, PID2019-107988GB-C22); the Indian Department of Atomic Energy; the Japanese ICRR, the University of Tokyo, JSPS, and MEXT; the Bulgarian Ministry of Education and Science, National RI Roadmap Project DO1-268/16.12.2019 and the Academy of Finland grant nr. 320045 is gratefully acknowledged. This work was also supported by the Spanish Centro de Excelencia "Severo Ochoa" SEV-2016-0588, SEV-2017-0709 and CEX2019-000920-S, and "María de Maeztu" CEX2019-000918-M, the Unidad de Excelencia "María de Maeztu" MDM-2015-0509-18-2 and the "la Caixa" Foundation (fellowship LCF/BQ/PI18/11630012) and by the CERCA program of the Generalitat de Catalunya; by the Croatian Science Foundation (HrZZ) Project IP-2016-06-9782 and the University of Rijeka Project 13.12.1.3.02; by the DFG Collaborative Research Centers SFB823/C4 and SFB876/C3; the Polish National Research Centre grant UMO-2016/22/M/ST9/00382; and by the Brazilian MCTIC, CNPq and FAPERJ. The important contributions from ETH Zurich grants ETH-10.08-2 and ETH-27.12-1 as well as the funding by the Swiss SNF and the German BMBF (Verbundforschung Astro- und Astroteilchenphysik) and HAP (Helmoltz Alliance for Astroparticle Physics) are gratefully acknowledged. Part of this work is supported by Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft (DFG) within the Collaborative Research Center SFB 876 "Providing Information by Resource-Constrained Analysis", project C3. We are thankful for the very valuable contributions from E. Lorenz, D. Renker and G. Viertel during the early phase of the project. We thank the Instituto de Astrofísica de Canarias for allowing us to operate the telescope at the Observatorio del Roque de los Muchachos in La Palma, the Max-Planck-Institut für Physik for providing us with the mount of the former HEGRA CT3 telescope, and the MAGIC collaboration for their support. The Fermi LAT Collaboration acknowledges generous ongoing support from a number of agencies and institutes that have supported both the development and the operation of the LAT as well as scientific data analysis. These include the National Aeronautics and Space Administration and the Department of Energy in the United States, the Commissariat à l'Energie Atomique and the Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique/Institut National de Physique Nucléaire et de Physique des Particules in France, the Agenzia Spaziale Italiana and the Istituto Nazionale di Fisica Nucleare in Italy, the Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology (MEXT), High Energy Accelerator Research Organization (KEK) and Japan Aerospace Exploration Agency (JAXA) in Japan, and the K. A. Wallenberg Foundation, the Swedish Research Council and the Swedish National Space Board in Sweden. Additional support for science analysis during the operations phase is gratefully acknowledged from the Istituto Nazionale di Astrofisica in Italy and the Centre National d'Études Spatiales in France. This work performed in part under DOE Contract DE-AC02-76SF00515. This work made use of data from the NuSTAR mission, a project led by the California Institute of Technology, managed by the Jet Propulsion Laboratory, and funded by the National Aeronautics and Space Administration. We thank the NuSTAR Operations, Software, and Calibration teams for support with the execution and analysis of these observations. This research has made use of the NuSTAR Data Analysis Software (NuSTARDAS) jointly developed by the ASI Science Data Center (ASDC; Italy) and the California Institute of Technology (USA). This research has also made use of the XRT Data Analysis Software (XRTDAS) developed under the responsibility of the ASI Science Data Center (ASDC), Italy. A.A.E and D.P acknowledge support from the Deutsche Forschungs gemeinschaft (DFG, German Research Foundation) under Germany's Excellence Strategy – EXC-2094 – 390783311. M. B. acknowledges support from the YCAA Prize Postdoctoral Fellowship and from the Black Hole Initiative at Harvard University, which is funded in part by the Gordon and Betty Moore Foundation (grant GBMF8273) and in part by the John Templeton Foundation. This publication makes use of data obtained at the Metsähovi Radio Observatory, operated by Aalto University in Finland. This research has made use of data from the OVRO 40-m monitoring program (Richards et al. 2011) which is supported in part by NASA grants NNX08AW31G, NNX11A043G, and NNX14AQ89G and NSF grants AST-0808050 and AST-1109911. I.A. acknowledges financial support from the Spanish "Ministerio de Ciencia e Innovación" (MCINN) through the "Center of Excellence Severo Ochoa" award for the Instituto de Astrofísica de Andalucía-CSIC (SEV-2017-0709). Acquisition and reduction of the MAPCAT data was supported in part by MICINN through grants AYA2016-80889-P and PID2019-107847RB-C44. The MAPCAT observations were carried out at the German-Spanish Calar Alto Observatory, which is jointly operated by Junta de Andalucía and Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas. C.C. acknowledges support from the European Research Council (ERC) under the European Union Horizon 2020 research and innovation program under the grant agreement No 771282. This research was partially supported by the Bulgarian National Science Fund of the Ministry of Education and Science under grants KP-06-H28/3 (2018), KP-06-H38/4 (2019) and KP-06-KITAJ/2 (2020). We acknowledge support by Bulgarian National Science Fund under grant DN18-10/2017 and National RI Roadmap Projects DO1-277/16.12.2019 and DO1-268/16.12.2019 of the Ministry of Education and Science of the Republic of Bulgaria. This research was supported by the Ministry of Education, Science and Technological Development of the Republic of Serbia (contract No 451-03-68/2020-14/200002). G.D. acknowledges observing grant support from the Institute of Astronomy and Rozhen NAO BAS through the bilateral joint research project "Gaia Celestial Reference Frame (CRF) and fast variable astronomical objects" (2020–2022, head – G. Damljanovic). The BU group was supported in part by NASA Fermi guest investigator program grants 80NSSC19K1505 and 80NSSC20K1566. This study was based in part on observations conducted using the 1.8 m Perkins Telescope Observatory (PTO) in Arizona, which is owned and operated by Boston University. This article is partly based on observations made with the LCOGT Telescopes, one of whose nodes is located at the Observatorios de Canarias del IAC on the island of Tenerife in the Observatorio del Teide. This article is also based partly on data obtained with the STELLA robotic telescopes in Tenerife, an AIP facility jointly operated by AIP and IAC. The Abastumani team acknowledges financial support by the Shota Rustaveli National Science Foundation under contract FR-19-6174. Based on observations with the Medicina telescope operated by INAF – Istituto di Radioastronomia. ; Peer reviewed

Full list of authors: Abdalla, H.; Abe, H.; Acero, F.; Acharyya, A.; Adam, R.; Agudo, I; Aguirre-Santaella, A.; Alfaro, R.; Alfaro, J.; Alispach, C.; Aloisio, R.; Batista, R. Alves; Amati, L.; Amato, E.; Ambrosi, G.; Anguner, E. O.; Araudo, A.; Armstrong, T.; Arqueros, F.; Arrabito, L.; Asano, K.; Ascasibar, Y.; Ashley, M.; Backes, M.; Balazs, C.; Balbo, M.; Balmaverde, B.; Baquero Larriva, A.; Martins, V. Barbosa; Barkov, M.; Baroncelli, L.; de Almeida, U. Barres; Barrio, J. A.; Batista, P-, I; Becerra Gonzalez, J.; Becherini, Y.; Beck, G.; Tjus, J. Becker; Belmont, R.; Benbow, W.; Bernardini, E.; Berti, A.; Berton, M.; Bertucci, B.; Beshley, V; Bi, B.; Biasuzzi, B.; Biland, A.; Bissaldi, E.; Biteau, J.; Blanch, O.; Bocchino, F.; Boisson, C.; Bolmont, J.; Bonanno, G.; Arbeletche, L. Bonneau; Bonnoli, G.; Bordas, P.; Bottacini, E.; Bottcher, M.; Bozhilov, V; Bregeon, J.; Brill, A.; Brown, A. M.; Bruno, P.; Bruno, A.; Bulgarelli, A.; Burton, M.; Buscemi, M.; Caccianiga, A.; Cameron, R.; Capasso, M.; Caprai, M.; Caproni, A.; Capuzzo-Dolcetta, R.; Caraveo, P.; Carosi, R.; Carosi, A.; Casanova, S.; Cascone, E.; Cauz, D.; Cerny, K.; Cerruti, M.; Chadwick, P.; Chaty, S.; Chen, A.; Chernyakova, M.; Chiaro, G.; Chiavassa, A.; Chytka, L.; Conforti, V; Conte, F.; Contreras, J. L.; Coronado-Blazquez, J.; Cortina, J.; Costa, A.; Costantini, H.; Covino, S.; Cristofari, P.; Cuevas, O.; D'Ammando, F.; Daniel, M. K.; Davies, J.; Dazzi, F.; De Angelis, A.; de Lavergne, M. de Bony; De Caprio, V; dos Anjos, R. de Cassia; Dal Pino, E. M. de Gouveia; De Lotto, B.; De Martino, D.; de Naurois, M.; Wilhelmi, E. de Ona; De Palma, F.; de Souza, V; Delgado, C.; Della Ceca, R.; della Volpe, D.; Depaoli, D.; Di Girolamo, T.; Di Pierro, F.; Diaz, C.; Diaz-Bahamondes, C.; Diebold, S.; Djannati-Atai, A.; Dmytriiev, A.; Dominguez, A.; Donini, A.; Dorner, D.; Doro, M.; Dournaux, J.; Dwarkadas, V. V.; Ebr, J.; Eckner, C.; Einecke, S.; Ekoume, T. R. N.; Elsaesser, D.; Emery, G.; Evoli, C.; Fairbairn, M.; Falceta-Goncalves, D.; Fegan, S.; Feng, Q.; Ferrand, G.; Fiandrini, E.; Fiasson, A.; Fioretti, V; Foffano, L.; Fonseca, M., V; Font, L.; Fontaine, G.; Franco, F. J.; Freixas Coromina, L.; Fukami, S.; Fukazawa, Y.; Fukui, Y.; Gaggero, D.; Galanti, G.; Gammaldi, V; Garcia, E.; Garczarczyk, M.; Gascon, D.; Gaug, M.; Gent, A.; Ghalumyan, A.; Ghirlanda, G.; Gianotti, F.; Giarrusso, M.; Giavitto, G.; Giglietto, N.; Giordano, F.; Glicenstein, J.; Goldoni, P.; Gonzalez, J. M.; Gourgouliatos, K.; Grabarczyk, T.; Grandi, P.; Granot, J.; Grasso, D.; Green, J.; Grube, J.; Gueta, O.; Gunji, S.; Halim, A.; Harvey, M.; Collado, T. Hassan; Hayashi, K.; Heller, M.; Cadena, S. Hernandez; Hervet, O.; Hinton, J.; Hiroshima, N.; Hnatyk, B.; Hnatyk, R.; Hoffmann, D.; Hofmann, W.; Holder, J.; Horan, D.; Horandel, J.; Horvath, P.; Hovatta, T.; Hrabovsky, M.; Hrupec, D.; Hughes, G.; Hutten, M.; Iarlori, M.; Inada, T.; Inoue, S.; Insolia, A.; Ionica, M.; Iori, M.; Jacquemont, M.; Jamrozy, M.; Janecek, P.; Jimenez Martinez, I; Jin, W.; Jung-Richardt, I; Jurysek, J.; Kaaret, P.; Karas, V; Karkar, S.; Kawanaka, N.; Kerszberg, D.; Khelifi, B.; Kissmann, R.; Knodlseder, J.; Kobayashi, Y.; Kohri, K.; Komin, N.; Kong, A.; Kosack, K.; Kubo, H.; La Palombara, N.; Lamanna, G.; Lang, R. G.; Lapington, J.; Laporte, P.; Lefaucheur, J.; Lemoine-Goumard, M.; Lenain, J.; Leone, F.; Leto, G.; Leuschner, F.; Lindfors, E.; Lloyd, S.; Lohse, T.; Lombardi, S.; Longo, F.; Lopez, A.; Lopez, M.; Lopez-Coto, R.; Loporchio, S.; Lucarelli, F.; Luque-Escamilla, P. L.; Lyard, E.; Maggio, C.; Majczyna, A.; Makariev, M.; Mallamaci, M.; Mandat, D.; Maneva, G.; Manganaro, M.; Manico, G.; Marcowith, A.; Marculewicz, M.; Markoff, S.; Marquez, P.; Marti, J.; Martinez, O.; Martinez, M.; Martinez, G.; Martinez-Huerta, H.; Maurin, G.; Mazin, D.; Mbarubucyeye, J. D.; Miranda, D. Medina; Meyer, M.; Micanovic, S.; Miener, T.; Minev, M.; Miranda, J. M.; Mitchell, A.; Mizuno, T.; Mode, B.; Moderski, R.; Mohrmann, L.; Molina, E.; Montaruli, T.; Moralejo, A.; Morales Merino, J.; Morcuende-Parrilla, D.; Morselli, A.; Mukherjee, R.; Mundell, C.; Murach, T.; Muraishi, H.; Nagai, A.; Nakamori, T.; Nemmen, R.; Niemiec, J.; Nieto, D.; Nievas, M.; Nikolajuk, M.; Nishijima, K.; Noda, K.; Nosek, D.; Nozaki, S.; Ohira, Y.; Ohishi, M.; Oka, T.; Ong, R. A.; Orienti, M.; Orito, R.; Orlandini, M.; Orlando, E.; Osborne, J. P.; Ostrowski, M.; Oya, I; Pagliaro, A.; Palatka, M.; Paneque, D.; Pantaleo, F. R.; Paredes, J. M.; Parmiggiani, N.; Patricelli, B.; Pavletic, L.; Pe'er, A.; Pech, M.; Pecimotika, M.; Peresano, M.; Persic, M.; Petruk, O.; Pfrang, K.; Piatteli, P.; Pietropaolo, E.; Pillera, R.; Pilszyk, B.; Pimentel, D.; Pintore, F.; Pita, S.; Pohl, M.; Poireau, V; Polo, M.; Prado, R. R.; Prast, J.; Principe, G.; Produit, N.; Prokoph, H.; Prouza, M.; Przybilski, H.; Pueschel, E.; Puehlhofer, G.; Pumo, M. L.; Punch, M.; Queiroz, F.; Quirrenbach, A.; Rando, R.; Razzaque, S.; Rebert, E.; Recchia, S.; Reichherzer, P.; Reimer, O.; Reimer, A.; Renier, Y.; Reposeur, T.; Rhode, W.; Ribeiro, D.; Ribo, M.; Richtler, T.; Rico, J.; Rieger, F.; Rizi, V; Rodriguez, J.; Fernandez, G. Rodriguez; Ramirez, J. C. Rodriguez; Rodriguez Vazquez, J. J.; Romano, P.; Romeo, G.; Roncadelli, M.; Rosado, J.; de Leon, A. Rosales; Rowell, G.; Rudak, B.; Rujopakarn, W.; Russo, F.; Sadeh, I; Saha, L.; Saito, T.; Greus, F. Salesa; Sanchez, D.; Sanchez-Conde, M.; Sangiorgi, P.; Sano, H.; Santander, M.; Santos, E. M.; Sanuy, A.; Sarkar, S.; Saturni, F. G.; Sawangwit, U.; Scherer, A.; Schleicher, B.; Schovanek, P.; Schussler, F.; Schwanke, U.; Sciacca, E.; Scuderi, S.; Arroyo, M. Seglar; Sergijenko, O.; Servillat, M.; Seweryn, K.; Shalchi, A.; Sharma, P.; Shellard, R. C.; Siejkowski, H.; Sinha, A.; Sliusar, V; Slowikowska, A.; Sokolenko, A.; Sol, H.; Specovius, A.; Spencer, S.; Spiga, D.; Stamerra, A.; Starling, R.; Stolarczyk, T.; Straumann, U.; Striskovic, J.; Suda, Y.; Tagliaferri, G.; Takahashi, H.; Takahashi, M.; Tavecchio, F.; Taylor, L.; Tejedor, L. A.; Temnikov, P.; Terrier, R.; Terzic, T.; Testa, V; Tian, W.; Tibaldo, L.; Tonev, D.; Torres, D. F.; Torresi, E.; Tosti, L.; Tothill, N.; Tovmassian, G.; Travnicek, P.; Truzzi, S.; Tuossenel, F.; Umana, G.; Vacula, M.; Vagelli, V.; Valentino, M.; Vallage, B.; Vallania, P.; van Eldik, C.; Varner, G. S.; Vassiliev, V.; Vazquez Acosta, M.; Vecchi, M.; Veh, J.; Vercellone, S.; Vergani, S.; Verguilov, V.; Vettolani, G. P.; Viana, A.; Vigorito, C. F.; Vitale, V.; Vorobiov, S.; Vovk, I; Vuillaume, T.; Wagner, S. J.; Walter, R.; Watson, J.; White, M.; White, R.; Wiemann, R.; Wierzcholska, A.; Will, M.; Williams, D. A.; Wischnewski, R.; Wolter, A.; Yamazaki, R.; Yanagita, S.; Yang, L.; Yoshikoshi, T.; Zacharias, M.; Zaharijas, G.; Zaric, D.; Zavrtanik, M.; Zavrtanik, D.; Zdziarski, A. A.; Zech, A.; Zechlin, H.; Zhdanov, V., I; Zivec, M. ; The Cherenkov Telescope Array (CTA), the new-generation ground-based observatory for γ astronomy, provides unique capabilities to address significant open questions in astrophysics, cosmology, and fundamental physics. We study some of the salient areas of γ cosmology that can be explored as part of the Key Science Projects of CTA, through simulated observations of active galactic nuclei (AGN) and of their relativistic jets. Observations of AGN with CTA will enable a measurement of γ absorption on the extragalactic background light with a statistical uncertainty below 15% up to a redshift z=2 and to constrain or detect γ halos up to intergalactic-magnetic-field strengths of at least 0.3 pG . Extragalactic observations with CTA also show promising potential to probe physics beyond the Standard Model. The best limits on Lorentz invariance violation from γ astronomy will be improved by a factor of at least two to three. CTA will also probe the parameter space in which axion-like particles could constitute a significant fraction, if not all, of dark matter. We conclude on the synergies between CTA and other upcoming facilities that will foster the growth of γ cosmology. © 2021 IOP Publishing Ltd and Sissa Medialab. ; We gratefully acknowledge financial support from the following agencies and organizations: State Committee of Science of Armenia, Armenia; The Australian Research Council, Astronomy Australia Ltd, The University of Adelaide, Australian National University, Monash University, The University of New South Wales, The University of Sydney, Western Sydney University, Australia; Federal Ministry of Education, Science and Research, and Innsbruck University, Austria; Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq), Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (FAPERJ), Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP), Ministry of Science, Technology, Innovations and Communications (MCTIC), Brasil; Ministry of Education and Science, National RI Roadmap Project DO1-153/28.08.2018, Bulgaria; The Natural Sciences and Engineering Research Council of Canada and the Canadian Space Agency, Canada; CONICYT-Chile grants CATA AFB 170002, ANID PIA/APOYO AFB 180002, ACT 1406, FONDECYT-Chile grants, 1161463, 1170171, 1190886, 1171421, 1170345, 1201582, Gemini-ANID 32180007, Chile; Croatian Science Foundation, Rudjer Boskovic Institute, University of Osijek, University of Rijeka, University of Split, Faculty of Electrical Engineering, Mechanical Engineering and Naval Architecture, University of Zagreb, Faculty of Electrical Engineering and Computing, Croa tia; Ministry of Education, Youth and Sports, MEYS M2015046, LM2018105, LTT17006, EU/MEYS CZ.02.1.01/0.0/0.0/16_013/0001403, CZ.02.1.01/0.0/0.0/18_046/0016007 and CZ.02.1.01/0.0/0.0/16_019/0000754, Czech Republic; Academy of Finland (grant nr.317636 and 320045), Finland; Ministry of Higher Education and Research, CNRS-INSU and CNRS-IN2P3, CEA-Irfu, ANR, Regional Council Ile de France, Labex ENIGMASS, OCEVU, OSUG2020 and P2IO, France; Max Planck Society, BMBF, DESY, Helmholtz Association, Germany; Department of Atomic Energy, Department of Science and Technology, India; Istituto Nazionale di Astrofisica (INAF), Istituto Nazionale di Fisica Nucleare (INFN), MIUR, Istituto Nazionale di Astrofisica (INAF-OABRERA) Grant Fondazione Cariplo/Regione Lombardia ID 2014-1980/RST_ERC, Italy; ICRR, University of Tokyo, JSPS, MEXT, Japan; Netherlands Research School for Astronomy (NOVA), Netherlands Organization for Scientific Research (NWO), Netherlands; University of Oslo, Norway; Ministry of Science and Higher Education, DIR/WK/2017/12, the National Centre for Research and Development and the National Science Centre, UMO-2016/22/M/ST9/00583, Poland; Slovenian Research Agency, grants P1-0031, P1-0385, I0-0033, J1-9146, J1-1700, N1-0111, and the Young Researcher program, Slovenia; South African Department of Science and Technology and National Research Foundation through the South African Gamma-Ray Astronomy Programme, South Africa; The Spanish groups acknowledge the Spanish Ministry of Science and Innovation and the Spanish Research State Agency (AEI) through grants AYA2016-79724-C4-1-P, AYA2016-80889-P, AYA2016-76012-C3-1-P, BES-2016-076342, FPA2017-82729-C6-1-R, FPA2017-82729-C6-2-R, FPA2017-82729-C6-3-R, FPA2017-82729-C6-4-R, FPA2017-82729-C6-5-R, FPA2017-82729-C6-6-R, PGC2018-095161-B-I00, PGC2018-095512-B-I00, PID2019-107988GB-C22; the "Centro de Excelencia Severo Ochoa" program through grants no. SEV-2016-0597, SEV-2016-0588, SEV-2017-0709, CEX2019-000920-S; the "Unidad de Excelencia María de Maeztu" program through grant no. MDM-2015-0509; the "Ramón y Cajal" programme through grants RYC-2013-14511, RYC-2017-22665; and the MultiDark Consolider Network FPA2017-90566-REDC. They also acknowledge the Atracción de Talento contract no. 2016-T1/TIC-1542 granted by the Comunidad de Madrid; the "Postdoctoral Junior Leader Fellowship" programme from La Caixa Bank ing Foundation, grants no. LCF/BQ/LI18/11630014 and LCF/BQ/PI18/11630012; the "Programa Operativo" FEDER 2014-2020, Consejería de Economía y Conocimiento de la Junta de Andalucía (Ref. 1257737), PAIDI 2020 (Ref. P18-FR-1580) and Universidad de Jaén; "Programa Operativo de Crecimiento Inteligente" FEDER 2014-2020 (Ref. ESFRI-2017-IAC-12), Ministerio de Ciencia e Innovación, 15% co-financed by Consejería de Economía, Industria, Comercio y Conocimiento del Gobierno de Canarias; the Spanish AEI EQC2018-005094-P FEDER 2014-2020; the European Union's "Horizon 2020" research and innovation programme under Marie Skłodowska-Curie grant agreement no. 665919; and the ESCAPE project with grant no. GA:824064; Swedish Research Council, Royal Physiographic Society of Lund, Royal Swedish Academy of Sciences, The Swedish National Infrastructure for Computing (SNIC) at Lunarc (Lund), Sweden; State Secretariat for Education, Research and Innovation (SERI) and Swiss National Science Foundation (SNSF), Switzerland; Durham University, Leverhulme Trust, Liverpool University, University of Leicester, University of Oxford, Royal Soci ety, Science and Technology Facilities Council, UK; U.S. National Science Foundation, U.S. Department of Energy, Argonne National Laboratory, Barnard College, University of California, University of Chicago, Columbia University, Georgia Institute of Technology, Institute for Nuclear and Particle Astrophysics (INPAC-MRPI program), Iowa State University, the Smithsonian Institution, Washington University McDonnell Center for the Space Sciences, The University of Wisconsin and the Wisconsin Alumni Research Foundation, USA. The research leading to these results has received funding from the European Union's Seventh Framework Programme (FP7/2007-2013) under grant agreements No 262053 and No 317446. This project is receiving funding from the European Union's Horizon 2020 research and innovation programs under agreement No 676134. The research leading to these results has received funding from the European Union's Horizon 2020 research and innovation program under the Marie Skłodowska-Curie grant agreement GammaRayCascades No 843800. The Fermi LAT Collaboration acknowledges generous ongoing support from a number of agencies and institutes that have supported both the development and the operation of the LAT as well as scientific data analysis. These include the National Aeronautics and Space Administration and the Department of Energy in the United States, the Commissariat à l'Energie Atomique and the Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique / Institut National de Physique Nucléaire et de Physique des Particules in France, the Agenzia Spaziale Italiana and the Istituto Nazionale di Fisica Nucleare in Italy, the Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology (MEXT), High Energy Accelerator Research Organization (KEK) and Japan Aerospace Exploration Agency (JAXA) in Japan, and the K. A. Wallenberg Foundation, the Swedish Research Council and the Swedish National Space Board in Sweden. Additional support for science analysis during the operations phase is gratefully acknowledged from the Istituto Nazionale di Astrofisica in Italy and the Centre National d'Études Spatiales in France. This work performed in part under DOE Contract DE-AC02-76SF00515. ; Peer reviewed

The hypothesis that the S allele of the 5-HTTLPR serotonin transporter promoter region is associated with increased risk of depression, but only in individuals exposed to stressful situations, has generated much interest, research and controversy since first proposed in 2003. Multiple meta-analyses combining results from heterogeneous analyses have not settled the issue. To determine the magnitude of the interaction and the conditions under which it might be observed, we performed new analyses on 31 data sets containing 38 802 European ancestry subjects genotyped for 5-HTTLPR and assessed for depression and childhood maltreatment or other stressful life events, and meta-analysed the results. Analyses targeted two stressors (narrow, broad) and two depression outcomes (current, lifetime). All groups that published on this topic prior to the initiation of our study and met the assessment and sample size criteria were invited to participate. Additional groups, identified by consortium members or self-identified in response to our protocol (published prior to the start of analysis) with qualifying unpublished data, were also invited to participate. A uniform data analysis script implementing the protocol was executed by each of the consortium members. Our findings do not support the interaction hypothesis. We found no subgroups or variable definitions for which an interaction between stress and 5-HTTLPR genotype was statistically significant. In contrast, our findings for the main effects of life stressors (strong risk factor) and 5-HTTLPR genotype (no impact on risk) are strikingly consistent across our contributing studies, the original study reporting the interaction and subsequent meta-analyses. Our conclusion is that if an interaction exists in which the S allele of 5-HTTLPR increases risk of depression only in stressed individuals, then it is not broadly generalisable, but must be of modest effect size and only observable in limited situations.Molecular Psychiatry advance online publication, 4 April 2017; doi:10.1038/mp.2017.44. ; ALSPAC: Grant 102215/2/13/2 from The Wellcome Trust and grant MC_UU_12013- /6 from the UK Medical Research Council. The University of Bristol also provides core support for ALSPAC. LB receives funding as an Early Career Research Fellow from the Leverhulme Trust. MRM is a member of the UK Centre for Tobacco and Alcohol Studies, a UK Clinical Research Council Public Health Research: Centre of Excellence. Funding from British Heart Foundation, Cancer Research UK, Economic and Social Research Council, Medical Research Council, and the National Institute for Health Research, under the auspices of the UK Clinical Research Collaboration, is gratefully acknowledged. ASPIS: EKBAN 97 from the General Secretariat of Research and Technology, Greek Ministry of Development. ATP: Grants DP130101459, DP160103160 and APP1082406 from the Australian Research Council and The National Health and Medical Research Council of Australia. CHDS: Grant HRC 11/792 from the Health Research Council of New Zealand. CoFaMS: Grant APP1060524 to BTB from the National Health and Medical Research Council of Australia. We acknowledge the University of Adelaide for the provision of seed funding in support of this project. COGA: Grant U10AA008401 from the National Institutes of Health, NIAAA and NIDA. COGEND: National Institutes of Health grants P01CA089392 from NCI and R01DA036583 from NIDA. DeCC: Grant G0701420 from the UK Medical Research Council, and a UK MRC Population Health Scientist fellowship (G1002366) and an MQ Fellows Award (MQ14F40) to Helen L Fisher. EPIC-Norfolk: Grants G9502233, G0300128, C865/A2883 from the UK Medical Research Council and Cancer Research UK. ESPRIT Montpellier: An unconditional grant from Novartis and from the National Research Agency (ANR Project 07 LVIE004). G1219: A project grant from the WT Grant Foundation and G120/635, a Career Development Award from the UK Medical Research Council to Thalia Eley. The GENESiS project was supported by Grant G9901258 from the UK Medical Research Council. This study presents independent research part- funded by the National Institute for Health Research (NIHR) Biomedical Research Centre at South London and Maudsley NHS Foundation Trust and King's College London. The views expressed are those of the author(s) and not necessarily those of the NHS, the NIHR or the Department of Health. GAN12-France: Research Protocol C0829 from INSERM; Research Protocol GAN12 from Assistance Publique des Hôpitaux de Paris; ANR-11-IDEX- 0004 from Investissements d'Avenir program managed by the ANR, and RTRS Sante Mentale from Fondation FondaMental. GENESIS: Grant PHRC UF 7653 & ANR NEURO 2007 'GENESIS' from CHU Montpellier & Agence Nationale de la Recherche. Heart and Soul: Epidemiology Merit Review Program from the Department of Veterans Affairs; National Institutes of Health grant R01HL-079235 from NHLBI; Generalist Physician Faculty Scholars Program from the Robert Woods Johnson foundation; Paul Beeson Faculty Scholars Program from the American Federation for Aging Research; and a Young Investigator Award from the Bran and Behavior Research Foundation. MARS: Grant LA 733/2-1 from German Research Foundation (DFG) and the Federal Ministry for Education and Research as part of the 'National Genome Research Network'. MLS: National Institutes of Health grants R01 AA07065 and R37 AA07065 from NIAAA. MoodInFlame: Grant EU-FP7- HEALTH-F2-2008-222963 from the European Union. Muenster Neuroimaging Study: Grant FOR2107, DA1151/5-1 from the German Research Foundation (DFG). NEWMOOD: Grants LSHM-CT-2004-503474 from Sixth Framework Program of the European Union; KTIA_NAP_13-1-2013-0001, KTIA_13_NAP-A-II/14 from National Development Agency Hungarian Brain Research Program; KTIA_NAP_13-2-2015-0001 from MTA-SE-NAP B Genetic Brain Imaging Migraine Research Group, Hungarian Academy of Sciences, Semmelweis University; support from Hungarian Academy of Sciences, MTA-SE Neuropsychopharmacology and Neurochemistry Research Group; and support from the National Institute for Health Research Manchester Biomedical Research Centre. NESDA/NTR: The Netherlands Organization for Scientific Research (NWO) and MagW/ZonMW grants Middelgroot-911-09-032, Spinozapremie 56-464- 14192, Geestkracht program of the Netherlands Organization for Health Research and Development (ZonMW 10-000-1002), Center for Medical Systems Biology (CSMB, NWO Genomics), Genetic influences on stability and change in psychopathology from childhood to young adulthood (ZonMW 912-10-020), NBIC/BioAssist/RK (2008.024), Biobanking and Biomolecular Resources Research Infrastructure (BBMRI -NL, 184.021.007), VU University's Institute for Health and Care Research (EMGO+) and Neuroscience Campus Amsterdam (NCA); the European Science Council (ERC Advanced, 230374). Part of the genotyping and analyses were funded by the Genetic Association Information Network (GAIN) of the Foundation for the National Institutes of Health, Rutgers University Cell and DNA Repository (NIMH U24 MH068457-06), the Avera Institute, Sioux Falls, South Dakota (USA) and the National Institutes of Health (NIH R01 HD042157-01A1, MH081802, Grand Opportunity grants 1RC2 MH089951 and 1RC2 MH089995). PATH: Program Grant Number 179805 from the National Health and Medical Research Council of Australia. POUCH: Grants 20FY01-38 and 20-FY04-37 of the Perinatal Epidemiologic Research Initiative Program Grant from the March of Dimes Foundation; National Institutes of Health grant R01 HD34543 from NICHD and NINR; grant 02816-7 from the Thrasher Research Foundation; and grant U01 DP000143-01 from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. QIMRtwin: Grants 941177, 971232, 339450, 443011 from the National Health and Medical Research Council of Australia; AA07535, AA07728, AA10249 from US Public Health Service; National Institutes of Health grant K99DA023549-01A2 from NIDA. Additional support was provided by Beyond Blue. SALVe 2001 and SALVe 2006: Grants FO2012-0326, FO2013-0023, FO2014-0243 from The Brain Foundation (Hjärnfonden); SLS-559921 from Söderström-Königska Foundation; 2015-00897 from Swedish Council for Working Life and Social Research; and M15-0239 from Åke Wiberg's Foundation. Additional funding was provided by Systembolagets Råd för Alkoholforskning, SRA and Svenska Spel Research Council. SEBAS: National Institutes of Health grants R01 AG16790, R01 AG16661 and R56 AG01661 from NIA and grant P2CHD047879 from NICHD; and additional financial support from the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences at Georgetown University. SHIP/TREND: This work was supported by the German Federal Ministry of Education and Research within the framework of the e:Med research and funding concept (Integrament) Grant No. 01ZX1314E. Study of Health in Pomerania is part of the Community Medicine Research net of the University of Greifswald, Germany, which is funded by the Federal Ministry of Education and Research Grant Nos. 01ZZ9603, 01ZZ0103 and 01ZZ0403; the Ministry of Cultural Affairs; and the Social Ministry of the Federal State of Mecklenburg-West Pomerania. Genome-wide data were supported by the Federal Ministry of Education and Research Grant No. 03ZIK012 and a joint grant from Siemens Healthcare, Erlangen, Germany and the Federal State of Mecklenburg-West Pomerania. The Greifswald Approach to Individualised Medicine (GANI_MED) was funded by the Federal Ministry of Education and Research Grant No. 03IS2061A and the German Research Foundation Grant No. GR 1912/5-1. TRAILS: Grants GB-MW 940- 38-011, ZonMW Brainpower 100-001-004, Investment grant 175.010.2003.005, GBMaGW 480-07-001 and Longitudinal Survey and Panel Funding 481-08-013 from the Netherlands Organization for Scientific Research (NWO). Additional funding was provided by the Dutch Ministry of Justice, the European Science Foundation, BBMRINL and the participating centres (UMCG, RUG, Erasmus MC, UU, Radboud MC, Parnassia Bavo group): VAHCS: Grants APP1063091, 1008271 and 1019887 from Australia's National Health and Medical Research Council of Australia (NHMRC).

Funding Information: The WHO World Mental Health Survey collaborators are Sergio Aguilar-Gaxiola, MD, PhD; Ali Al-Hamzawi, MD; Mohammed Salih Al-Kaisy, MD; Jordi Alonso, MD, PhD; Yasmin A. Altwaijri, PhD; Laura Helena Andrade, MD, PhD; Lukoye Atwoli, MD, PhD; Corina Benjet, PhD; Guilherme Borges, ScD; Evelyn J. Bromet, PhD; Ronny Bruffaerts, PhD; Brendan Bunting, PhD; Jose Miguel Caldas-de-Almeida, MD, PhD; Gra?a Cardoso, MD, PhD; Somnath Chatterji, MD; Alfredo H. Cia, MD; Louisa Degenhardt, PhD; Koen Demyttenaere, MD, PhD; Silvia Florescu, MD, PhD; Giovanni de Girolamo, MD; Oye Gureje, MD, DSc, FRCPsych; Josep Maria Haro, MD, PhD; Meredith G. Harris, PhD; Hristo Hinkov, MD, PhD; Chi-yi Hu, MD, PhD; Peter de Jonge, PhD; Aimee Nasser Karam, PhD; Elie G. Karam, MD; Norito Kawakami, MD, DMSc; Ronald C. Kessler, PhD; Andrzej Kiejna, MD, PhD; Viviane Kovess-Masfety, MD, PhD; Sing Lee, MBBS; Jean-Pierre Lepine, MD; John J. McGrath, MD, PhD; Maria Elena Medina-Mora, PhD; Zeina Mneimneh, PhD; Jacek Moskalewicz, PhD; Fernando Navarro-Mateu, MD, PhD; Marina Piazza, MPH, ScD; Jose Posada-Villa, MD; Kate M. Scott, PhD; Tim Slade, PhD; Juan Carlos Stagnaro, MD, PhD; Dan J. Stein, FRCPC, PhD; Margreet ten Have, PhD; Yolanda Torres, MPH, Dra.HC; Maria Carmen Viana, MD, PhD; Daniel V. Vigo, MD, DrPH; Harvey Whiteford, MBBS, PhD; David R. Williams, MPH, PhD; Bogdan Wojtyniak, ScD. Funding Information: The Argentina survey -- Estudio Argentino de Epidemiología en Salud Mental (EASM) -- was supported by a grant from the Argentinian Ministry of Health (Ministerio de Salud de la Nación) - (Grant Number 2002–17270/13–5). The 2007 Australian National Survey of Mental Health and Wellbeing is funded by the Australian Government Department of Health and Ageing. The São Paulo Megacity Mental Health Survey is supported by the State of São Paulo Research Foundation (FAPESP) Thematic Project Grant 03/00204–3. The Bulgarian Epidemiological Study of common mental disorders EPIBUL is supported by the Ministry of Health and the National Center for Public Health Protection. EPIBUL 2, conducted in 2016–17, is supported by the Ministry of Health and European Economic Area Grants. The Colombian National Study of Mental Health (NSMH) is supported by the Ministry of Social Protection. The Mental Health Study Medellín – Colombia was carried out and supported jointly by the Center for Excellence on Research in Mental Health (CES University) and the Secretary of Health of Medellín. The ESEMeD project is funded by the European Commission (Contracts QLG5–1999-01042; SANCO 2004123, and EAHC 20081308), (the Piedmont Region (Italy)), Fondo de Investigación Sanitaria, Instituto de Salud Carlos III, Spain (FIS 00/0028), Ministerio de Ciencia y Tecnología, Spain (SAF 2000–158-CE), Generalitat de Catalunya (2017 SGR 452; 2014 SGR 748), Instituto de Salud Carlos III (CIBER CB06/02/0046, RETICS RD06/0011 REM-TAP), and other local agencies and by an unrestricted educational grant from GlaxoSmithKline. Implementation of the Iraq Mental Health Survey (IMHS) and data entry were carried out by the staff of the Iraqi MOH and MOP with direct support from the Iraqi IMHS team with funding from both the Japanese and European Funds through United Nations Development Group Iraq Trust Fund (UNDG ITF). The Israel National Health Survey is funded by the Ministry of Health with support from the Israel National Institute for Health Policy and Health Services Research and the National Insurance Institute of Israel. The World Mental Health Japan (WMHJ) Survey is supported by the Grant for Research on Psychiatric and Neurological Diseases and Mental Health (H13-SHOGAI-023, H14-TOKUBETSU-026, H16-KOKORO-013, H25-SEISHIN-IPPAN-006) from the Japan Ministry of Health, Labour and Welfare. The Lebanese Evaluation of the Burden of Ailments and Needs Of the Nation (L.E.B.A.N.O.N.) is supported by the Lebanese Ministry of Public Health, the WHO (Lebanon), National Institute of Health/Fogarty International Center (R03 TW006481–01), anonymous private donations to IDRAAC, Lebanon, and unrestricted grants from, Algorithm, AstraZeneca, Benta, Bella Pharma, Eli Lilly, Glaxo Smith Kline, Lundbeck, Novartis, OmniPharma, Pfizer, Phenicia, Servier, UPO. The Mexican National Comorbidity Survey (MNCS) is supported by The National Institute of Psychiatry Ramon de la Fuente (INPRFMDIES 4280) and by the National Council on Science and Technology (CONACyT-G30544- H), with supplemental support from the Pan American Health Organization (PAHO). Te Rau Hinengaro: The New Zealand Mental Health Survey (NZMHS) is supported by the New Zealand Ministry of Health, Alcohol Advisory Council, and the Health Research Council. The Northern Ireland Study of Mental Health was funded by the Health & Social Care Research & Development Division of the Public Health Agency. The Peruvian World Mental Health Study was funded by the National Institute of Health of the Ministry of Health of Peru. The Polish project Epidemiology of Mental Health and Access to Care –EZOP Project (PL 0256) was carried out by the Institute of Psychiatry and Neurology in Warsaw in consortium with Department of Psychiatry - Medical University in Wroclaw and National Institute of Public Health-National Institute of Hygiene in Warsaw and in partnership with Psykiatrist Institut Vinderen–Universitet, Oslo. The project was funded by the European Economic Area Financial Mechanism and the Norwegian Financial Mechanism. EZOP project was co-financed by the Polish Ministry of Health. The Portuguese Mental Health Study was carried out by the Department of Mental Health, Faculty of Medical Sciences, NOVA University of Lisbon, with collaboration of the Portuguese Catholic University, and was funded by Champalimaud Foundation, Gulbenkian Foundation, Foundation for Science and Technology (FCT) and Ministry of Health. The Saudi National Mental Health Survey (SNMHS) is conducted by the King Salman Center for Disability Research. It is funded by Saudi Basic Industries Corporation (SABIC), King Abdulaziz City for Science and Technology (KACST), Ministry of Health (Saudi Arabia), and King Saud University. Funding in-kind was provided by King Faisal Specialist Hospital and Research Center, and the Ministry of Economy and Planning, General Authority for Statistics. The Psychiatric Enquiry to General Population in Southeast Spain – Murcia (PEGASUS-Murcia) Project has been financed by the Regional Health Authorities of Murcia (Servicio Murciano de Salud and Consejería de Sanidad y Política Social) and Fundación para la Formación e Investigación Sanitarias (FFIS) of Murcia. The US National Comorbidity Survey Replication (NCS-R) is supported by the National Institute of Mental Health (NIMH; U01-MH60220) with supplemental support from the National Institute of Drug Abuse (NIDA), the Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration (SAMHSA), the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation (RWJF; Grant 044708), and the John W. Alden Trust. Funding Information: The World Health Organization World Mental Health (WMH) Survey Initiative is supported by the United States National Institute of Mental Health (NIMH; R01 MH070884), the John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation, the Pfizer Foundation, the United States Public Health Service (R13-MH066849, R01-MH069864, and R01 DA016558), the Fogarty International Center (FIRCA R03-TW006481), the Pan American Health Organization, Eli Lilly and Company, Ortho-McNeil Pharmaceutical Inc., GlaxoSmithKline, and Bristol-Myers Squibb. We thank the staff of the WMH Data Collection and Data Analysis Coordination Centres for assistance with instrumentation, fieldwork, and consultation on data analysis. None of the funders had any role in the design, analysis, interpretation of results, or preparation of this paper. The views and opinions expressed in this report are those of the authors and should not be construed to represent the views of the World Health Organization, other sponsoring organizations, agencies, or governments. Funding Information: In the past 3 years, RCK reports being a consultant for Datastat, Inc., RallyPoint Networks, Inc., Sage Pharmaceuticals, and Takeda. FNM reports non-financial support from Otsuka outside and not related to the submitted work. In the past 3 years LD has received untied educational grant funding from Indivior and Seqirus, not related to the submitted work. DJS has received research grants and/or honoraria from Lundbeck, Johnson & Johnson, Servier and Takeda. The remaining authors declare that they have no competing interests. Publisher Copyright: © 2021, The Author(s). ; Background: Treatment guidelines for generalized anxiety disorder (GAD) are based on a relatively small number of randomized controlled trials and do not consider patient-centered perceptions of treatment helpfulness. We investigated the prevalence and predictors of patient-reported treatment helpfulness for DSM-5 GAD and its two main treatment pathways: encounter-level treatment helpfulness and persistence in help-seeking after prior unhelpful treatment. Methods: Data came from community epidemiologic surveys in 23 countries in the WHO World Mental Health surveys. DSM-5 GAD was assessed with the fully structured WHO Composite International Diagnostic Interview Version 3.0. Respondents with a history of GAD were asked whether they ever received treatment and, if so, whether they ever considered this treatment helpful. Number of professionals seen before obtaining helpful treatment was also assessed. Parallel survival models estimated probability and predictors of a given treatment being perceived as helpful and of persisting in help-seeking after prior unhelpful treatment. Results: The overall prevalence rate of GAD was 4.5%, with lower prevalence in low/middle-income countries (2.8%) than high-income countries (5.3%); 34.6% of respondents with lifetime GAD reported ever obtaining treatment for their GAD, with lower proportions in low/middle-income countries (19.2%) than high-income countries (38.4%); 3) 70% of those who received treatment perceived the treatment to be helpful, with prevalence comparable in low/middle-income countries and high-income countries. Survival analysis suggested that virtually all patients would have obtained helpful treatment if they had persisted in help-seeking with up to 10 professionals. However, we estimated that only 29.7% of patients would have persisted that long. Obtaining helpful treatment at the person-level was associated with treatment type, comorbid panic/agoraphobia, and childhood adversities, but most of these predictors were important because they predicted persistence rather than encounter-level treatment helpfulness. Conclusions: The majority of individuals with GAD do not receive treatment. Most of those who receive treatment regard it as helpful, but receiving helpful treatment typically requires persistence in help-seeking. Future research should focus on ensuring that helpfulness is included as part of the evaluation. Clinicians need to emphasize the importance of persistence to patients beginning treatment. ; publishersversion ; published

We present measurements of the redshift-dependent clustering of a DESI-like luminous red galaxy (LRG) sample selected from the Legacy Survey imaging data set, and use the halo occupation distribution (HOD) framework to fit the clustering signal. The photometric LRG sample in this study contains 2.7 million objects over the redshift range of 0.4 < z < 0.9 over 5655 deg2. We have developed new photometric redshift (photo-z) estimates using the Legacy Survey DECam and WISE photometry, with σNMAD = 0.02 precision for LRGs. We compute the projected correlation function using new methods that maximize signal-to-noise ratio while incorporating redshift uncertainties. We present a novel algorithm for dividing irregular survey geometries into equal-area patches for jackknife resampling. For a five-parameter HOD model fit using the MultiDark halo catalogue, we find that there is little evolution in HOD parameters except at the highest redshifts. The inferred large-scale structure bias is largely consistent with constant clustering amplitude over time. In an appendix, we explore limitations of Markov chain Monte Carlo fitting using stochastic likelihood estimates resulting from applying HOD methods to N-body catalogues, and present a new technique for finding best-fitting parameters in this situation. Accompanying this paper, we have released the Photometric Redshifts for the Legacy Surveys catalogue of photo-z's obtained by applying the methods used in this work to the full Legacy Survey Data Release 8 data set. This catalogue provides accurate photometric redshifts for objects with z < 21 over more than 16 000 deg2 of sky. © 2020 The Author(s), Published by Oxford University Press on behalf of Royal Astronomical Society ; The authors would like to thank Hee-Jong Seo, Jeremy Tinker, and Gustavo Niz for their feedback on the draft and useful discussions. RZ and JANwere supported by the U.S. Department of Energy Office of Science, Office of High Energy Physics via grant DE-SC0007914. RZalso is supported by the Director, Office of Science, Office ofHigh Energy Physics of the U.S. Department of Energy under Contract No. DE-AC02-05CH1123. Support for YYM was provided by the Pittsburgh Particle Physics, Astrophysics and Cosmology Center through the Samuel P. Langley PITT PACC Postdoctoral Fellowship, and by NASA through the NASA Hubble Fellowship grant no. HST-HF2-51441.001 awarded by the Space Telescope Science Institute, which is operated by the Association of Universities for Research in Astronomy, Incorporated, under NASA contract NAS5-26555. JM gratefully acknowledges support from NSF grant AST-1616414 and DOE grant DE-SC0020086. ADM was supported by the U.S. Department of Energy, Office of Science, Office of High Energy Physics, under Award Number DE-SC0019022. ARZ was funded by the US National Science Foundation (NSF) through grants AST 1516266 and AST 1517563. DYT thanks Prof. Steve Ahlen for his mentorship and support and acknowledges the generous support by U.S. Department of Energy Office of Science, grant No. DE-SC0015628. This research is supported by the Director, Office of Science, Office of High Energy Physics of the U.S. Department of Energy under Contract No. DE-AC02-05CH1123, and by the National Energy Research Scientific Computing Center, a DOE Office of Science User Facility under the same contract; additional support for DESI is provided by the U.S. National Science Foundation, Division of Astronomical Sciences underContract No. AST-0950945 to the National Optical Astronomy Observatory; the Science and Technologies Facilities Council of the United Kingdom; the Gordon and Betty Moore Foundation; the Heising-Simons Foundation; the French Alternative Energies and Atomic EnergyCommission (CEA); the National Council of Science and Technology of Mexico, and by the DESI Member Institutions. The authors are honoured to be permitted to conduct astronomical research on Iolkam Du'ag (Kitt Peak), a mountain with particular significance to the Tohono O'odham Nation. The Legacy Surveys consist of three individual and complementary projects: the Dark Energy Camera Legacy Survey (DECaLS; NOAO Proposal ID #2014B-0404; PIs: David Schlegel and Arjun Dey), the Beijing-Arizona Sky Survey (BASS; NOAO Proposal ID #2015A-0801; PIs: Zhou Xu and Xiaohui Fan), and theMayall z-band Legacy Survey (MzLS; NOAOProposal ID #2016A-0453; PI: Arjun Dey). DECaLS, BASS, and MzLS together include data obtained, respectively, at the Blanco telescope, Cerro Tololo Inter-American Observatory, National Optical Astronomy Observatory (NOAO); the Bok telescope, Steward Observatory, University of Arizona; and the Mayall telescope, Kitt Peak National Observatory, NOAO. The Legacy Surveys project is honoured to be permitted to conduct astronomical research on Iolkam Du'ag (Kitt Peak), a mountain with particular significance to the Tohono O'odham Nation. This project used data obtained with the Dark Energy Camera (DECam), which was constructed by the Dark Energy Survey (DES) collaboration. Funding for the DES Projects has been provided by the U.S. Department of Energy, the U.S. National Science Foundation, the Ministry of Science and Education of Spain, the Science and Technology Facilities Council of the United Kingdom, the Higher Education Funding Council for England, the National Center for Supercomputing Applications at the University of Illinois at UrbanaChampaign, the Kavli Institute of Cosmological Physics at the University of Chicago, Center for Cosmology and Astro-Particle Physics at the Ohio State University, the Mitchell Institute for Fundamental Physics and Astronomy at Texas A&M University, Financiadora de Estudos e Projetos, Fundacao Carlos Chagas Filho de Amparo, Financiadora de Estudos e Projetos, Fundacao Carlos Chagas Filho de Amparo a Pesquisa do Estado do Rio de Janeiro, Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Cientifico e Tecnologico and the Ministerio da Ciencia, Tecnologia e Inovacao, the Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft and the Collaborating Institutions in the Dark Energy Survey. The Collaborating Institutions are Argonne National Laboratory, the University of California at Santa Cruz, the University of Cambridge, Centro de Investigaciones Energeticas, Medioambientales y Tecnologicas-Madrid, the University of Chicago, University College London, the DES-Brazil Consortium, the University of Edinburgh, the Eidgenossische Technische Hochschule (ETH) Zurich, Fermi National Accelerator Laboratory, the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, the Institut de Ciencies de l'Espai (IEEC/CSIC), the Institut de Fisica d'Altes Energies, Lawrence Berkeley National Laboratory, the Ludwig-Maximilians Universitat Munchen and the associated Excellence Cluster Universe, the University of Michigan, the National Optical Astronomy Observatory, the University of Nottingham, the Ohio State University, the University of Pennsylvania, the University of Portsmouth, SLAC National Accelerator Laboratory, Stanford University, the University of Sussex, and Texas A&M University. BASS is a key project of the Telescope Access Program (TAP), which has been funded by the National Astronomical Observatories of China, the Chinese Academy of Sciences (the Strategic Priority Research Program 'The Emergence of Cosmological Structures' Grant #XDB09000000), and the Special Fund for Astronomy from the Ministry of Finance. The BASS is also supported by the External Cooperation Program of Chinese Academy of Sciences (Grant #114A11KYSB20160057), and National Natural Science Foundation of China (Grant #11433005). The Legacy Survey team makes use of data products from the Near-Earth Object Wide-field Infrared Survey Explorer (NEOWISE), which is a project of the Jet Propulsion Laboratory/California Institute of Technology. NEOWISE is funded by the National Aeronautics and Space Administration. The Legacy Surveys imaging of the DESI footprint is supported by the Director, Office of Science, Office of High Energy Physics of the U.S. Department of Energy under Contract No. DE-AC02-05CH1123, by the National Energy Research Scientific Computing Center, a DOE Office of Science User Facility under the same contract; and by the U.S. National Science Foundation, Division of Astronomical Sciences under Contract No. AST-0950945 to NOAO. Funding for the DEEP2 Galaxy Redshift Survey has been provided by NSF grants AST-95-09298, AST-0071048, AST-0507428, and AST-0507483 as well as NASA LTSA grant NNG04GC89G. Funding for the DEEP3 Galaxy Redshift Survey has been provided by NSF grants AST-0808133, AST-0807630, and AST-0806732. Funding for the SDSS and SDSS-II has been provided by the Alfred P. Sloan Foundation, the Participating Institutions, the National Science Foundation, theU.S. Department ofEnergy, theNational Aeronautics and Space Administration, the Japanese Monbukagakusho, the Max Planck Society, and the Higher Education Funding Council for England. Funding for SDSS-III has been provided by the Alfred P. Sloan Foundation, the Participating Institutions, the National Science Foundation, and the U.S. Department of Energy Office of Science. Funding for the SloanDigital Sky Survey IV has been provided by the Alfred P. Sloan Foundation, the U.S. Department of Energy Office of Science, and the Participating Institutions. SDSS-IV acknowledges support and resources from the Center for High-Performance Computing at the University of Utah. GAMA is a joint European-Australasian project based around a spectroscopic campaign using the Anglo-Australian Telescope. The GAMA input catalogue is based on data taken from the Sloan Digital Sky Survey and the UKIRT Infrared Deep Sky Survey. Complementary imaging of the GAMA regions is being obtained by a number of independent survey programmes including GALEX MIS, VST KiDS, VISTA VIKING, WISE, Herschel-ATLAS, GMRT and ASKAP providing UV to radio coverage. GAMA is funded by the STFC (UK), the ARC (Australia), the AAO, and the participating institutions. The GAMA website is http://www.gama-survey.org/.This paper uses data from the VIMOS Public Extragalactic Redshift Survey (VIPERS). VIPERS has been performed using the ESO Very Large Telescope, under the `Large Programme' 182.A-0886. The participating institutions and funding agencies are listed at http://vipers.inaf.it.This research uses data from the VIMOS VLT Deep Survey, obtained from the VVDS database operated by Cesam, Laboratoire d'Astrophysique de Marseille, France. ; With funding from the Spanish government through the Severo Ochoa Centre of Excellence accreditation SEV-2017-0709. ; Peer reviewed

This paper starts with a dilemma. How to ensure the adequate protection of individual health data and privacy in a global pandemic, which has intensified the use of digital applications for the purposes of data sharing and contact-tracing? There is no simple answer to this question when choosing between the protection of public health and individual privacy. However, the history of the existing case-law regarding infectious diseases control, both Polish and European, teaches about numerous examples in which health data and privacy were not adequately protected, but, on the contrary, were misused leading to human rights infringements. In light of this case law and public health ethics, this paper argues radically that the use of digital applications to fight the Covid-19 pandemic has not been sufficiently justified at least in the Polish context. Especially, unconvincing benefits from the use of these tools do not outweigh the likelihood of human rights infringements with far-reaching consequences for political, social and economic rights now and in the future. In its novelty, this article combines a historical-legal method with the concept of public health ethics and a human rights-based approach and to foster further research and discussion. The text also responds to the pressing need to analyze those human rights issues embedded in the Polish reality. ; Patrycja Dąbrowska-Kłosińska - Queen's University Belfast, Northern Ireland ; Agnieszka Grzelak - Kozminski University in Warsaw, Poland ; Agnieszka Nimark - Cornell University, United States of America; Barcelona Centre for International Affairs (CIDOB), Spain ; Patrycja Dąbrowska-Kłosińska is Assistant Professor in the Faculty of Administration and Social Sciences at the Warsaw University of Technology and Research Fellow at the School of Law, Queen's University Belfast. ; Agnieszka Grzelak is Associate Professor at the College of Law, Kozminski University, Warsaw. ; Agnieszka Nimark is a Visiting Scholar at the Reppy Institute for Peace and Conflct Studies, Cornell University and Associate Senior Researcher at the Barcelona Centre for International Affairs (CIDOB). ; Patrycja Dąbrowska-Kłosińska: p.dabrowska@qub.ac.uk ; Agnieszka Grzelak: agrzelak@kozminski.edu.pl ; Agnieszka Nimark: an355@cornell.edu ; 61 ; 94 ; 3 ; Alston P., Does the past matter? 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Mednis (ed.), Prywatność a ekonomia: ochrona danych osobowych w obrocie gospodarczym, Warsaw 2013. ; Wiewiórowski W.R., Rola Unii Europejskiej w koordynacji zastosowania narzędzi informatycznych do walki z pandemią, "Europejski Przegląd Sądowy" 2020, no. 6. ; This research was in part supported by the project THEMIS (2018–2021; Principal Investigator: Patrycja Dąbrowska-Kłosińska) of the EU Horizon 2020 research and innovation program under the Marie Skłodowska-Curie grant agreement No. 746014, which is hereby acknowledged. ; 26

The COVID-19 pandemic restrictions introduced in 2020 in many countries on economic activity and gainful employment have in many cases, reduced the incomes of individual households. As a result, the actual ability to meet credit obligations has declined, particularly for those who have lost their jobs or livelihoods. The COVID-19 pandemic has become a significant challenge for economies, national authorities, and entrepreneurs, including borrowers. This article aims to analyse the legal regulations in Poland, and Vietnam, introducing instruments to support borrowers, consumers, and entrepreneurs, in connection with the COVID-19 pandemic. The authors will present the legal basis for the instruments to support borrowers provided in the studied countries, indicate their legal nature, forms, and conditions of using them. They also compare legal solutions introduced in connection with the pandemic aimed at mitigating its adverse effects on borrowers in Poland, and Vietnam, to indicate whether cultural differences and differences in legal systems, as well as individual approaches to the domestic credit market, affected the choice of legal instruments for supporting borrowers in connection with the COVID-19 pandemic, or not. ; Edyta Rutkowska-Tomaszewska: edyta.rutkowska-tomaszewska@uwr.edu.pl ; Marta Stanisławska: mmstanislawska@gmail.com ; Hien Thuc Trinh: hientt@uel.edu.vn ; Edyta Rutkowska-Tomaszewska is Associate Professor and the University of Wroclaw and the Head of the Department of Finance Management at the Institute of Economic Sciences, Faculty of Law, Administration and Economics, University of Wroclaw, Poland. ; Marta Stanisławska is Assistant Professor in the Department of Economy and Finance, Faculty of Technical and Economic Sciences, Witelon State University of Applied Sciences in Legnica, Poland. ; Hien Trinh, PhD in Law, Lecturer in the Institute of International and Comparative Law, University of Economics and Law, Vietnam National University, Ho Chi Minh City, Vietnam. ; Edyta Rutkowska-Tomaszewska - University of Wroclaw, Poland ; Marta Stanisławska - Witelon State University of Applied Sciences in Legnica, Poland ; Hien Thuc Trinh - University of Economics and Law, Vietnam National University Ho Chi Minh City, Vietnam ; Access to commercial finance for SMEs with the support of public institutions, https://alebank.pl/dostep-mmsp-do-fi nansowania-komercyjnego-ze-wsparciem-instytucji-publicznych/?id=376412&catid=22872&cat2id=25928. ; Acharya V.V., Engle III R.F., Steffen S., Why did bank stocks crash during COVID-19?, "National Bureau of Economic Research" 2021, https://www.nber.org/papers/w28559. ; Aji B.S., Warka M., Kongres E., Credit Dispute Resolution through Banking Mediation during Covid-19 Pandemic Situation, Budapest International Research and Critics Institute-Journal, https://doi.org/10.33258/birci.v4i2.1823. ; Baicu. 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Biannual Survey 2020, New Consumer Credits Granted for Personal Consumption and Individual Vehicles, http://www.eurofi nas.org/uploads/documents/statistics/Eurofi nas%20Biannual%20Survey%202020.pdf. ; European Central Bank 2020, Decisions taken by the Governing Council of the ECB (in Addition to Decisions Setting Interest Rates), https://www.ecb.europa.eu/press/govcdec/otherdec/2015/html/gc150918.en.html. ; European Central Bank 2020, Recommendation of the European Central Bank of 15 December 2020 on Dividend Distributions during the COVID-19 Pandemic and Repealing Recommendation ECB/2020/35 (ECB/2020/62) 2020/C 437/01, https://eur-lex.europa.eu/legal-content/EN/TXT/?uri=uriserv%3AOJ.C_.2020.437.01.0001.01.ENG. ; European Consumer Payment Report 2020, https://www.intrum.com/media/10154/intrum-ecpr-2020.pdf. ; Fox J., Bartholomae S., Household fi nances, fi nancial planning, and COVID-19, "Financial Planning Review" 2020, no. 3, e1103, https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1002/cfp2.1103. ; Gębski Ł., The Impact of the Crisis Triggered by the COVID-19 Pandemic and the Actions of Regulators on the Consumer Finance Market in Poland and Other European Union Countries, "Risks" 2021, no. 9(102), https://doi.org/10.3390/risks9060102. ; Giessen B., Report on the German law on the mitigation of the COVID-19 epidemic in the consumer credit sphere (Gesetz zur Abmilderung der Folgen der Covid-19-Pandemie im Zivil- Insolvenzund Strafverfahrenrecht vom 27.3.2020.1), prepared for the Financial Ombudsman, https://rf.gov.pl/wp-content/uploads/2020/05/Wakacje_kredytowe_Niemcy_Analiza.pdf. ; Goncalves R.M., Alves A.F.A., Almeida T., Debtor-financing in judicial recovery and covid-19 pandemia impacts on the Brazilian entrepreneurs, "Revista Juridica: 2021, no. 2(64), https:// pesquisa.bvsalud.org/global-literature-on-novel-coronavirus-2019-ncov/resource/pt/covidwho-1404238. ; Government bill on amending the Act on special solutions related to preventing, counteracting, and combating COVID-19, other infectious diseases and crisis situations caused by them and some other acts-the essence of preserving the reduced limits, http://www.sejm.gov.pl/sejm9.nsf/agent.xsp?symbol=RPL&Id=RM-10–106-20. ; Haydon D., Kumar N., Industries most and least impacted by COVID-19 from a probability of default perspective – September 2020 update, New York, S&P Global, https://www.spglobal.com/marketintelligence/en/news-insights/blog/industries-most-and-least-impacted-by-covid19-from-a-probability-of-default-perspective-september-2020-update. ; Instructions for submitting an application for a loan to cover the current costs of microentrepreneur's business activity by persons who are not logged in, https://www.gov.pl/attachment/17f8b89b-91e6–4a04–8dd1-f2fb 872e4cd0. ; Information from the Central Statistical Office on the revised estimate of gross domestic product for 2019, CSO, October 05, 2020, https://stat.gov.pl/obszary-tematyczne/rachunki-narodowe/roczne-rachunki-narodowe/informacja-glownego-urzedu-statystycznego-w-sprawieskorygowanego-szacunku-produktu-krajowego-brutto-za-2019-rok,9,6.html. ; International Monetary Fund "IMF Country Report Vietnam" 2021, vol. 21(42), https://www.imf.org/-/media/Files/Publications/CR/2021/English/1VNMEA2021001.ashx. ; Justification to the draft law on amending the Law on Special Solutions for Preventing, Counteracting and Combating COVID-19, Other Infectious Diseases and Crisis Situations Caused by Them and Some Other Laws, Parliament Print No. 299, https://www.sejm.gov.pl/sejm9.nsf/PrzebiegProc.xsp?nr=299. ; Justification to the draft law on subsidies to interest rates on bank loans granted to ensure financial liquidity of entrepreneurs affected by COVID-19 and on amendments to some other laws. http://isap.sejm.gov.pl/isap.nsf/download.xsp/WDU20200001086/T/D20201086L.pdf. ; Kanapickiene R., Teresiene D., Budriene D., Keliuotyte-Staniuleniene G., Kartasova J., The impact of COVID-19 on European fi nancial markets and economic sentiment, "Economy & Business" 2020, no. 14, https://epublications.vu.lt/object/elaba:73275063. ; Koleśnik J., The Cognition Effect and its Mitigation in the Modern Banking System, "European Research Studies Journal" 2021, no. 24, https://www.ersj.eu/journal/2008. ; Kurowski Ł., Household's Overindebtedness during the COVID-19 Crisis: The Role of Debt and Financial Literacy, "Risks " 2021, no: 9(4), https://doi.org/10.3390/risks9040062. ; 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My submission (How effectively has the law since 1997 ensured a 'work life balance' for workers with family responsibilities? Answer this question with reference to the relevant statutory materials, case law, legal commentary and social science literature) is essentially about how the law in the UK can be used to help those within the workforce achieve an effective work-life balance, meaning they have ample time and energy to focus on their professional responsibilities as well as their family life and leisure time. This article outlines that despite an apparent long-standing commitment by successive governments to tackle this issue, the legal framework created has largely failed to ensure people have an effective work-life balance. This is especially true for migrant workers who are often exploited within the UK workforce, as well as women, who arguably are not effectively protected by this area of law after pregnancy/early maternity and increasingly are having to find ways to cope with the dual burden of paid work and childcare/homemaking responsibilities. This submission also considers how this area of law has been impacted by the coronavirus pandemic as well as Brexit, both of which have created new challenges and exacerbated existing ones. - Consider these two quotations from UK government White Papers/Consultation documents: "Helping employees to combine work and family life satisfactorily is good not only for parents and children but also for businesses". (Fairness at Work, White Paper, May 1998, para 5). "The proposals in this document will bring benefits for employers as well as employees, by increasing participation in the labour market while also helping people to balance work with their family and personal responsibilities". (Consultation on modern workplaces, May 2011). How effectively has the law since 1997 ensured a 'work life balance' for workers with family responsibilities? Answer this question with reference to the relevant statutory materials, case law, legal commentary and social science literature. Much like the other areas of labour and employment law, the legal framework used to help those in the labour market achieve an effective 'work life balance' has had to adapt to new challenges in society, which has in turn affected the realities of the UK workforce.[1] Primarily, this issue has become increasingly more prevalent since the latter half of the 20th century because of societal and legal changes that have meant the traditional model of a male breadwinner and female homemaker has become increasingly unrepresentative of the UK labour market.[2] The quotations contained in this essay question, although from different UK governments, suggest a firm and longstanding commitment to ensuring employees with familial responsibilities can use the law to achieve an effective work life balance. This essay will discuss and evaluate the various reasons for this commitment. However, it is arguable that since 1997 successive governments have failed to effectively tackle the UK's long working hours 'culture', as well as the ineffective legal framework that seeks to help achieve an effective work life balance.[3] This essay recognises the fact that there have been some positive advancements since 1997 in the statutory entitlements employees have (or can obtain) that afford them greater flexibility at work in order that they can also fulfil their familial responsibilities.[4] Examples discussed later include the introduction of shared parental leave and the laws protecting and promoting the rights of women during pregnancy and early maternity.[5] However, this essay will seek to show how these positive policies have had a limited overall effect in terms of achieving an effective work life balance, especially for women and immigrants participating in the UK workforce.[6] This will involve a statistics-based criticism, employ case law and a feminist theoretical perspective, as well as give general ideas and propositions as to how the law needs to go further to achieve its aims. I will argue that the law is currently tempered too much by fears of damaging businesses or the UK economy as a whole. Furthermore, the impact of coronavirus will be considered, specifically how new problems have emerged and existing issues have been exacerbated.[7] The Development of the Law Concerning Work Life Balance Since 1997: Changes and Problems Although this essay is primarily concerned with the impact of the legal framework developed since 1997, there are some important contextual developments that occurred before this and are worth mentioning. Throughout the 20th century, the UK labour market moved from a laissez faire model to one characterised by increased regulation. This was controversial and different governments varied in their commitment to pursuing greater order in the labour market using the law.[8] This trajectory was reversed in the 1970s and afterwards, wherein the Thatcher government (influenced significantly by the ideas of neoliberalism)[9] pursued policies of de-regulation and privatisation. Moreover, from 1975 until 2020 the legislature of the UK was required to effectively implement EEC/EC/EU law and directives, which has had a profound impact on the labour market.[10] Furthermore, as previously mentioned the advent of feminism meant that more women than ever were entering (or re-entering) the workforce after having children, whereas before they would have been homemakers.[11] In terms of the narrative of legal development this essay's starting point is the introduction of the 'New Labour' government in 1997, led by Tony Blair. This government helped to produce the Fairness at Work white paper, Chapter 5 of which contained a number of 'family friendly policies' aimed at ensuring a more effective work life balance for those with families.[12] The New Labour government had a few reasons behind the implementation of such policies, but primarily they were utilised to increase competitiveness in the market to ensure its prosperity[13] and to implement the 1996 EC Parental Leave Directive.[14] This directive had ambitious aims that even with the margin of appreciation would have been hard for the UK, with its long working hours culture, to achieve. These aims included promoting equal opportunities; flexible working; greater women's involvement in the labour market and; men taking an equal share of the responsibilities associated with family life.[15] Subsequently, Conservative led governments that published the Consultation on Modern Workplaces[16] and Good Work: A Response to the Taylor Review of Modern Working Practices[17] were also driven by rationales based on economic prosperity. It was thought that this would increase productivity, worker loyalty, the quality of work and reduce the costs associated with high employee turnover.[18] The culmination of this narrative, i.e., the current legal framework governing the work life balance people in the UK labour market can achieve, covers a wide range of situations and involves many protected rights. Yet, despite this scope it also has many failings, primarily because it is fragmented and lacks a unified approach. The focus of this area of law on using skilled workers to diversify and increase competitiveness within the market means that often those working in more flexible or atypical employment are denied some of these rights and protections.[19] For example, most women require some level of maternity pay to be able to afford to take maternity leave, yet to qualify for it there must have been 26 weeks of continuous employment before the expected week of childbirth as well as a paycheck of at least £116 a week. So, for women without provisions for maternity pay within contracts and who earn less than this because they are employed on a temporary basis, work in the gig economy or other types of atypical work, statutory maternity pay is unobtainable.[20] Evidence from the Office for National Statistics found that 55% of the people working on zero-hour contracts (one example of atypical work) were women in its report Contracts That Do Not Guarantee a Minimum Number of Hours, which is even more significant because women make up only 46.8% of those employed not on zero hours contracts.[21] By contrast, 87% of men are in full time work.[22] This means that women who are entitled to statutory maternity leave under the Maternity and Parental Leave Regulations 1999 are not always able to take it because the law fails to provide them with an adequate way of surviving financially: the only other option is a very low level of maternity allowance from the government.[23] Additionally, there are many scholars who argue that flexible working for women with family responsibilities is the way forward, yet the right to request this also requires continuous employment of at least twenty-six weeks.[24] Arguably, this is a cyclical issue: more women are in atypical work because it allows the flexibility to fulfil private domestic obligations, but these women lack statutory and contractual protections and so cannot achieve the same type of flexibility in full time, permanent employment which in turn excludes them from fully participating in the labour market.[25] Additionally, the non-profit organisation Trust for London found that migrants were more likely to work "during night shifts and in non-permanent jobs".[26] This means that similarly migrant women who are in types of atypical work, such as zero-hour contract hospitality jobs (which is very common for this demographic), cannot claim maternity pay and cannot have help at home from their husbands who cannot get paternity leave under the Paternity and Adoption Leave Regulations 2002 because this also requires 26 weeks of continuous employment.[27] Of course, because of the numerous, inflexible requirements needed for shared parental leave to be available under the current law this is also not a viable option for immigrant families or women in low skilled or low paid areas of work that are atypical in nature.[28] All of this demonstrates that the law has little interest in human rights or equality as a justification for an effective work life balance, and that this economic focus has resulted in a legal framework that ignores the problems and experiences of these key demographics that make up a significant amount of the population who have both work and family commitments. It will only go so far as not to damage the competitiveness or prosperity of the economy.[29] Furthermore, if those working part time in the labour market or in atypical work wanted to make an application based on the Part Time Workers (Prevention of Less Favourable Treatment) Regulation 2000 because they were being excluded from such rights, they would have to use their own resources and time to make a complaint to the Employment Tribunal. Arguably, this is not a particularly effective form of remediation as it only offers compensation for losses incurred because of this "less favourable treatment" and hear that the employer has been recommended to stop this action.[30] The Impact of EU Law The law concerning work life balance has been significantly impacted by EU law both before and after 1997. Unlike the mainly economic rationales behind the UK law, the EU acknowledges these benefits whilst also having a focus on social equality, equality of opportunity between men and women, the socioeconomic rights of individuals as well as dismantling harmful societally imposed gender roles.[31] This was evidenced clearly by the ambitious Parental Leave Directive.[32] It has influenced both the legal framework of rights concerning workers and employees with family responsibilities as well as UK equality law, as the UK legislature and judiciary is obliged to implement the aims of these directives using domestic law (albeit with a margin of appreciation).[33] However, academic Nicole Busby in her article 'The Evolution of Gender Equality and Related Employment Policies: The Case of Work-Family Reconciliation'[34] has argued that the focuses of the EU are conflicting, "parallel and incoherent".[35] The dual focus of both on improving the market as a whole by using policies to allow more people to be involved and using the law to equalise equality between men and women has resulted in "a patchwork of provisions rather than an overarching framework".[36] This argument is an interesting one that definitely has its merits, especially the characterisation of familial responsibilities as a form of unpaid work because of its significant contribution to society - it re-frames the way these two goals are thought of.[37] Busby argues that this approach means the EU "subordinates gender equality to economic objectives".[38] Additionally, Busby makes agreeable statements about how EU law and the Court of Justice has failed to promote the rights and roles of men in the domestic setting.[39] However, she arguably fails to account for the numerous and ambitious advancements in work life balance law that has been facilitated in the UK by the EU. The examples of directives that have, even in a de jure way, protected women in the UK workforce from discrimination on the basis of pregnancy or maternity and helped to facilitate a more gender-neutral approach to governing parenting responsibilities. For example, section 18(2) of the Equality Act 2010 which protects women from discrimination or dismissal on the basis of pregnancy or related sickness was influenced by the need to implement the Pregnant Workers Directive[40] and the Equal Treatment Directive,[41] which formalised the previous case ruling of Webb v EMO Air Cargo (UK) Ltd by removing the need for a male comparison in cases of discrimination.[42] The Pregnant Workers Directive also influenced the introduction of statutory maternity pay and the Equal Treatment Directive ensures a woman has a right to return to work after maternity leave.[43] However, it is important not to overstate the influence or importance of EU law, especially because of the fact that the UK is due to leave the EU imminently. There is significant statistical evidence that EU law and UK equality law fails to tackle more "surreptitious" forms of discrimination against pregnant women.[44] The Equality and Human Rights Commission found in its report Pregnancy and Maternity Discrimination and Disadvantage: Summary of Key Findings found that ¾ of mothers surveyed said they had a negative/discriminatory experience during pregnancy and maternity leave, 20% said they experiences harassment or negative comments because of pregnancy or flexible working and 11% felt forced to leave their jobs.[45] On the side of employers, 84% said it was in their interests to support pregnant women yet 70% also felt women should declare upfront if they were pregnant and 27% felt the cost of maternity leave put an unreasonable burden on them.[46] Despite this widespread discrimination, only around 1% of claims are brought.[47] This demonstrates how the de facto reality is that both EU and UK law fails to protect women from discrimination due to pregnancy, and remedies for this are few and far between because (like many other aspects of this area of law) there is poor take up of such rights. Furthermore, in 2019 the EU introduced the Directive on Work-Life Balance For Parents and Carers which aims to do everything the current UK legal framework has failed to do: increase the participation of women in the workforce, increase the de facto use of family related leave and flexible working arrangements.[48] This would be incredibly influential in UK law, especially in terms of strengthening paternity rights and moving towards normalising men taking a more active role in familial responsibilities.[49] However, because of Brexit and the fact the transition period will not be extended again, the UK would have to choose to implement this directive,[50] and perhaps they will in the form of the Good Work Plan, which would have various implications in and of itself.[51] The Good Work Plan – Gender Norms and the Legal Framework Beyond Pregnancy and Birth In 2018, the UK government produced the Good Work Plan: Proposals to Support Families,[52] which was responding to the earlier Taylor Review and reiterated the same economic benefits that would be had from helping individuals to achieve a better work life balance.[53] There are definitely benefits to the approach that would be adopted. Recommendation 41 recognises that pregnancy and maternity discrimination remain a problem, and that an inherent cultural shift is needed to change this that the law should support and facilitate.[54] Overall, the idea of a "balance between flexibility and worker protections" sounds positive.[55] Arguably one of the most positive aspects of the Good Work Plan is that it recognises how the rights of atypical workers are often subverted under the current law and the fact that this needs to change. However, the reality is that the EU directive would have gone further because the UK still lacks a fundamental concern for a regulatory framework that is genuinely concerned with the rights of workers and not just the economic benefits of having more women in the workforce. Additionally, it does not directly relate the current law concerning pregnancy/maternity discrimination and an effective work life balance with the subversion of atypical worker's rights, which would be a significant step forward in and of itself.[56] Furthermore, the Trades Union Congress (TUC) has essentially argued that the Good Work Plan does not go far enough.[57] They point out that the reality is that the current legal framework reinforces harmful gender norms that continues to reproduce patriarchal ideas regarding gender roles. They quote an article by Helen Norman ('Does Paternal Involvement in Childcare Influence Mother's Employment Trajectories During the Early Stages of Parenthood in the UK?' which essentially found that "mothers with preschool children are twice as likely to return to employment at nine months and at three years' post-childbirth if the father is involved by sharing or doing the most childcare at these times".[58] This area of law simply does not want to concern itself with supporting mothers in the workforce, which is yet again one of its primary downfalls. This is significant in terms of establishing one of the least talked about but most problematic aspects of the current law concerning work life balance: it has a significant number of statutory rights and protections for during pregnancy and immediately after birth but fails to provide long term support for mothers.[59] This is because the law refuses to tackle the bigger issue of gendered norms in society that would allow women to be more active in the labour market and normalise men taking a more active role in the domestic sphere of life.[60] Shared Parental Leave and the Feminist Perspective Another important and influential source of criticism of the system governing work-life balance is the feminist perspective on how women are disproportionately affected and pushed out of the labour market as a result.[61] Primarily, feminist scholars of sociology argue that women, far from being freed from the oppressive nature of gender norms in society, now have a dual burden.[62] This is because the law concerning work life balance has failed to tackle these gender norms, which means the unpaid labour burdens of the domestic sphere and childcare is still disproportionately placed on women rather than men; women have the burden of paid work as well as those roles "associated with femininity and motherhood".[63] This is because, as this essay has previously mentioned, the law concerning work life balance in both the UK and Europe has failed in substantially tackling these gender norms despite the fact societal changes have significantly decreased the relevance of the male breadwinner and female homemaker model.[64] Moreover, there are feminist scholars who argue that women have poorer long term career prospects because they need to be in part time/atypical employment to manage their familial responsibilities because the law has not created an effective system where they would be able to do this in full time employment.[65] This is another way in which the law concerning work life balance fails to support mothers in a long-term sense beyond pregnancy and its immediate aftermath. However, there has been some argument amongst legal scholars and officials about whether such arguments have been abated by the introduction of Shared Parental Leave in 2014. This new regulation, in theory, "makes it possible for partners to share the entitlement to maternity leave and maternity pay between them".[66] As Grace James put it in her article 'Family-friendly Employment Laws (Re)assessed: The Potential of Care Ethics' this has been added to the existing framework of rights for working parents and reiterates a commitment by the law to dismantling the gender norms that are keeping women from effectively and substantially engaging with the labour market.[67] Despite this, Grace James is right when she points out that this "package of rights" (including shared parental leave) is fundamentally flawed.[68] Firstly, this shared parental leave package fails to deal with the continued discrimination against pregnant women and mothers that statistically feel pushed out of the labour market.[69] Furthermore, the refusal by the law on work life balance to place too much of a financial burden on the employers means that only a small proportion of the workforce are even eligible for this.[70] Both parents must be employees and pass the relevant statutory and common law requirements to be categorised as such, i.e., they must have a contract of employment under s.230 of the Employment Rights Act 1996, be able to satisfy the control test;[71] have their activity be an integral part of the business;[72] as well as the tests of economic reality;[73] mutuality of obligations and;[74] continuity of employment. Beyond these already numerous requirements, both parents also must have earnt at least £390 in thirteen out of the sixty-six weeks of employment.[75] Additionally, as couples are likely to work for different employers there is a great deal of organisational effort that goes into organising shared parental leave.[76] Again, this means that those working in atypical work are automatically not covered by such provisions. Furthermore, the slow uptake on this due to the law's failure to tackle traditional gender roles in society effectively enough has severely limited the de facto effectiveness of shared parental leave in dealing with the problems facing people with work and family responsibilities in the UK.[77] Moreover, this article offers an interesting contextual background about how remedies for people whose employers deny them such rights are limited because of cuts in "legal aid funding and the closure of many legal advice centres".[78] Arguably, this helps us understand how developments outside of the immediate legal framework also affect work life balance in a significant way which need to be remedied in the future if it is to be effective. Jamie Atkinson offers an interesting perspective on shared parental leave in their article 'Shared Parental Leave in the UK: Can it Advance Gender Equality by Changing Fathers into Co-Parents?' by comparing it with similar policies in Nordic countries that have much higher levels of gender equality.[79] To summarise, she argues that generous levels of compensation to parents, flexibility about how the leave is taken, wide reaching eligibility requirements and "other incentives to get the father to take leave" are the most important elements in ensuring the success of such policies (which she measures by the amount of people who make use of it).[80] Although she rightly identifies that these Nordic countries are also not perfect, it provides an interesting perspective for how shared parental leave in the UK can improve on itself to further gender equality.[81] Impact of Coronavirus: Problems Old and New The feminist narrative of women being disproportionately affected by poor regulation of work-life balance in the UK has only been strengthened by the impact of coronavirus.[82] Within the private sphere of unpaid work, women are already doing the majority of this work and school closures combined with millions of people working from home has meant this burden has only grown.[83] In her article 'The COVID-19 Pandemic has Increased the Care Burden on Women and Families', Kate Power cites a statistic that 41% of women currently inactive in the UK labour market are so because of their unpaid care responsibilities.[84] It is very unlikely that the law will recognise this problem or endeavour to solve it, because it is occurring in the private sphere.[85] These are the problems that coronavirus has exacerbated. Additionally, the coronavirus pandemic has created new issues in the UK workforce because many people, most notably women and immigrants in atypical work, have lost their jobs due to the economic downturn and the law has failed to recognise that the issues facing men and women during this pandemic are different in many ways.[86] Women are more likely to be frontline healthcare workers, which additionally will have only increased their already substantial burden in terms of balancing professional work and private life responsibilities.[87] Furthermore, immigrant women (who like all other women are bearing a lot of the economic brunt of this crisis) because of the "'no recourse to public funds' condition stamped on many non-EU visas".[88] Additionally, undocumented women face even more issues because they are fearful of making use of social security or NHS services.[89] The response from the UK government in terms of labour law has failed to account for these differences. Furthermore, arguably this is more evidence of how the law is unconcerned with assisting women beyond pregnancy and childbirth because it demonstrates their unwillingness to get too over involved with the private sphere of life that would bring about a significant change in terms of the position of women within society. Conclusion This essay has demonstrated how UK law since 1997 has failed to ensure an effective work-life balance for those with familial responsibilities, an issue that has disproportionately affected women, as well as immigrants in the labour market. Additionally, it has shown that feminist perspectives are extremely useful in helping us to understand how women are still excluded from the UK workforce because the law refuses to go far enough to tackle harmful gender roles within society.[90] This is because the law is purely concerned with increasing competitiveness in the market and benefiting the economy and so ignores concerns about equality and human rights that EU law has adopted in its own rationales.[91] Women and immigrants in atypical or part time work are therefore often excluded from such benefits and arguably the Good Work Plan does not go far enough in the future to deal with these issues in the same way that perhaps the Directive on Work-Life Balance For Parents and Carers could if Brexit was not happening.[92] Furthermore, whilst the government response to coronavirus has been much more regulatory and helpful than predictions suggested, it has ignored the fact that women and men are experiencing different adverse effects because of the pandemic and worsened the dual burden women have to bear of paid and unpaid responsibilities.[93] [1] Hugh Collins, K.D. Ewing, Aileen McColgan, Labour Law (2nd edition, Cambridge University Press 2019) 398. [2] ibid. [3] Chris Kerridge, 'How can we overcome the UK's long working hours culture?' (People Management, 8 November 2019) accessed 15 November 2020. [4] Collins (n 1), 399. [5] Grace James, 'Family-friendly Employment Laws (Re)assessed: The Potential of Care Ethics' [2016] Industrial Law Journal 45(4), 477. [6] Sarah Dyer, 'Migrant work, precarious work-life balance: what the experience of migrant workers in the service sector in Greater London tells us about the adult worker model' [2011] Gender, Place and Culture; A Journal of Feminist Geography' 18. [7] Kate Power, 'The COVID-19 pandemic has increased the care burden of women and families' [2020] Sustainability: Science, Practice and Policy 16(1), 69. [8] Collins (n 1), 9. [9] Jamie Robertson, 'How the Big Bang changed the city of London for ever' (BBC News, 26 October 2016) accessed 5 December 2020. [10] Maria Koumenta and others, 'Occupational Regulation in the EU and UK: Prevalence and Labour Market Impacts' (Department for Business, Innovation and Skills Final Report, July 2014) accessed 30 November 2020. [11] Pat Hudson, 'Women's Work' (BBC History, 29 March 2013) accessed 25 November 2020. [12] Board of Trade, Fairness at Work (White Paper, Cm 3968, 1998). [13] ibid. [14] [1996] 96/34/EC. [15] ibid. [16] Department for Business, Innovation and Skills, Consultation on modern workplaces (Consultation, first published 16 May 2011). [17] HM Government, Good Work: A response to the Taylor Review of Modern Working Practices (Department for Business, Energy and Industrial Strategy and Employment Agency Standards Inspectorate, 2018). [18] Matthew Taylor, The Taylor Review of Modern Working Practices (Independent Review, Department for Business, Energy and Industrial Strategy, 2017). [19] Conor D'Arcy, Fahmida Rahman, 'Atypical Approaches; Options to Secure Workers with Insecure Income' (Resolution Foundation, January 2019). [20] Collins (n 1), 406. [21] Contracts That Do Not Guarantee a Minimum Number of Hours (Office for National Statistics, 23 April 2018) accessed 30 November 2020. [22] Trades Union Congress, Good Work Plan: Proposals to Better Support Families; TUC Responds to BEIS Consultation' (Consultation Response, 13 December 2019) accessed 7 December 2020. [23] Collins (n 1), 406. [24] Employment Rights Act 1996, section 80(G)(1). [25] Trades Union Congress, Good Work Plan: Proposals to Better Support Families; TUC Responds to BEIS Consultation' (Consultation Response, 13 December 2019) accessed 7 December 2020. [26] Mariña Fernández-Reino, 'Migrants in the UK Labour Market: An Overview' (Trust for London, 17 July 2017) accessed 4 December 2020. [27] Steve French, 'Between Globalisation and Brexit: Migration, Pay and the Road to Modern Slavery in the UK Hospitality Industry' [2018] Research in Hospitality Management 8(1). [28] Shared Parental Leave Regulations 2014. [29] Joanne Conaghan, Kerry Rittich, Labour Law, Work and Family: Critical and Comparative Perspectives (Oxford University Press 2005). [30] Collins (n 1), 425. [31] Nicole Busby, 'The evolution of gender equality and related employment policies: The case of work– family reconciliation' [2018] International Journal of Discrimination and the Law 18(2),105. [32] 96/34/EC. [33] Busby (n 33), 106. [34] ibid. [35] ibid at 105. [36] ibid. [37] ibid at 106. [38] ibid at 120. [39] ibid at 112. [40] 92/85. [41] 2006/54/EC. [42] C-32/93. [43] Collins (n 1), 407. [44] ibid at 404. [45] Lorna Adams and others, Pregnancy and Maternity Discrimination and Disadvantage: Summary of Key Findings (Equality and Human Rights Commission, Department for Innovation, Business and Skills, 2016). [46] ibid. [47] Amelia Gentleman, 'Pregnant? Wait Till the Boss Hears' (The Guardian, 23 June 2011) accessed 1 December 2020. [48] 2019/1158. [49] Rachel Crasnow, Chesca Lord, 'Will the New Radical Work-Life Balance Directive Help UK Parents and Carers? (Cloisters – Employment, 25 June 2019) accessed 5 December 2020. [50] ibid. [51] Department for Business, Energy and Industrial Strategy, 'The Good Work Plan' (Policy Paper, 17 December 2018) accessed 15 December 2020. [52] ibid. [53] Taylor (n 18). [54] Department for Business, Energy and Industrial Strategy, 'The Good Work Plan' (Policy Paper, 17 December 2018) accessed 15 December 2020. [55] ibid. [56] Trades Union Congress, Good Work Plan: Proposals to Better Support Families; TUC Responds to BEIS Consultation' (Consultation Response, 13 December 2019) accessed 7 December 2020. [57] ibid. [58] Helen Norman, 'Does Paternal Involvement in Childcare Influence Mother's Employment Trajectories During the Early Stages of Parenthood in the UK' [2019] British Sociological Association 54(2). [59] James (n 5), 480. [60] ibid. [61] Emily Grabham, 'The Strange Temporalities of Work-Life Balance Law' [2014] feminists@law 4(1). [62] Gaëlle Farrant, Luca Maria Pesando, Keiko Nowacka, 'Unpaid Care Work: The Missing Link in the Analysis of Gender Gaps in Labour Outcomes' (OECD Development Centre, 2014) accessed 2 December 2020. [63] ibid. [64] Mick Cunningham, 'Changing Attitudes toward the Male Breadwinner, Female Homemaker Family Model: Influences of Women's Employment and Education over the Lifecourse' [2008] Social Forces 87(1). [65] Collins (n 1), 422. [66] Collins (n 1), 409. [67] James (n 5), 480. [68] ibid at 478. [69] ibid. [70] Collins (n 1), 410. [71] Established by Yewens v Noakes [1880] 6 QBD 530. [72] Established by Stevenson Jordan v Macdonald and Evans [1952] 1 TLR 101. [73] Stringfellows v Quashie [2012] EWCA Civ 1735. [74] Carmichael v National Power plc [1999] UKHL 47. [75] Collins,(n 1), 410. [76] ibid at 411. [77] James (n 5). [78] Ibid at 485. [79] [2017] International Journal of Law in Context 13(3). [80] Jamie Atkinson, 'Shared Parental Leave in the UK: Can it Advance Gender Equality by Changing Fathers into Co-Parents?' [2017] International Journal of Law in Context 13(3), 361. [81] ibid. [82] Power (n 7). [83] ibid at 68. [84] ibid. [85] ibid. [86] Jenna Norman, 'Gender and COVID-19: The Immediate Impact the Crisis is Having on Women' [2020] British Politics and Policy at LSE. [87] ibid. [88] ibid. [89] ibid. [90] James (n 5). [91] Board of Trade, Fairness at Work (White Paper, Cm 3968, 1998). [92] 2019/1158. [93] Alison Andrew and others, 'How are mothers and fathers balancing work and family under lockdown' (Institute for Fiscal Sciences, 27 May 2020) accessed 12 November 2020.

ENIGMA-CNV working group. ; Low-frequency 1q21.1 distal deletion and duplication copy number variant (CNV) carriers are predisposed to multiple neurodevelopmental disorders, including schizophrenia, autism and intellectual disability. Human carriers display a high prevalence of micro- and macrocephaly in deletion and duplication carriers, respectively. The underlying brain structural diversity remains largely unknown. We systematically called CNVs in 38 cohorts from the large-scale ENIGMA-CNV collaboration and the UK Biobank and identified 28 1q21.1 distal deletion and 22 duplication carriers and 37,088 non-carriers (48% male) derived from 15 distinct magnetic resonance imaging scanner sites. With standardized methods, we compared subcortical and cortical brain measures (all) and cognitive performance (UK Biobank only) between carrier groups also testing for mediation of brain structure on cognition. We identified positive dosage effects of copy number on intracranial volume (ICV) and total cortical surface area, with the largest effects in frontal and cingulate cortices, and negative dosage effects on caudate and hippocampal volumes. The carriers displayed distinct cognitive deficit profiles in cognitive tasks from the UK Biobank with intermediate decreases in duplication carriers and somewhat larger in deletion carriers—the latter potentially mediated by ICV or cortical surface area. These results shed light on pathobiological mechanisms of neurodevelopmental disorders, by demonstrating gene dose effect on specific brain structures and effect on cognitive function. ; 1000BRAINS: The 1000BRAINS study was funded by the Institute of Neuroscience and Medicine, Research Center Juelich, Germany. We thank the Heinz Nixdorf Foundation (Germany) for the generous support of the Heinz Nixdorf Recall Study on which 1000BRAINS is based. We also thank the scientists and the study staff of the Heinz Nixdorf Recall Study and 1000BRAINS. Funding was also granted by the Initiative and Networking Fund of the Helmholtz Association (Caspers) and the European Union's Horizon 2020 Research and Innovation Programme under Grant Agreement 945539 (Human Brain Project SGA3; Amunts, Caspers, Cichon). Brainscale: The Brainscale study was supported by the Netherlands Organization for Scientific Research MagW 480-04-004 (Dorret I. Boomsma), 51.02.060 (Hilleke E. Hulshoff Pol), 668.772 (Dorret I. Boomsma and Hilleke E. Hulshoff Pol); NWO/SPI 56-464-14192 (Dorret I. Boomsma), the European Research Council (ERC-230374) (Dorret I. Boomsma), High Potential Grant Utrecht University (Hilleke E.Hulshoff Pol) and NWO Brain and Cognition 433-09-220 (Hilleke E.Hulshoff Pol). Betula: The Betula study was funded by the Knut and Alice Wallenberg (KAW) foundation (Nyberg). The Freesurfer segmentations on the Betula sample were performed on resources provided by the Swedish National Infrastructure for Computing (SNIC) at HPC2N (in Umeå, Sweden), partially funded by the Swedish Research Council through grant agreement no. 2018-05973. Brain Imaging Genetics (BIG): This work makes use of the BIG database, first established in Nijmegen, The Netherlands, in 2007. This resource is now part of Cognomics (www.cognomics.nl), a joint initiative by researchers from the Donders Centre for Cognitive Neuroimaging, the Human Genetics and Cognitive Neuroscience departments of the Radboud University Medical Centre and the Max Planck Institute for Psycholinguistics in Nijmegen. The Cognomics Initiative has received support from the participating departments and centres and from external grants, that is, the Biobanking and Biomolecular Resources Research Infrastructure (Netherlands) (BBMRI-NL), the Hersenstichting Nederland and the Netherlands Organization for Scientific Research (NWO). The research leading to these results also receives funding from the NWO Gravitation grant 'Language in Interaction', the European Community's Seventh Framework Programme (FP7/2007-2013) under grant agreement nos. 602450 (IMAGEMEND), 278948 (TACTICS) and 602805 (Aggressotype), as well as from the European Community's Horizon 2020 programme under grant agreement no. 643051 (MiND) and from ERC-2010-AdG 268800-NEUROSCHEMA. In addition, the work was supported by a grant for the ENIGMA Consortium (grant number U54 EB020403) from the BD2K Initiative of a cross-NIH partnership. deCODE genetics: deCODE genetics acknowledges support from the Innovative Medicines Initiative Joint Undertaking under grant agreement nos. 115008 (NEWMEDS) and 115300 (EUAIMS), of which resources are composed of EFPIA in-kind contribution and financial contribution from the European Union's Seventh Framework Programme (EU-FP7/2007-2013), EU-FP7-funded grant agreement no. 602450 (IMAGEMEND) and EU-funded FP7-People-2011-IAPP grant agreement no. 286213 (PsychDPC). Dublin: This work was supported by Science Foundation Ireland (SFI grant 12/IP/1359 to Gary Donohoe and grant SFI08/IN.1/B1916-Corvin to Aidan C. Corvin). ECHO-DEFINE: The ECHO study acknowledges funding from a Medical Research Council (MRC) Centre Grant to Michael J. Owen (G0801418), the Wellcome Trust (Institutional Strategic Support Fund (ISSF) to van den Bree and Clinical Research Training Fellowship to Joanne L. Doherty), the Waterloo Foundation (WF 918-1234 to van den Bree), the Baily Thomas Charitable Fund (2315/1 to van den Bree), National Institute of Mental Health (NIMH 5UO1MH101724 to van den Bree and Michael J. Owen), the IMAGINE-2 study (funded by the MRC (MR/T033045/1) to van den Bree, Jeremy Hall and Michael J. Owen), the IMAGINE-ID study (funded by MRC (MR/N022572/1) to Jeremy Hall, van den Bree and Owen). The DEFINE study was supported by a Wellcome Trust Strategic Award (100202/Z/12/Z) to Michael J. Owen. ENIGMA: ENIGMA is supported in part by NIH grants U54 EB20403, R01MH116147 and R56AG058854. NIA T32AG058507; NIH/NIMH 5T32MH073526. EPIGEN-Dublin: The EPIGEN-Dublin cohort was supported by a Science Foundation Ireland Research Frontiers Programme award (08/RFP/GEN1538). EPIGEN-UK (Sisodiya): The work was partly undertaken at UCLH/UCL, which received a proportion of funding from the UK Department of Health's NIHR Biomedical Research Centres funding scheme. We are grateful to the Wolfson Trust and the Epilepsy Society for supporting the Epilepsy Society MRI scanner. GAP: This work was supported by the National Institute for Health Research (NIHR) Mental Health Biomedical Research Centre at South London and Maudsley NHS Foundation Trust and the Institute of Psychiatry, Psychology and Neuroscience, King's College London. The views expressed are those of the authors and not necessarily those of the NHS, the NIHR or the Department of Health. GOBS: The GOBS study data collection was supported in part by the National Institutes of Health (NIH) grants: R01 MH078143, R01 MH078111 and R01 MH083824, with work conducted in part in facilities constructed under the support of NIH grant C06 RR020547. GSP: Data were in part provided by the Brain Genomics Superstruct Project (GSP) of Harvard University and Massachusetts General Hospital (MGH) (Principal Investigators: Randy Buckner, Jordan Smoller and Joshua Roffman), with support from the Center for Brain Science Neuroinformatics Research Group, Athinoula A. Martinos Center for Biomedical Imaging, Center for Genomic Medicine and Stanley Center for Psychiatric Research. Twenty individual investigators at Harvard and MGH generously contributed data to the overall project. We would like to thank Randy Buckner for insightful comments and feedback on this work. HUBIN: The HUBIN study was financed by the Swedish Research Council (K2010-62X-15078-07-2, K2012-61X-15078-09-3, 521-2014-3487 K2015-62X-15077-12-3, 2017-00949), the regional agreement on medical training and clinical research between Stockholm County Council and the Karolinska Institutet. HUNT: The HUNT study is a collaboration between HUNT Research Centre (Faculty of Medicine and Movement Sciences, NTNU—Norwegian University of Science and Technology), Nord-Trøndelag County Council, Central Norway Health Authority and the Norwegian Institute of Public Health. HUNT-MRI was funded by the Liaison Committee between the Central Norway Regional Health Authority and the Norwegian University of Science and Technology, and the Norwegian National Advisory Unit for functional MRI. IMAGEN: This work received support from the following sources: the European Union-funded FP6 Integrated Project IMAGEN (reinforcement-related behaviour in normal brain function and psychopathology) (LSHM-CT- 2007-037286), the Horizon 2020 funded ERC Advanced Grant 'STRATIFY' (Brain network based stratification of reinforcement-related disorders) (695313), ERANID (Understanding the Interplay between Cultural, Biological and Subjective Factors in Drug Use Pathways) (PR-ST-0416-10004), BRIDGET (JPND: BRain Imaging, cognition Dementia and next generation GEnomics) (MR/N027558/1), Human Brain Project (HBP SGA 2, 785907),the FP7 projects IMAGEMEND(602450; IMAging GEnetics for MENtal Disorders) and MATRICS (603016), the Innovative Medicine Initiative Project EUAIMS (115300-2), the Medical Research Council Grant 'c-VEDA' (Consortium on Vulnerability to Externalizing Disorders and Addictions) (MR/N000390/1), the Swedish Research Council FORMAS, the Medical Research Council, the National Institute for Health Research (NIHR) Biomedical Research Centre at South London and Maudsley NHS Foundation Trust and King's College London, the Bundesministeriumfür Bildung und Forschung (BMBF grants 01GS08152, 01EV0711; eMED SysAlc01ZX1311A; Forschungsnetz AERIAL 01EE1406A, 01EE1406B), the Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft (DFG grants, SM 80/7-2, SFB 940/2), the Medical Research Foundation and Medical Research Council (grants MR/R00465X/1 and MR/S020306/1). Further support was provided by grants from: ANR (project AF12-NEUR0008-01—WM2NA, ANR-12-SAMA-0004), the Eranet Neuron (ANR-18-NEUR00002-01), the Fondation de France (00081242), the Fondation pour la Recherche Médicale (DPA20140629802), the Mission Interministérielle de Lutte-contre-les-Drogues-et-les-Conduites-Addictives (MILDECA), the Assistance-Publique-Hôpitaux-de-Paris and INSERM (interface grant), Paris Sud University IDEX 2012, the Fondation de l'Avenir (grant AP-RM-17-013), the Fédération pour la Recherche sur le Cerveau; the National Institutes of Health, Science Foundation Ireland (16/ERCD/3797), USA (Axon, Testosterone and Mental Health during Adolescence; RO1 MH085772-01A1) and by NIH Consortium grant U54 EB020403, supported by a cross-NIH alliance that funds Big Data to Knowledge Centres of Excellence. Lifespan: The study is funded by the Research Council of Norway (230345, 288083 and 223273). NCNG: NCNG sample collection was supported by grants from the Bergen Research Foundation and the University of Bergen, the Dr Einar Martens Fund, the Research Council of Norway, to le Hellard, Steen and Espeseth. The Bergen group was supported by grants from the Western Norway Regional Health Authority (Grant 911593 to Arvid Lundervold, Grant 911397 and 911687 to Astri Johansen Lundervold). NTR: The NTR cohort was supported by the Netherlands Organization for Scientific Research (NWO) and The Netherlands Organisation for Health Research and Development (ZonMW) grants 904-61-090, 985-10-002, 912-10-020, 904-61-193, 480-04-004,463-06-001, 451-04-034, 400-05-717, Addiction-31160008, 016-115-035, 481-08-011, 056-32-010, Middelgroot-911-09-032, OCW_NWO Gravity programme—024.001.003, NWO-Groot 480-15-001/674, Center for Medical Systems Biology (CSMB, NWO Genomics), NBIC/BioAssist/RK(2008.024), Biobanking and Biomolecular Resources Research Infrastructure (BBMRI-NL, 184.021.007 and 184.033.111); Spinozapremie (NWO-56-464-14192), KNAW Academy Professor Award (PAH/6635) and University Research Fellow grant (URF) to Dorret I. Boomsma; Amsterdam Public Health research institute (former EMGO+), Neuroscience Amsterdam research institute (former NCA); the European Science Foundation (ESF, EU/QLRT-2001-01254), the European Community's Seventh Framework Programme (FP7- HEALTH-F4-2007-2013, grant 01413: ENGAGE and grant 602768: ACTION); the European Research Council (ERC Starting 284167, ERC Consolidator 771057, ERC Advanced 230374), Rutgers University Cell and DNA Repository (NIMH U24 MH068457-06), the National Institutes of Health (NIH, R01D0042157-01A1, R01MH58799-03, MH081802, DA018673, R01 DK092127-04, Grand Opportunity grants 1RC2 MH089951 and 1RC2 MH089995); the Avera Institute for Human Genetics, Sioux Falls, South Dakota (USA). Part of the genotyping and analyses were funded by the Genetic Association Information Network (GAIN) of the Foundation for the National Institutes of Health. Computing was supported by NWO through grant 2018/EW/00408559, BiG Grid, the Dutch e-Science Grid and SURFSARA. OATS: The OATS study has been funded by a National Health & Medical Research Council (NHMRC) and Australian Research Council (ARC) Strategic Award Grant of the Ageing Well, Ageing Productively Programme (ID No. 401162) and NHMRC Project Grants (ID Nos. 1045325 and 1085606). This research was facilitated through Twins Research Australia, a national resource in part supported by an NHMRC Centre for Research Excellence Grant (ID No.: 1079102). We thank the participants for their time and generosity in contributing to this research. We acknowledge the contribution of the OATS research team (https://cheba.unsw.edu.au/project/older-australian-twins-study) to this study. OATS genotyping was partly funded by a Commonwealth Scientific and Industrial Research Organization Flagship Collaboration Fund Grant. Osaka: Osaka study was supported by the Brain Mapping by Integrated Neurotechnologies for Disease Studies (Brain/MINDS: Grant Number JP18dm0207006), Brain/MINDS& beyond studies (Grant Number JP20dm0307002) and Health and Labour Sciences Research Grants for Comprehensive Research on Persons with Disabilities (Grant Number JP20dk0307081) from the Japan Agency for Medical Research and Development (AMED), Grants-in-Aid for Scientific Research (KAKENHI; Grant Numbers JP25293250 and JP16H05375). Some computations were performed at the Research Center for Computational Science, Okazaki, Japan. PAFIP: The PAFIP study was supported by Instituto de Salud Carlos III, FIS 00/3095, 01/3129, PI020499, PI060507, PI10/00183, the SENY Fundació Research Grant CI2005-0308007 and the FundaciónMarqués de Valdecilla API07/011. Biological samples from our cohort were stored at the Valdecilla Biobank and genotyping services were conducted at the Spanish 'Centro Nacional de Genotipado' (CEGEN-ISCIII). MCIC/COBRE: The study is funded by the National Institutes of Health studies R01EB006841, P20GM103472 and P30GM122734 and Department of Energy DE-FG02-99ER62764. PING: Data collection and sharing for the Paediatric Imaging, Neurocognition and Genetics (PING) Study (National Institutes of Health Grant RC2DA029475) were funded by the National Institute on Drug Abuse and the Eunice Kennedy Shriver National Institute of Child Health & Human Development. A full list of PING investigators is at http://pingstudy.ucsd.edu/investigators.html. QTIM: The QTIM study was supported by the National Institute of Child Health and Human Development (R01 HD050735) and the National Health and Medical Research Council (NHMRC 486682, 1009064), Australia. Genotyping was supported by NHMRC (389875). Medland is supported in part by an NHMRC fellowship (APP1103623). SHIP: SHIP is part of the Community Medicine Research net of the University of Greifswald, Germany, which is funded by the Federal Ministry of Education and Research (grant nos. 01ZZ9603, 01ZZ0103 and 01ZZ0403), the Ministry of Cultural Affairs and the Social Ministry of the Federal State of Mecklenburg-West Pomerania. Genome-wide single-nucleotide polymorphism typing in SHIP and MRI scans in SHIP and SHIP-TREND have been supported by a joint grant from Siemens Healthineers, Erlangen, Germany and the Federal State of Mecklenburg-West Pomerania. StrokeMRI: StrokeMRI was supported by the Norwegian ExtraFoundation for Health and Rehabilitation(2015/FO5146), the Research Council of Norway (249795, 262372), the South-Eastern Norway Regional Health Authority (2014097, 2015044, 2015073) and the Department of Psychology, University of Oslo. Sydney MAS: The Sydney Memory and Aging Study (Sydney MAS) is funded by National and HealthMedical Research Council (NHMRC) Programme and Project Grants (ID350833, ID568969 and ID109308). We also thank the Sydney MAS participants and the Research Team. SYS: The SYS Study is supported by Canadian Institutes of Health Research. TOP: Centre of Excellence: RCN #23273 and RCN #226971. Part of this work was performed on the TSD (Tjeneste for Sensitive Data) facilities, owned by the University of Oslo, operated and developed by the TSD service group at the University of Oslo, IT-Department (USIT) (tsd-drift@usit.uio.no). The research leading to these results has received funding from the European Union Seventh Framework Programme (FP7-PEOPLE-2013-COFUND) under grant agreement no. 609020—Scientia Fellows; the Research Council of Norway (RCN) #276082—A lifespan perspective on mental illness: toward precision medicine using multimodal brain imaging and genetics. Ida E. Sønderby and Rune Bøen are supported by South-Eastern Norway Regional Health Authority (#2020060). Ida E. Sønderby and Ole A. Andreassen have received funding from the European Union's Horizon 2020 Research and Innovation Programme under Grant agreement no. 847776 (CoMorMent project) and the KG Jebsen Foundation (SKGJ-MED-021). UCLA_UMCU: The UCLA_UMCU cohort comprises of six studies which were supported by National Alliance for Research in Schizophrenia and Affective Disorders (NARSAD) (20244 to Prof. Hillegers), The Netherlands Organisation for Health Research and Development (ZonMw) (908-02-123 to Prof. Hulshoff Pol), and Netherlands Organisation for Scientific Research (NWO 9120818 and NWO-VIDI 917-46-370 to Prof. Hulshoff Pol). The GROUP study was funded through the Geestkracht programme of the Dutch Health Research Council (ZonMw, grant number 10-000-1001), and matching funds from participating pharmaceutical companies (Lundbeck, AstraZeneca, Eli Lilly and Janssen Cilag) and universities and mental health care organizations (Amsterdam: Academic Psychiatric Centre of the Academic Medical Center and the mental health institutions: GGZ inGeest, Arkin, Dijk en Duin, GGZ Rivierduinen, Erasmus Medical Centre, GGZ Noord-Holland-Noord. Groningen: University Medical Center Groningen and the mental health institutions: Lentis, GGZ Friesland, GGZ Drenthe, Dimence, Mediant, GGNet Warnsveld, Yulius Dordrecht and Parnassia Psycho-medical Center, The Hague. Maastricht: Maastricht University Medical Centre and the mental health institutions: GGzE, GGZ Breburg, GGZ Oost-Brabant, Vincent van Gogh, voor Geestelijke Gezondheid, Mondriaan, Virenzeriagg, Zuyderland GGZ, MET ggz, Universitair Centrum Sint-JozefKortenberg, CAPRI University of Antwerp, PC Ziekeren Sint-Truiden, PZ Sancta Maria Sint-Truiden, GGZ Overpelt, OPZ Rekem. Utrecht: University Medical Center Utrecht and the mental health institutions: Altrecht, GGZ Centraal and Delta.). UK Biobank: This work made use of data sharing from UK Biobank (under project code 27412). Others: Work by Pierre Vanderhaeghen was funded by Grants of the European Research Council (ERC Adv Grant GENDEVOCORTEX), the EOS Programme, the Belgian FWO, the AXA Research Fund and the Belgian Queen Elizabeth Foundation. Ikuo K. Suzuki was supported by a postdoctoral fellowship of the FRS/FNRS. ; Peer reviewed

The majority of Croats in Montenegro are the native population traditionally living in the Bay of Kotor, the town of Budva and Bar and its surroundings. A minority of them are immigrants or their descendants. As early as during the Austro–Hungarian rule over the Montenegrin coast, and especially during the Yugoslav period, they inhabited the area of today's Montenegro, mostly its inland towns. This paper primarily aims to present and analyse the size of the Croatian population in Montenegro in general and at the level of its administrative units. To do so, it uses data from the censuses conducted from 1948 to 2011, which recorded national affiliation, among other things. In the context of those censuses, one can argue that, during their conduct, it was possible to declare oneself as a Croat, and that a major share of the population avoided declaring themselves as such although they could, based on their ethnic characteristics. Accordingly, the second aim of the paper was to attempt to determine, in the context of the 2011 census, which is a source of plenty of relevant data, not only the number of declared Croats but also those who were undeclared as such, but could certainly be considered to belong to the same linguistic, religious and cultural community as Croats. For this paper, that wider unit was termed the Slavic Catholic community (Slavic–Catholic), which is already recognised in language as the Central South Slavic area (Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia, Montenegro), among other things as a certain "opposite" of the Slavic–Orthodox and Slavic–Muslim communities of the same spatial scope. To better understand the position of Croats in Montenegro, and especially their reluctance to declare Croatian national affiliation, which is more and more evident over time, an integral part of the paper is an appropriate presentation of historical circumstances that have framed their past and present identity positioning. The first data on the presence of Croats in today's Montenegrin area refers to the period of Slavic settlement of South-east Europe, which took place until the beginning of the 7th century. According to the work of the Byzantine emperor Constantine Porphyrogenitus (945–959), "On the Governance of the Empire", during their settlement, Croats occupied the former Roman province of Dalmatia (which, according to the author, "started from the surroundings of Durrës and Bar and stretched to the Istrian mountains and to the river Danube in width"), as well as Pannonia and Illyricum. According to the Chronicle of the Priest of Duklja, probably written by the (Arch)Bishop of Bar Gregory in the period 1177–1189, upon settlement the Slavs had founded a state, the backbone of which was on the coast, between Istria and today's northern Albania. According to the Chronicle, that coastal belt was divided into White and Red Croatia, which stretched from Duvanjsko Polje further south. Besides, Byzantine 11th- and 12th-century writers mention Croats and Croatia in the context of the area of today's Montenegro. However, from the beginning of the 9th century, that is, the point in time from which one can continuously follow the political development in the Adriatic–Dinaric belt, or the area of the former Roman Dalmatia, it is certain that four smaller Slavic principalities existed between the rivers Cetina and Bojana: Neretva, Zahumlje, Travunia and Duklja. In the mid 11th century, Duklja, Travunia and Zahumlje were united into a state at the initiative of the rulers of Duklja. The expanded state of Duklja, ruled by the Vojislavljević dynasty, gained international acknowledgement since the papacy recognised it as a separate kingdom and a strong lever for maintaining its own identity, manifested in the existence of a state religious centre in the form of the Catholic metropolis of Bar. Such circumstances could have suggested the emergence of a much wider state unit, located approximately between the rivers Neretva and Drim on the one side and the Adriatic and the river Tara on the other, which would have implied the formation of an ethnic body. However, events unfolded in a different direction. Since the mid 12th century the state of Duklja had been losing ever more power, completely falling under the ruler of neighbouring Orthodox Serbia at the end of the same century. During that time the Schism of 1054 acquired full significance. The 1204 establishment of the Latin Empire, with its seat in Constantinople, led to a strong polarisation between Catholicism and Orthodoxy. In such conditions, upon establishment of its own church in 1219, the Serbian dynasty of Nemanjić began to carry out mass Orthodoxisation of the Zahumlje and Duklja areas to ensure their loyalty. Primarily exposed to religious conversion were Slavic Catholic people, who, at that time, shared many similarities with the neighbouring Orthodox in the entire area of the Adriatic–Dinaric belt in terms of external manifestations of their Christian identity, significantly marked by the tradition of Cyril and Methodius. Coastal, communal centres in the area of today's Montenegro, Kotor, Budva and Bar, at the time still largely Romanesque, but eventually Slavicised, and their "belonging" or gravitating Slavic population, as well as the Albanian population located next to gradually Albanianised Ulcinj, along the river Bojana and in Malesia, were left Catholics. The territorial relations between Catholics and Orthodox established at the time have largely remained relevant until modern times. In the area of today's Montenegro, the Slavic Catholic population was in principle reduced to a distinct minority concentrated in and around the coastal communes. As the Serbian state weakened from the mid 14th century, those communes gradually merged with the western states, and ultimately with the Venetian Republic. They remained under its rule until the end of the 18th century. After that, they were mainly part of the Austrian Kingdom of Dalmatia until 1918. Under those conditions, sharing the social climate with the population of the eastern Adriatic coast, who spoke the same language and shared the same religion, from the mid 19th century the Slavic Catholic population of today's Montenegrin coast became involved in the processes leading to the constitution of the Croatian nation. The political and social development of the Orthodox population in Montenegro took a different course. By integrating into the de facto Serbian Orthodox Church, they began acquiring Serbian ethnic characteristics. However, given the disintegration of the Serbian state on a part of today's Montenegrin territory, a new state emerged in the form of Zeta, centred in sub-Lovćen Montenegro and ruled by the Balšić dynasty and the Crnojević dynasty. During the Ottoman rule, which began in the late 15th century, sub-Lovćen Montenegro retained a certain autonomy, which became the basis for the formation of the Montenegrin state close to its current borders in the late 17th century. While the Montenegrin population "remained" in the identity sphere of proto-national Serbs due to Orthodoxy, imbued with the cult of the Nemanjić dynasty, its peculiar development enabled them to acquire own ethnic consciousness. The dichotomy between the Montenegrin and Serbian sense of identity has not been overcome to this day, which is becoming increasingly clear in the division of the Orthodox population between the national Montenegrins and the national Serbs. With the disintegration of Austro–Hungary and the emergence of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, that is, Yugoslavia, the Slavic Catholic population in the area of today's Montenegro found itself permanently separated from the political, or at least administrative framework defined by the Catholic majority, after almost five hundred years. Instead, it became a distinct minority group in an environment that was continuously exposed to strong Serbian influences, even after Montenegro gained independence. Over time, following the processes of migration towards the coast, it also became a minority in settlements where it once represented the only or majority population. Under those conditions, strongly marked by latent or real contradictions in the relations between Croats and Serbs and often radical manifestations of Serbian identity in their environment, for the Slavic Catholic population in Montenegro, the declaration of Croatian identity became a kind of burden that not everyone was ready or able to bear. In that context, among other things, it is worth looking at the data presented, which points to a decline in the share of Croats in Montenegro. Equally, attention should be paid to the data from the 2011 census, which indicates a kind of mass declaration of "alternative" forms of ethnicity on the part of the Slavic–Catholic population. According to the first census, the one of 1921, which covered the population of all parts of today's Montenegro, 313,432 inhabitants lived on its soil, of which between 11,380 and 12,145 were Croats and other members of the Slavic–Catholic community. According to that census, which took no account of the national determinant, but recorded the religious and linguistic ones, the share of members of that community in the total population inhabiting the area of today's Montenegro was between 3.6% and 3.9%. The censuses after 1945, which, as pointed out, covered the national determinant and were conducted in socialist Yugoslavia (1945–1991), Federal Republic of Yugoslavia / the State Union of Serbia and Montenegro (1991–2006) and in independent Montenegro (since 2006) recorded the following shares of Croats in Montenegro: 6,808 (in 1948), 9,814 (in 1953), 10,664 (in 1961), 9,192 (in 1971), 6,904 (in 1981), 6,244 (in 1991), 6,811 (in 2003), and 6,021 (in 2011). It is evident from the first censuses that part of the Slavic–Catholics in Montenegro did not declare themselves as Croats. This is primarily the case in Bar and its surroundings, where the declaration of Montenegrin nationality has permanently prevailed. Since 1971, a large number of people formerly declared as Croats began to declare themselves as "Yugoslavs". Following the disintegration of Yugoslavia, in the 2003 and 2011 censuses, that type of declaration lost significance. However, no "return" to the declaration of Croatian national affiliation occurred, but rather the adoption of Montenegrin identity, rejection of the declaration of nationality, declaration of regional affiliation, etc. The analysis conducted in the context of the 2011 census shows that only a small part of the total Slavic–Catholic community in Montenegro declared themselves as Croats. Basically, only 5,931 people did so, if the total share of Croats (6,021) is reduced by 90 Orthodox who are probably registered as Croats for family reasons. At the same time, 29 Bosnians, 5,667 Montenegrins, 68 Yugoslavs, three Muslims, 569 nationally undeclared persons, 376 regionally declared persons, 112 Serbs and one Serb Montenegrin declared their affiliation with Catholicism. According to the insight into the share of the native Slavic Catholic population in Montenegro in 1921 and the share of Croats in the 1953–1971 censuses, it can be stated with a high level of certainty that those 6,825 respondents belonged to the Slavic Catholic population. The total share of the Slavic Catholic population in Montenegro in 2011 was larger than the sum of Croats (5,931) and the mentioned 6,825 persons, which amounted to 12,756, given that it should be increased by a certain number of respondents, primarily among Bosnians, Montenegrins, Yugoslavs, nationally undeclared and regionally declared who declared themselves as agnostics, atheists, unidentified Christians or refused to declare their religion. Primarily based on a comparison of the share of such persons within the municipalities of Boka Kotorska (Herceg Novi, Kotor, Tivat), where it is extremely high, with their shares in other Montenegrin municipalities, it could be argued that in 2011, the total share of Croats and other members of the Slavic–Catholic community amounted to approximately 15,000 or 2.4% of the population of Montenegro.

In this dissertation I explore the co-emergence of multinational corporations and the consolidation of the discourse on human rights at the level of the United Nations throughout the second half of the twentieth century and analyse the resulting conceptual gap that created tensions in the international legal order. Despite attempts by developing countries to alleviate this imbalance through the New International Economic Order (NIEO), a multitude of soft law initiatives and the reluctance to address human rights issues in MNCs at the level of the United Nations failed to make MNCs incorporate human rights standards in their operations. The merging of the two concepts became increasingly more challenging throughout the 70s and 80s when the world was faced with the oil crisis and the rise of neoliberalism. This shift in the global legal architecture forced the Third World to take a new approach to tackle the conceptual gap, this resulted in the emergence of the Third generation of human rights and ultimately, the concept of Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR). CSR is a concept of international private business self-regulation that aims at merging human, socio-economic, and political rights into the world of the corporation. As a response to the concerns for human rights violations by corporate actors, CSR slowly came to the forefront of the global business scene to enable the continuation of the operation of multinational enterprises. CSR presented a platform for global soft law initiatives to minimise the conceptual gap they had created over throughout the preceding decades. This allowed people such as John Ruggie to develop the Guiding Principles, the most successful initiative to date. This dissertation will provide its readers with a fruitful understanding of the crucial role that international law played in this development and further, what implications this had on the political and economic level. - Introduction In the words of Sundhya Pahuja and Anna Saunders, the second half of the twentieth century staged a 'series of encounters between rival practices of world making, each of which travelled with rival accounts of international law'.[1] Anti-colonial disputes, the Cold War, the rise of developmental issues and the increasing popularity of neoliberalism are only some of the events that generated these competing views of the international legal order. These events brought different coalitions across the Global North and Global South, and different 'alliances of interest between 'public' and 'private' actors'.[2] At the heart of the system that emerged lie two fundamental elements: the modern multinational corporation and human rights. How to conceptualize multinational corporations (MNCs) and how to define their relation to the law and the State was part of these rival stories. In this paper I explore the co-emergence of multinational corporations and the consolidation of the discourse on human rights at the level of the United Nations throughout the second half of the twentieth century and analyze the resulting conceptual gap that created tensions in the international legal order. In particular, I examine how this encounter, which became evident as calls for a New International Economic Order (NIEO) were being advanced within the UN, came to produce the idea of 'Corporate Social Responsibility' (CSR). I show that CSR emerged from the failure of the NIEO, particularly in relation to the roles and responsibilities of private actors in the global economy and how this can be traced to the limits of initiatives addressing the tensions between human rights claims and the interests of multinational corporations. In so doing I provide an understanding of the crucial role that international law played in this development and the implications this had at the political and economic level. The first section of this essay examines the lack of direct use of human rights language in the UN literature focusing on MNCs and their role in world development from the 1960s to the 1970s. This includes an analysis of the report entitled 'Multinational Corporations in World Development'.[3] I demonstrate the emphasis and enthusiasm for multinational corporations displayed at the level of the United Nations and how the concepts of the corporation and human rights were kept separate due to their respective supporters during the Cold War. I then focus on the attempts by the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), the International Labor Organization (ILO) and the 'Group of 77' (G77) to bridge this conceptual gap through the imposition of policies and initiatives, though without major success. The second section analyzes the influence of the oil crisis and the rise of neoliberalism on the shift of the global legal architecture, ultimately promoting the birth of the new developmental state. Here concern is with the new legal structures' attempt to merge the concepts of multinational corporations and human rights through a third generation of human rights, [4] and I engage in theoretical approaches by legal scholars such as Samuel Moyn and Antonia Darder. In the third section investigates the concept of Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) and analyzes its application and limitations. CSR is a concept of international private business self-regulation that aims at merging human, socio-economic, and political rights into the world of the corporation. As a response to the concerns for human rights violations by corporate actors, CSR slowly came to the forefront of the global business scene to enable the continuation of the operation of multinational enterprises. I demonstrate how CSR aspired to close a gap between human rights and corporate action in a way that would harmonize them through a multitude of soft law initiatives. This leads to the question of whether direct regulations can apply to MNCs under international law and a discussion of the UN Global Compact, at the time the world's largest and most far-reaching CSR initiative.[5] Finally, this paper closes with the most recent developments in the global legal order designed to tackle the conceptual gap between MNCs and human rights, namely through the United Nations Norms on the Responsibilities of Transnational Corporations and Other Business Enterprises[6] and the development of the Guiding Principles. Dawn of co-existence The United Nations lies at the heart of the international regime with its normative, institutional and procedural human rights activities.[7] By adopting the Universal Declaration of Human Rights in 1948, the UN created a milestone document in the history of human rights. The Declaration has had an enormous influence on the world both in terms of 'spreading the philosophy of human rights, and in terms of inspiring legal texts and decisions'.[8] New states have used the Declaration as a basis for their constitutions, while domestic and international courts have invoked the Declaration in their judgments.[9] As human rights law developed, the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, followed by the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, were both drafted under the auspices of the United Nations, adopted in 1966 and entered into force in 1976. Together, these three instruments make up the 'International Bill of Human Rights'.[10] Throughout the 1960s and 1970s, the world became a stage for global changes that altered the legal order. The end of colonialism dawned in the Global South, and during the height of the Cold War the West faced the Soviet Bloc and its mission of 'exporting revolution'.[11] Leaders of nationalist resistance movements received military as well as financial aid from the Soviet Bloc which intensified anti-colonial mobilization for self-determination.[12] Simultaneously, globalization was increasing rapidly, with multinational corporations emerging onto the global scene with heightened awareness of their existence as an entity with legal personality. As outlined by Sornarajah, their distinct bases of power allowed them to assert their interests through the law. With economic resources often exceeding those of their host state, MNCs had the ability to sculpt and manipulate legal outcomes through arbitration processes concerning foreign investment protection. This was done by exerting lobbying pressure on a host state which might be reluctant or even unable to object to the activities of MNCs.[13] The 'Multinational Corporations in World Development', report drafted by the UN Secretariat's Department on Economic and Social Affairs in 1973, considers 'the role of multinational corporations and their impact on the process of development, especially that of developing countries [.] [and] international relations'.[14] From the outset, the Report identifies the emerging phenomenon of the MNC in international economic affairs, how its size and spread has increased, and identifies the wide array of its activities and its use of natural resources which 'rival traditional economic exchanges between nations'.[15] It is surprising therefore, that a Report from the Department on Economic and Social Affairs, does not contain the term 'human rights' throughout the entire document. In the Report's introduction the UN makes a clear distinction between the differing views of impacts MNCs have on host countries. While 'depicted in some quarters as key instruments to maximizing world welfare, [they] are seen in others as dangerous agents of imperialism'.[16] The fact the United Nations recognized the potential neo-colonial nature of multinational corporations further highlights the need for guidance on human rights violations by MNCs. Yet the Report's reluctance to engage in the area of human rights provides a first glimpse into the divergence of the concepts of multinational corporations and human rights. An explanation for this can be identified by analyzing the Conventions, on Civil and Political Rights and on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, with the UN's reluctance to avoid tensions between the supporters of both Conventions, respectively the United States and the Soviet Union. The US pushed for the development of civil and political rights, reflecting the protection of the freedom and liberties of individuals. Stemming from a Western philosophy, John Locke identified that in a 'state of nature' humans had 'natural rights' including the right to life, liberty and property. Similarly, French legal philosophers such as Rosseau, Montesquieu and Voltaire argued that such rights emerge from the inherent nature and virtue of man.[17] As Joseph and Castan argue, 'natural rights theories were highly influential [.] particularly in the revolutionary fervor of the United States'.[18] The advancement of civil and political rights reflects the capitalist ideology of the United States, conforming to the libertarian nature of Western capitalist societies.[19] In contrast, the Soviet Union pushed for the advancement of economic, social and cultural rights. These included the right to work, the right to an adequate standard of living, and the right to physical health. Contrary to the civil and political rights, these rights were based on the idea of equality, one deeply rooted in the political ideology of socialism. As the US would not commit to a proposition that there is a right to social goods, the US has never ratified this Convention.[20] The Soviet Bloc promoted the right of self-determination by providing military and financial aid to indigenous political activists in their fight for independence; an idea enshrined in Article 1 of the Covenant which states that: 'All peoples have the right to self-determination'.[21] For the Soviets 'national self-determination was an adjunct to revolutionary communism'.[22] They envisioned self-determination as the tool for the transition from dismantling a colonial empire to establishing a socialist state.[23] However, while the United Nations was reluctant to adhere to human rights in the framework of multinational corporations, other international institutions were motivated to develop this area. The OECD attempted to impose human rights on MNCs by adopting the Guidelines for MNCs (hereinafter 'OECD Guidelines') in 1976.[24] These were 'voluntary recommendations for business practices relating to human rights, disclosure of information, anti-corruption, labour relations, taxation, the environment and consumer protection'.[25] The Guidelines were intended to strengthen the international investment climate by improving the relationship and confidence between MNCs and host countries. National Contact Points (NCPs) were created that bore the responsibilities of enforcing and promoting the Guidelines, and any natural person could make a claim related to the violation of the Guidelines.[26] This aspect of the Guidelines provided an enforcing mechanism accessible to the public. But although the Guidelines were formally adopted by member states as a corporate responsibility instrument, they were subject to widespread criticism in the international legal order. As explained by Cernic, the Guidelines are ambiguous while the NCPs are limited in their influence on host states. Even though they outlined the need to respect human rights, the obligations were not framed in mandatory terms.[27]. Since the Guidelines lacked legal basis, the OECD was unable to assert sanctions on non-compliant corporations, and critics labeled them weak and ineffective. However, it was the intention of the OECD to guide rather than to legislate, because they saw voluntary versus legally binding standards as less of a dichotomy and more a continuum.[28] Although voluntary, corporations would be under scrutiny and potentially harm their reputation if they violated the Guidelines.[29] Yet, the Guidelines were hardly successful in the international legal order. A year later, in 1977, the ILO attempted to bridge this gap by adopting the Tripartite Declaration of Principles Concerning MNCs and Social Policy. These also attempted to 'encourage the positive contribution the MNEs can make to economic and social progress'.[30]. Article 8 emphasizes the respect for the Universal Declaration and the International Covenants. However, its voluntary and non-binding nature, as well as its weak monitoring process made this instrument as frail as the OECD Guidelines.[31] The lack of responsibility and perseverance stemming from international organizations and their disappointing attempt at bridging the gap between multinational corporations and human rights forced national and regional change. On the one hand, developing nations began taking matters into their own hands. To portray unity and solidarity throughout the 'Third World' the G77 coalition, formed in 1964 by developing member countries with the primary intention of promoting its members' economic and humanitarian interests through cooperation at the level of the United Nations, took a strong initiative. In the late 1970s the Group expressed its concern at the 'imbalance of negotiating power between TNCs [transnational corporations] and their host countries and inability on the part of the latter to control the activities of the TNCs within their territories'.[32] Simultaneously, home countries wanted to ensure their investments abroad would be protected, 'specifically from expropriation without a commitment to compensation based on international law'.[33] In accordance with the principles and concerns of the freshly adopted NIEO, developing countries raised the issue of the dominance of MNCs over natural resources and strongly urged the UN for a reaffirmation of their sovereignty over their resources. The NIEO was an attempt by Third World developing states, in the wake of decolonization, to deploy international law to achieve economic justice and improvements in the areas of development and socio-economic rights.[34] Pushed by the G77, the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) member states devised a set of NIEO proposals in 1974 including (1) that developing states are entitled to control and regulate all activities of MNCs within their territory; and (2) that international trade must be based on equitable, stable and remunerative prices for raw materials.[35] Despite its impressive aims and careful compilation, the NIEO was unsuccessful. It failed 'to displace the power and advantage held by influential states', it failed to alter international law which favoured the economic interests of capital-exporting states and, most importantly, it demonstrated the Third World's acceptance of the economic ideology of the capitalist mindset, inflating the value of foreign capital including the exploitation of local labour in developing countries.[36] Consequently, the UN set up the United Nations Commission on Transnational Corporations which drafted a code of conduct for TNCs, one of the first formalized instruments drafted by the UN that set an obligation upon MNCs to respect human rights in host countries.[37] However while developing countries insisted on the idea of adopting an international instrument that was binding on MNCs, developed countries were not prepared to go beyond the voluntary sets of guidelines already in place.[38] On the other hand, due to the ineffectiveness of the international institutions, some MNCs that sought to abide by human rights law attempted to create some provisions themselves. An example is the Sullivan principles designed by Leon Sullivan, former member of the General Motors' Board of Directors. These principles included the elimination of discrimination based on race, and the concept of equality in the workplace. The objective was that by engaging in human rights concepts like dignity and respect, MNCs could be a lever for the elimination of apartheid in South Africa. However, like the previously established soft law on obligations on multinational corporations, these principles were voluntary and unlike the OECD Guidelines which had the NCPs, there was no enforcement mechanism. The great majority of MNCs that adopted his principles did so with the sole motive of being able to continue to prosper in South Africa.[39] In summary, throughout the 1960s and 1970s, there were attempts at a variety of levels to bring together the concepts of human rights and multinational corporations. Though it was largely absent on the level of the United Nations until the late 1970s there were many first steps by international institutions to bridge this gap. The NIEO was the first set of concrete economic principles that were prescribed in international law 'articulating a form of justice based not on domination of one people over another'.[40] It was an 'effort to assert the sovereign autonomy of the non-western world',[41] exemplifying the importance of linking human rights and development, and the fundamental values of duties of international cooperation. However, there was still much to be done as the new decade of the 1980s saw a drastic restructuring of the global trade and investment system - ultimately ending in massive international debt and a dramatic increase in foreign direct investment. A Change in the Global Legal Architecture An accumulation of capital obtained by the main oil producing states in the Middle East led to the establishment of the Organization for Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) Cartel in 1972. With the intention of creating a monopoly and obtaining major profits, OPEC raised the price of oil by approximately 400%, with its members keeping revenue in US or European banks, from which developing countries regularly borrowed in the form of aid and loans.[42] However, banks were now lending at higher interest rates to these countries as they were deemed less creditworthy. As a result of sovereign debt and the surplus problem in the international banking system, developing states were forced to rely on foreign direct investment (FDI), as opposed to private borrowing. The very principle that developing states wanted to control with the establishment of the NIEO was now negated by Western states selling MNCs to the developing world as necessary for their survival.[43] Simultaneously to the effects of the oil crisis, the political ideology of neoliberalism emerged on the global scene. Conservative governments gained power in western countries, communism collapsed in Eastern Europe with a move towards market economics, and Latin America implemented stabilization policies to boost their economies.[44] This process saw neoliberalism became an enemy for structural equality, political inclusion, economic access and human rights.[45] Prior to the implementation of neoliberal policies, the relationship between multinational corporations and their host state was formed through the conflict between the host country's national developmental interests as opposed to the corporation's global investment interests. The state being the more powerful actor, attempted 'to channel its private investments to serve its own developmental objectives'.[46] However, as Michael Peters argues, neoliberalism provides 'a universalist foundation for an extreme form of economic rationalism'[47], which according to Paul Haslam, was a re-forming of the modern state rather than the perceived notion of the state 'unambiguously withering away'.[48] As a result, power shifted from host countries towards multinational corporations as the era was characterized by liberalization of foreign investment rules.[49] As the United Nations World Investment Report of 2000 showed, out of the 1035 changes made in national legislation regarding Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) from 1991 to 1999, only 5.9% were directed at restricting FDI.[50] Now more than ever before, the existence and nature of human rights were jeopardized in the sphere of multinational corporations led by neoliberal politics. Yet when analyzing human rights and neoliberalism, the two concepts have a plethora of similarities that run counter to this assertion. Samuel Moyn states that human rights and neoliberalism share (1) a predecessor and (2) a target, namely the welfarist West and the post-colonial nation state seeking economic autarky respectively.[51] Both concepts emerged and were formalized in the West. As a target, developing countries need both economic (neoliberalism) and social (human rights) elements to establish economic control. Furthermore, the two concepts share key foundational building blocks. Firstly, the principle of prioritizing the individual 'whose freedoms matter more than the collectivist endeavours' and secondly, their shared antipathy toward the state due to their rejection of its moral credentials.[52] As described by Darder, neoliberalism is characterized by a rampant greed that subsumes any notions of equality and public responsibility.[53] At the heart of this lies the ultimate subversion of human rights. When faced with the powers of global capitalism, human rights struggle to maintain themselves in the Third World. A prime example countering this thesis is the idea that human rights are a handmaiden to neoliberal policies. The argument follows that human rights are so tightly related to the role of a freely functioning market that there could be no socio-economic rights without extreme capitalism.[54] Unfortunately under this notion, human rights fall victim to being seen as dependent upon the capitalist order, creating the illusion that multinational corporations enhanced and promoted human rights in the developing World. What Wolfgang Streeck termed as 'non-market notions of social justice' became impossible to secure. Any attempt to place social commitments over economic ones were expelled, leaving market pressures to form human obligations and be governed by the dictatorship of neoliberalism.[55] The World Bank and the IMF, backed by the United States and other western states, became key in the project for liberalization, privatization, and market-friendly policies, known as the Washington Consensus. MNCs were given the protection they needed to flourish, be it proprietary or intellectual property rights. The interests of human rights on the other hand were not regarded. Though excelling and growing more than ever before, human rights had done so 'on a discrete track spearheaded internationally through the UN'.[56] Directed by developing states, human rights were intentionally dealt with by the United Nations while international economic law was being dealt with by the international institutions where they hold the balance of power.[57] Simultaneously, the developing world saw the third generation of human rights emerge as a result of anti-colonialist movements in the post-Second World War era. Newly born independent nations voiced their concerns over repeating their colonial past and demanded a new set of rights. These included the right to self-determination, the right to a healthy environment and the right to participation in cultural heritage. These are reflected in Declarations and Conventions such as the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples of 1960, the Proclamation of Teheran of 1968 and the Stockholm Declaration of 1972.[58] What makes this generation of human rights exceptional however is that while they reflect neither the traditional individualistic approach of the first generation, nor the socialist tradition of the second generation, they simultaneously demand certain recognitions from the state while being able to be invoked against the state. Most importantly though, as articulated by Vasak, the third generation of human rights 'can be realized only through the concerted efforts of all the actors in the social scene: the individual, the State, public and private bodies and the international community'.[59] In other words, these rights belong to the community as a collective, rather than to an individual.[60] Drafted in 1986 by the UNGA, the Declaration on the Right to Development [61] (DRD) calls for effective international cooperation towards development objectives through the enhancement of human rights and the distribution of benefits.[62] The DRD gained inspiration from the NIEO as it relied on providing equal national opportunity through measures of fair distribution of natural resources and income. Alongside neoliberal policies, the two contradicting concepts were forced to work in tandem. Foreign investment in the developing world could proceed under the neoliberal ideology as long as it did not infringe the DRD. Interestingly, the right to development was coined by the former UN Independent Expert on the Right to Development, Arjun Sengupta, as 'growth with equity'. Growth should not only focus on the economic aspect, but also emphasize human rights and the principles of justice. This focus on equity, would require a 'a change in the structure of production and distribution in the economy to ensure growth was equitable', including the required international cooperation and not having to rely on the market.[63] Though the United Nations are promoting and enhancing the development of human rights, they are disregarding the fact that their work should be focused more on the human rights aspects entailed in the market, rather than solving human rights issues outside of the market framework. The development of human rights and the regulatory frameworks supporting multinational corporations attended very different interests. The new global legal architecture born of the oil crisis and rise of neoliberalism reorganized the relations between the Global South and Global North. At this point human rights and the regulation of corporations, with their distinctive genealogies, were forced to come together, but the failure of this exercise could not be challenged until the late 1980s when the third generation of human rights provided another opportunity for the merging of the two concepts. The outcomes of these new sets of discussions produced a more clearly defined relationship between human rights and multinational corporations which, although more sophisticated, was still unable to produce a satisfactory result. Nevertheless, the right to development began to take root in the corporate world. For the sake of their reputations, corporations were forced to appreciate the power held by vulnerable individuals that could act together as a strong collective.[64] As Claire Dickerson argues, multinationals became more aware of their relationship with human rights not only in regards to the individual, but rather to the society as a collective.[65] These were the first formalized steps to the recognition of what came to be known as Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR). The Heterodox Approach What became apparent in the sphere of business and human rights were two situations, (1) that states were either unable or unwilling to implement human rights; and (2) that multinational corporations acting in such states were unprepared to deal with the risks of harming human rights through their activities. This was seen especially in the private extracting sector, such as oil, gas and coal, using aggressive means to exploit remote areas and leaving large physical and social 'footprints'. Local communities began resisting the activities by the multinationals and the language of human rights became increasingly popular in challenging corporate norms.[66] Some of the world's largest MNCs had become culprits of violating human rights standards, including Nike, Shell or Yahoo. Nike was guilty of using child labour, while Shell misused public funds to practice corruption and theft at all levels.[67] The effects were reflected in local communities that resorted to violence and criminal behaviour, significantly affecting the living conditions of these areas. In the early 1990s, some corporations began adopting measures to comply with responsible business conduct. CSR was a voluntary form of business self-regulation that attended the current societal goals. It involved the creation of monitoring schemes that regulated the workplace standards and policies of the global supply chains. However, what caused CSR to emerge, was not only pressure exerted by nations that felt their human rights had been impinged, but also a wider global political ethos. With its emphasis on privatization and deregulation, neoliberalism promoted CSR initiatives in order for corporations to gain self-control and rely less on direct government initiatives. Due to its voluntary nature, CSR was not conceived as a regulatory instrument but as a learning forum to promote strategies that enhanced socially responsible policies. This included the enhancement of human rights, environmental protection and anti-corruption efforts. [68] CSR had now progressed to the forefront of the global business scene by morphing out of corporate philanthropy.[69] Corporations began adopting voluntary schemes that not only adhered to social policy, but at times even went beyond the standard set by local requirements, which occasionally created conflict between the two.[70] Unilateral corporations produced company codes, with companies such as Gap and Nike adopting theirs in 1992. This involved internal audit teams and ethics officers to be established, verifying that contractors were complying with their company's codes of conduct. Gradually, social audit teams emerged onto the global scene. As one of the most prominent, the Fair Labour Association (FLA) monitored the working conditions for some of the top athletic brands such as Nike, Puma and Patagonia. In the food industry, the label of Fair Trade emerged, ensuring for local farmers the social, economic and environmental standards they deserved. Corporations adopted CSR measures mainly to improve their reputation. However, perhaps a greater incentive for corporations to adopt CSR measures lies in the financial risks posed by community pushback as a result of human rights violations. These pushbacks cause delays in design, operation, construction, siting, granting of permits etc. Further, they can create problems and relations with local labour markets, higher costs for financing, insurance and reduced output.[71] In a study of a large multinational company that wished to remain anonymous, Goldman Sachs found that it had accrued $6.5 billion in such costs over a two year period.[72] A great percentage of these costs could be related back to the staff time in managing conflicts that arise in communities as a result of human rights violations. In some instances between 50% and 80% of an assets manager's time can be devoted to these issues. Thus, it is clear that in this lose-lose situation, where MNCs violate human rights and thus incur losses, it makes sound corporate sense to adopt some sort of CSR measures.[73] Despite the improvements and the clear step forward the business world took in addressing human rights, CSR involved limitations and fragmentations that challenged its success. It was built on the assumption that it is an effective mechanism for a corporation to positively reconnecting with the community it is based in. Thus, in practice, CSR operates under the presumption that society has granted authority to corporations with naturally applying legal responsibilities.[74] In 2000 John Ruggie conducted research in the Fortune Global 500 and a wider range of corporations to assess the extent and success of voluntary initiatives promoting human rights. Staff monitoring schemes had evolved, demands by socially responsible investors had grown, and large public sector funds all aided in this development. However, the research also found 'company-based initiatives fell short as a stand-alone approach'.[75] Most companies still did not have the capabilities of managing human rights risks and instead were acting on a reactive based notion. Moreover, it was within the company's discretion to decide which human rights the company would address and furthermore how to define its measures. Thus, their voluntary nature could often be used as a camouflage to delay real reform.[76] A logical response to such a broad limitation would be to impose direct obligations under international law upon MNCs. Though only states and international organizations have legal standing in international law, the general view on this contention is that it would be possible to impose obligations upon MNCs due to their major economic and political influence as explained earlier, and their capabilities of influencing the enjoyment of human rights.[77] However, as explained by Zerk, the challenge lies in 'developing jurisprudence which refines and makes precise the vague aspirational statements [.] in the CSR debate'.[78] However, as the law stands, the most promising and efficient method for applying obligations on multinational corporations remains to be the national courts. Yet the fact that claims must be raised as a tort-based litigation proving a violation of domestic tort principles rather than claiming a violation under international human rights casts doubt over this method. An interesting exception to this is the US Alien Tort Statute of 1789. The tort states that district courts 'have original jurisdiction of any civil action by an alien for a tort only, committed in violations of the law of nations or a treaty of the United States'.[79] The original intention of the statute was to establish a civil remedy for violation of international law norms such as piracy, mistreatment of ambassadors and the violation of safe conducts.[80] This piece of legislation lay dormant until the 1980s when human rights lawyers discovered its potential for foreign plaintiffs to raise a claim for certain human rights abuses against an individual of any nationality, or a corporation as long as they had a presence in the United States. The question whether the Act could be enforced against a corporation was considered in 2012 in the U.S. Supreme Court case of Kiobel.[81] The court held that there was a presumption against extraterritoriality applying to claims under the Statute. There is therefore no application of the statute abroad unless it is explicitly stated in the international law which is the subject of the claim.[82] As stated by John Ruggie in his advice to the Human Rights Council in 2007 'no single silver bullet can resolve the business and human rights challenge. A broad array of measures is required, by all relevant actors.'[83] Ultimately, as a measure to seek guidance on the matter, this led to the UN Global Compact in 2000, the largest global CSR initiative.[84] The UN Global Compact was a strategic policy initiative posed by the former UN Secretary General Kofi Annan that aimed at improving corporate conditions in areas such as human rights, environmental protection and labour rights.[85] It was a prospective and hopeful initiative that was designed as a learning forum to develop, implement and disclose sustainability principles among corporate actors.[86] At its time, the Global Compact was the most far-reaching, non-governmental set of policies aimed at catalyzing the voluntary nature in the corporate citizenship movement.[87] Legal scholars such as Meyer and Stefanova felt the Global Compact could shape the relationship between MNCs and human rights through 'rewarding responsible TNCs [MNCs], while shaming at least some of the irresponsible TNCs [MNCs] into better promoting human rights'.[88] Their only concern about the extent of the success of the Global Compact lay, in the Global Compact's voluntary nature. Comparing it to the OECD Guidelines implemented 25 years earlier, an initiative like the Global Compact will only be successful if there is commitment to the initiative at all levels of the international system. Thus, the main task is to put a human face on globalization through the values and principles shared by the people, the corporation and the state.[89] However, Aravalo and Fallon dispute this. Published in 2008, their Report uses the Compact Quarterly and UNGC Annual Review to critique the Global Compact's activities and practices throughout its eight years of existence. Published by local networks and the UN respectively, they evaluate new businesses adhering to the Global Compact, as well as Global Compact practices and responses. Aravalo and Fallon found that after evaluating the various progress reports, the Global Compact falls short of being a successful initiative. According to the UNGC Annual Review, there are a multitude of gaps existing in the Global Compact framework. Research instruments for instance, under the principles of human rights and labour protection, have been deemed as inadequate as participants have failed to voice their concern over the protection of such rights within their corporation. The Global Compact has solely used online surveys to administer data, which smaller businesses are often unwilling or unable to provide. The methodology applied by the Global Compact was ambiguous and did not show the extent of the success of CSR initiatives.[90] Alavaro and Fallon argue that it would be highly beneficial for the Global Compact to re-think its methodology process of evaluating its success by introducing a chronological component into its future research models. [91] It would allow for a clearer comparison not only for participants of the Global Compact, but also for the comparison with non-Compact companies in the area of corporate responsibility.[92] As a result of this poor research methodology, the Global Compact has difficulty assessing its direct influence on the broad and voluntary concept of CSR. There are key principles of CSR that fail to receive the attention they deserve in the scope of the Global Compact. However, this is not to say that the Global Compact has been an outright failure. The Annual Review, though lacking quantifiable data, has provided a wide array of case studies providing evidence for the practical influence of the Global Compact on participants. These include programs in education and working relationships the Global Compact has encouraged and facilitated. It can be said therefore, that the Global Compact is making a difference, even if only in these cases. Until shortly after the turn of the millennium, neither company codes nor multilateral initiatives such as Global Compact, successfully achieved the necessary, concrete obligations in regard to human rights and environmental protection demands. This was set to change with the arrival of the United Nations Norms on the Responsibilities of Transnational Corporations and Other Business Enterprises (Norms). Drafted in 2003, the United Nations Sub-Commission on the Promotion and Protection of Human Rights attempted to merge the concepts of MNCs and human rights and transform these newly developed principles into hard law. The intention was to impose human rights obligations upon companies through the domestic legal systems of their host countries. The Norms clearly express that 'states retain primary, overarching responsibility for human rights protection' and that corporations are identified as 'Duty-bearers' based on that expectation of following human rights principles.[93] The expectations expressed by the Norms are supported by enforcement mechanisms for their implementation which address the requirements that MNCs must adopt in terms of their internal practice. Furthermore, there are a multitude of rights that go beyond what is traditionally accepted as international human rights law. Examples include rights associated with consumer protection, the environment or corruption which are covered by different areas of the law.[94] However, the Norms failed to achieve promising results. Described as a 'train wreck' by John Ruggie, the Norms fell under heavy criticisms for a plethora of reasons. Firstly, the Norms fall under heavy scrutiny for attempting to impose obligations upon corporations, while simultaneously imposing parallel obligations on the state. The intention was to address the fact that MNCs operate in a legal vacuum due to their status of acting as a multinational. To alleviate this issue, it was thought that binding MNCs to hard international law would be the best option. On the one hand, minimalists argue that binding multinational corporations to international law is not an appropriate method as this would go beyond the concept of soft law initiatives such as Global Compact. This argument is developed by stating that binding corporations to international law would 'privatise human rights'. The Norms would be placing obligations on an entity that was never democratically elected, nor eligible to make reasonable decisions in regard to human rights at the level of international law.[95] On the other hand, maximalists lobby for a judicial body solely focused on the practice of multinational corporations and argue that corporations should be bound by international law.[96] Secondly, there was severe backlash against the Norms from states, corporations and businesses who argued that there was a lack of consultation from the Sub-Commission when drafting the Norms. However, this argument has since been disputed by institutions such as the Corporate Europe Conservatory or the scholars Weissbrodt and Kruger.[97] In regard to the discontent presented by states, many argued that there was a lack of involvement on their behalf in the Norms' development. As stated by Kinely, Nolan and Zerial, it is of vital importance that in issues revolving around CSR and their wide variety of stakeholders, everyone's voice must be heard when protecting human rights.[98] Thirdly, issues were raised regarding the language used by the Norms. Terms like 'sphere of influence'[99] and 'complicity' were deemed as vague and unclear.[100] It is agreed upon, even by supporters of the Norms, that such terms must be defined more definitively and where possible, draw definitions from more grounded areas of the law like criminal law, tort or contract law. This attitude towards the Norms from corporations shows the extent of their distrust and the scare factor used to attempt to dismantle the Norms.[101] However, even though the Norms failed as a concept, as Kinley, Nolan and Zerial maintain, 'the Norms have been a beneficial and fruitful initiative, reinvigorating debate on business and human rights'.[102] Previous to the imposition of the Norms, CSR had found itself in a position that was stagnant, focusing solely on codes of conduct that should be implemented by corporations using a bottom-up approach. The Norms altered the position of CSR to now provide a top-down approach and provided human rights activists with hope that human rights protection in regard to multinational corporations was now in the hands of the United Nations. However, the reactions to the Norms from the CSR community varied. CSR had been a newly emerging concept which was still unclear when fitted into the international legal order. It was still in its early years of development with highly broad-reaching initiatives in the fields of both soft and hard law. The playing field for CSR was simply too big for such an underdeveloped concept to handle. Further, it was attempted to implement CSR through domestic laws and quasi-legal initiatives raised to the level of international law. It is therefore often perceived that the implementation of the Norms were an attempt to remedy CSR by uniting these various aspects into one document at the level of the United Nations. The Norms conjoined national and international levels of CSR while maintaining that states continued to hold the primary responsibility of ensuring that businesses protect human rights. The world was a 'deeply divided arena of discourse and contestation lacking shared knowledge, clear standards and boundaries; fragmentary and often weak governance systems concerning business and human rights in states and companies alike'.[103] A range of governments still expressed their demand for further attention to be given to the relationship between human rights and the practices of multinational corporations. Thus, the United Nations appointed a team led by John Ruggie to establish the Guiding Principles. Rather than establishing a new international framework as was previously attempted with the Norms, Ruggie was 'urged [.] to focus on identifying and promoting good practices and providing companies with tools to enable them to deal voluntarily with the complex cluster of business and human rights challenges'.[104] Ruggie moved away from the traditional 'mandatory approach' which involved the compliance of national laws in correspondence to a corporation's voluntary measures and practices, to a heterodox approach. This heterodox approach was devised to create an environment of mixed reinforcing policy measures that provided cumulative change and large-scale success. The Guiding Principles lay on three foundations: (1) the state duty to protect against human rights abuses; (2) the responsibility by corporations to respect human rights and the implied obligation of acting in due diligence; and (3) the need for greater access to remedies for victims. However, there are two things that the Guiding Principles fail to accomplish. Firstly, to create binding international law and instead rely on normative contributions which further elaborate the implications of existing standards. Secondly, the Guiding Principles 'fail to ensure the right to an effective remedy and the need for States' measures to prevent abuses committed by their companies overseas'.[105] Amnesty International goes further by reiterating that aside from lacking accountability measures, the Guiding Principles should mandate a due diligence approach rather than only recommending it, as this would solve internal as well as extraterritorial accountability issues. Alongside Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch criticized the Guiding Principles for not adopting a global standard in corporate responsibility, and instead resort to a 'sliding scale' based on a corporation's size and geographic location.[106] However, when compared to other governance regimes in the past and present, the Guiding Principles seem to be a robust framework. Although various human rights organizations and NGOs identify neglect of human rights in the framework of MNCs, the Guiding Principles reiterate business as an instrument to contribute to societal welfare.[107] Thus, it acts as a basis for the empowerment of society and a benchmark to judge practices and conduct of corporations and governments.[108] Conclusion The discourse of the co-emergence of multinational corporations and human rights took the world by storm. The ongoing globalization of multinational corporations and the evolution of the concept of human rights were born attending different aims in the global legal order. Their greatest challenge however was not necessarily their harmonization and co-existence, but more importantly co-existing under the intentional gap created through the world's largest and most influential actor, the United Nations. This was clearly visible in the 1960s and 1970s. Throughout the various Reports and Declarations that were passed through the international institution, the two concepts were kept separate. While the United Nations was enthusiastic for the growth of both MNCs and human rights, it intentionally avoided discussing the harmonization of both concepts. Due to the underlying pressures imposed on the United Nations by the tensions from the Cold War, the UN was left in a legal vacuum unable to merge the two distinctive genealogies. The global international legal order was unaware of the extent of the importance of such a gap being eradicated before adopting a resolution as complex as the NIEO. Thus, from this point onwards, the NIEO was therefore already bound to be unsuccessful. Not only had international law not developed enough to impose such obligations upon MNCs, the corporations themselves were not aware of the ramifications and necessity for abiding human rights obligations as I showed in the third section of this dissertation. Enthusiasm for further initiatives such as the push by the G77 or the United Nations Commission on Transnational Corporations was only short lived. The events of the 1980s greatly disrupted the already turbulent environment of the global international legal order creating a greater gap between the concepts of multinational corporations and human rights. The 1980s became a stage which saw a great change in the global legal structure. The NIEO was an already broken concept from the outset as the conceptual gap had already created a disparity in the relationship between MNCs and human rights. This meant that although they were not aware of it at the time, the Global South could not rely on the imposition of the NIEO. Fostering the Western neoliberal policies, the conceptual gap between MNCs and human rights was now well established. For human rights to become a globally instructed concept, MNCs are a useful tool to spread, promote and enhance human rights across the globe. This of course is under the condition that the MNC does not violate human rights. From the other perspective MNCs rely on human rights in terms of their societal and financial risks. It becomes clear that when this is not realized by the proponents of both concepts, it can lead to major discrepancies and disparities as was proven in the Global South during this period. If there had not been this conceptual gap, and instead there had been a clear and devised relationship between MNCs and human rights, the effects of the oil crisis and neoliberalism would not have left the detrimental mark in developing countries that they did, potentially allowing the NIEO to prevail. However, the ongoing persistence of developing countries and their call for the third generation of human rights to gain prominence forced MNCs to catch up with their relationship to human rights. What emerged, were essentially the first initiatives and practices of CSR. CSR was heavily affected by the fact that it relied on the voluntary nature of businesses to adhere to as well as practice CSR. Even though corporations had an incentive to adopt CSR measures, weak monitoring systems allowed violations to still occur on a grand scale. The issue was that the multinational corporation as a concept was still unclear and lacked definition and that tying MNCs down with hard international law was not possible due to the diversity of MNCs. CSR allowed for too large a divergence from the issue at hand and required to approach human rights at a different angle. This was the key reason for the partial success of the Guiding Principles. Ruggie's unconventional, heterodox approach provided clarity and distinct concepts that individuals, business and states could adhere to. Although the conceptual gap has still not vanished, the UN has after an array of various attempts, managed to narrow the gap that it had created almost sixty years ago by continuously forcing society to rethink and redefine the relationship. What exactly lies in the future is uncertain and impossible to foresee. It can be said with great certainty however, that if initiatives such as Global Compact or the Guiding Principles are enhanced and given more attention, the world will be faced with a much clearer and concise relationship between multinational corporations and human rights. Focusing on monitoring mechanisms, methodological research and greater transparency and accountability among all actors involved will undoubtedly seal the conceptual gap that has caused the international legal order to experience such unsettling times. [1] Pahuja, Sundhya. Saunders, Anna. Rival Worlds and the place of the Corporation in International Law in Dann and Von Bernstorff (eds). Decolonisation and the Battle for International Law (OUP, 2018) p.1 [2] Ibid. [3] UN, Multinational Corporations in World Development ST-ECA/190 [4] Linarelli, John. Salomon, Margot. Sornarajah M. The Misery of International Law. (OUP, 2018) p.245 [5] Ruggie, John. Just Business. (W.W. Norton & Company, 2013) p.70 [6] United Nations Norms on the Responsibilities of Transnational Corporations and Other Business Enterprises E/CN.4/Sub.2/2003/12/Rev.2 [7] Alston, Philip. Mégret, Frédéric. (eds) The United Nations and Human Rights: A Critical Appraisal (Second Edition, OUP, 2020) p.1 [8] Clapham, Andrew. Human Rights: A Very Short Introduction (OUP, 2007) p.42 [9] (n.8) p.108. [10] ibid . p.109 [11] Allina, Eric. Imperialism and the Colonial Experience in Paul A. Haslam, Jessica Schafer and Pierre Beaudet, Introduction to International Development (3rd Edition, OUP, 2017), pp. 24-42. p.39 [12] Ibid. p. 40 [13] Sornarajah M. International Law on Foreign Investment (CUP, 2010) p.5 [14] United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs, Multinational Corporations in World Development, 1973 ST-ECA/190 p.VI [15] ibid. p.1 [16] ibid. [17] Joseph, Sarah. Castan, Melissa. The International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights: Cases, Materials. (3rd Edition, OUP, 2013) p.4 [18] ibid. p.5 [19] ibid. [20] Alston, Philip. U.S. Ratification of the Covenant on Economic, Social And Cultural Rights: The Need for an Entirely New Strategy. The American Journal of International Law Vol.84, No.2 (CUP,1990) pp.365-393, p.4 [21] UN General Assembly, International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, 1966, Article 1 [22] Simpson, Gerry. The Diffusion of Sovereignty: Self-Determination in the Post-Colonial Age (Ashgate Publishing, 2000) p.266 [23] Ibid. [24] Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development, OECD Guidelines for Multinational Enterprises, 1976 [25] Carasco, Emily. Singh, Jang. Towards Holding Transnational Corporations Responsible for Human Rights. European Business Review Vol.22, No.4, (Emerald Publishing Group, 2010). p.4 [26] Cernic, Jernei. Corporate Responsibility for Human Rights: A Critical Analysis of the OECD Guidelines for Multinational Enterprises Hanse Law Review, Vol.4, No.1, (2008). p.16 [27] Ibid. p. 12 [28] Sanchez, Juan Carlos Ochoa. "The Roles and Powers of the OECD National Contact Points Regarding Complaints on an Alleged Breach of the OECD Guidelines for Multinational Enterprises by a Transnational Corporation." Nordic Journal of International Law (2015) Vol.84, No.1, pp: 89-126 p. 18 [29] Bolt, Cassidy. "Leveraging Reputation in Implicit Regulation of MNEs: An Analysis of the OECD Guidelines for Multinational Enterprises' Capacity to Influence Corporate Behavior." Corporations and International Law, 20 Jan. 2018, Available at: sites.duke.edu/corporations/2018/01/20/leveraging-reputation-in-implicit-regulation-of-mnes-an-analysis-of-the-oec

The article by Chantal Medici that opens this issue of the magazine discusses critical contributions to the conventional theory of collective action inherited from the works seminars of Charles Tilly and the assumption of the sharpness of a hypothetical boundary between the public and the private, grouping them into three types of approach: those that emphasize the institutional activism of the State, those that do it in the construction of networks or communities of political attention and those that give special to the public / private articulation in the construction of the problem and in its implementation. Revised contributions are connected with a variety of approaches from Political Science, in particular the thesis of Lindblom on the relationship between states and markets in policymaking public, Migdal's statement about "the State in society" or, in our America, the Carlos Matus' theory on the complexity of the social game. Sofya Surtayeva's text shows the strategic role of the State in gestation and development of a public policy in a highly complex matter, in a country on the semi-periphery of the capitalism. Almost two decades ago our compatriot Hugo Notcheff demonstrated the close linking the dependent character of Argentine capitalism and the consequent fragility of science and technology policy, with the guidance of the economic leadership towards the appreciation of its capital by means of obtaining extraordinary profits from the exploitation of natural resources, the availability of cheap labor and the obtaining of subsidies and other state-owned, much more than the stimulus to innovation technological scientist and a policy aimed at its development. The corollary is a modernization of the economy based on the importation of innovations from the central economies, favored by close integration with foreign capital, with an effect on the fragility of scientific and technological development policies and the preservation of dependency. Taking as a common thread the role of the National Atomic Energy Commission in the development of nanotechnology the author shows the peculiarities of a process of innovation in a double facet: the promotion of an area of knowledge and the promotion by the CNEA of its own approach more akin to a sustainable development strategy and greater national autonomy. The article also provides a detailed approach to plurality of actors and interests, the relevance of leadership in the definition of politics and the gravitation of all this in the scientific-technological development and the insertion in the subject and the gravitation of the different possible responses in the insertion of Argentina in the global system. In this line of elaboration, Mariano Gil describes the public policies implemented in the province of Santa Fe to address problematic substance use. His work highlights the various public, private and community actors that intervene with unequal effectiveness in the construction of the problem, the incidence of that construction in the actions and organisms that will have to face it, the modifications that the adopted policy undergoes as it is being implemented and that same implementation introduces changes in the settings, in the subjects to whom it is addressed, in the state apparatuses and in the agents who are in charge of implementation. Bureaucrats, political decision-makers, non-governmental organizations, families, public security organizations, professionals and health technicians make up a wide range of subjects that intervene in the management of politics. For his part Miguel Alfredo and Pablo Granovsky deal with two experiences of training centers professional within the framework of actors that intervene at the intersection between education policies, labor policies and categorical organizations: the management cases of professional training policies of the UOCRA (Unión Obrera de la Construcción of the Argentine Republic) and the SMATA (Union of Mechanics and Transport Related Automotive). The article by Pablo Schamber and Francisco Suárez offers a detailed analysis of an experience of state / social actors articulation in the execution of a policy urban environment, through the inclusion of informal collectors of recyclable waste in the state policy of waste management. An experience that, in the opinion of authors, surpasses any other existing in the world. Beyond the specificity of their study topics, the three articles highlight the plurality of actors who participate from both "side" of the public-private differentiation in each of these topics, in the effort to configure a policy that is forever tool of a construction of power that, insofar as it institutionalizes some form of transaction between those who participate, is projected towards more broader than the specific ones. The promotion of public education is normally presented as a way for the reduction of levels of social inequality: a typical "window of opportunity". Judith Pinos Montenegro discusses this issue in her work on the promotion of basic education in Ecuador during the governments of the Citizen Revolution. The polysemy of the word equality stands out as it appears in official documents, increased due to the multiethnic nature of Ecuadorian society and the cultural contradictions and of class that are registered between public and private education. Jose Candelario Osuna García addresses the issue from the perspective of the temporary displacement of thousands of low-income Mexican families for work reasons, which leads to the interruption of the school career of the children and young people involved in these migrations and relativizes in this regard, the principle of equality in access to the right to education. Article focuses on the Education Program for Migrant Populations prepared by the government of the state of Baja California, in order to minimize the risks in terms of training school and cultural derived from the insertion of families in the cross-border structure of the labor market and the productive system. It is easy to see then that the mode of insertion in the social matrix conditions the effective access to rights. Poor peasants, migrant workers, native populations referred to in the preceding texts see their opportunities reduced education because of the position they occupy in that social matrix; in the absence of intervention state inequalities are strengthened because the educational system does not comply with these subjects the promotional function that should contribute to a change in their position in the structure. The political regime, with its own conception of equality, reinforces and expands or limits and neutralizes the dominant system of inequalities. Aristotle twenty-five centuries ago He emphasized that the prevailing ideas regarding equality and inequality and their causes vary according to the political regime, that is, to the organization and distribution of power. By changing the political regime, sooner or later the ideas of equality change, and therefore justice promoted by the State and public policies. The assumption in Uruguay in March 2020 of a neoliberal government implied important changes in policies social in general and care in particular, in sharp contrast to those that characterized to the fifteen previous years of government of the Broad Front. Ximena Baráibar Ribero analyzes the conceptualization of the new government's policy of assistance to populations in situation of poverty: a set of actions to encourage individual self-improvement and personal responsibility of those affected, and a residual role of the State. Poverty and inequality are, in the intellectual design of the new authorities, individual phenomena both in its causes as well as its effects. Social policies would have no other purpose than to facilitate a transit to individual opportunities that are assumed discursively, not discussed as reality and leave aside the question of the social, that is, collective, factors that create conditions for the gestation and development of individual situations. Carlos M. Vilas director ; El artículo de Chantal Medici con que se inicia este número de la revista discute contribuciones críticas a la teoría convencional de la acción colectiva heredera de los trabajos seminales de Charles Tilly y del supuesto de la nitidez de una hipotética frontera entre lo público y lo privado, agrupándolas en tres tipos de abordaje: las que ponen énfasis en el activismo institucional del Estado, las que lo hacen en la construcción de redes o co[1]munidades de políticas y las que dan especial atención a la articulación público/privado en la construcción del problema y en su implementación. Las contribuciones revisadas entroncan con una variedad de enfoques desde la Ciencia Política, en particular la tesis de Lindblom sobre la relación entre estados y mercados en la formación de las políticas públicas, el planteo de Migdal sobre "el Estado en la sociedad" o, en nuestra América, la teoría de Carlos Matus sobre la complejidad del juego social. El texto de Sofya Surtayeva muestra el rol estratégico del Estado en la gestación y desarrollo de una política pública en un asunto de alta complejidad, en un país de la semiperiferia del capitalismo. Hace casi dos décadas nuestro compatriota Hugo Notcheff demostró la estrecha vinculación del carácter dependiente del capitalismo argentino y la consiguiente fragilidad de la política de ciencia y tecnología, con la orientación de la cúpula del poder económico hacia la valorización de su capital por la vía de la obtención de ganancias extraordinarias de la explotación de recursos naturales, la disponibilidad de trabajo barato y la obtención de subsidios y otras preferencias estatales, mucho más que del estímulo a la innovación científico tecnológica y a una política encaminada a su desarrollo. El corolario es una modernización de la economía basada en la importación de innovaciones provenientes de las economías centrales, favorecida por la estrecha integración con capitales extranjeros, con efecto en la fragilidad de las políticas de desarrollo científico y tecnológico y la preservación de la dependencia. Tomando como hilo conductor el papel de la Comisión Nacional de Energía Atómica en el desarrollo de la nanotecnología la autora muestra las particularidades de un proceso de innovación en una doble faceta: el impulso a un área de conocimiento y la promoción por la CNEA de un enfoque propio más afín a una estrategia de desarrollo sostenible y mayor autonomía nacional. El artículo brinda asimismo una detallada aproximación a la pluralidad de actores e intereses, la relevancia del liderazgo en la definición de la política y la gravitación de todo ello en el desarrollo científico-tecnológico y la inserción en el tema y la gravitación de las diferentes respuestas posibles en la inserción de Argentina en el sistema global. En esta línea de elaboración, Mariano Gil describe las políticas públicas ejecutadas en la provincia de Santa Fe para el abordaje del consumo problemático de sustancias. Su trabajo destaca los varios actores públicos, privados y comunitarios que intervienen con desigual eficacia en la construcción del problema, la incidencia de esa construcción en las acciones y organismos que habrán de encararlo, las modificaciones que la política adoptada experimenta a medida que va siendo implementada y esa misma implementación introduce cambios en los escenarios, en los sujetos a quienes se dirige, en los aparatos del estado y en los agentes que tienen a cargo la implementación. Burócratas, decisores políticos, organizaciones no gubernamentales, familias, organismos de seguridad pública, profesionales y técnicos de la salud integran un arco amplio de sujetos que intervienen en la gestión de la política. Por su parte Miguel Alfredo y Pablo Granovsky se ocupan de dos experiencias de centros de formación profesional en el marco del entramado de actores que intervienen en la intersección entre políticas de educación, políticas laborales y organizaciones categoriales: los casos de gestión de políticas de formación profesional de la UOCRA (Unión Obrera de la Construcción de la República Argentina) y del SMATA (Sindicato de Mecánicos y Afines del Transporte Automotor). El artículo de Pablo Schamber y Francisco Suárez ofrece un detallado análisis de una experiencia de articulación estado/actores sociales en la ejecución de una política ambiental urbana, a través de la inclusión de los recolectores informales de residuos reciclables en la política estatal de gestión de los residuos. Una experiencia que, a juicio de los autores, supera cualquier otra existente en el mundo. Más allá de la especificidad de sus temas de estudio, los tres artículos destacan la pluralidad de actores que participan desde uno y otro "lado" de la diferenciación público-privada en cada uno de esos temas, en el empeño de configurar una política que es siempre herramienta de una construcción de poder que, en la medida en que institucionaliza alguna forma de transacción entre quienes participan, se proyecta hacia ámbitos más amplios que los específicos. El fomento de la educación pública es presentado normalmente como una vía para la reducción de los niveles de desigualdad social: una típica "ventana de oportunidades". Judith Pinos Montenegro discute este asunto en su trabajo sobre la promoción de la educación básica en Ecuador durante los gobiernos de la Revolución Ciudadana. Destaca la polisemia del vocablo igualdad como aparece en los documentos oficiales, incrementada por la naturaleza pluriétnica de la sociedad ecuatoriana y las contradicciones culturales y de clase que se registran entre la educación pública y la privada. José Candelario Osuna García encara el tema desde la perspectiva del desplazamiento temporal de miles de familias mexicanas de bajos ingresos por razones laborales, que lleva a la interrupción de la trayectoria escolar de los niños, niñas y jóvenes involucrados en esas migraciones y relativiza a su respecto el principio de igualdad en el acceso al derecho a la educación. El artículo enfoca el Programa de Educación para Poblaciones Migrantes elaborado por el gobierno del estado de Baja California, con el fin de minimizar los riesgos en materia de formación escolar y cultural derivados de la inserción de las familias en la estructura transfronteriza del mercado de trabajo y el sistema productivo. Fácilmente se advierte entonces que el modo de inserción en la matriz social condiciona el acceso efectivo a derechos. Los campesinos pobres, los trabajadores migrantes, las poblaciones originarias a quienes se refieren los textos precedentes ven reducidas sus oportunidades de educación por la posición que ocupan en esa matriz social; en ausencia de intervención estatal las desigualdades se potencian porque el sistema educativo no cumple respecto de esos sujetos la función promocional que debería contribuir a un cambio en su posición en la estructura. El régimen político, con su propia concepción de la igualdad, refuerza y expande o acota y neutraliza el sistema dominante de desigualdades. Hace veinticinco siglos Aristóteles destacó que las ideas predominantes en materia de igualdad y desigualdad y sus causas va[1]rían de acuerdo al régimen político, es decir a la organización y distribución del poder. Cambiando el régimen político, cambian antes o después las ideas de igualdad, y por tanto de justicia promovidas desde el Estado y las políticas públicas. La asunción en Uruguay en marzo 2020 de un gobierno de corte neoliberal implicó cambios importantes en las políticas sociales en general y asistenciales en particular, de fuerte contraste con las que caracterizaron a los quince años precedentes de gobierno del Frente Amplio. Ximena Baráibar Ribero analiza la conceptualización de la política del nuevo gobierno de asistencia a poblaciones en situación de pobreza: un conjunto de acciones de estímulo a la superación individual y la responsabilidad personal de los afectados, y un papel residual del Estado. Pobreza y desigualdad son, en el diseño intelectual de las nuevas autoridades, fenómenos individuales tanto en sus causas como en sus efectos. Las políticas sociales no tendrían otro fin que facilitar un tránsito a oportunidades individuales que se asumen discursivamente, no se discuten como realidad y dejan de lado la pregunta sobre los factores sociales, es decir colectivos, que crean condiciones para la gestación y desarrollo de las situaciones individuales. Carlos M. Vilas Director

When Ebenezer Howard imagines his Garden City, he is looking for a response to what his contemporaries in the second half of the 19th century considered an "urban crises without precedence". The big cities are overpopulated and force the working classes to live un disastrous conditions. Land speculation in the urban periphery races out of control. Howard's invention is based on the idea of the "people's return to the land". The idea is to encourage city dwellers to migrate out to a network of interconnected satellite cities that propose the best of urban and country life, via the railroads. His work consists in part in the organization of this migration away from urbans centers. In his new cities, all the land would be collectively owned. This collective ownership would inhibit speculative development and permit instead to reinvest in the community. The architects Barry Parker and Raymond Unwin design the first Garden City. They create picturesque architecture that fits into its geography and context, with nature as a structuring element of the city's organization. The Garden City has an immense influence on the theory of urbanism, influencing urban planning in numerous Latin American countries, including Mexico. A group of architects and engineers – such as Carlos Contreras, Ignacio Bancalari, José Cuevas Pietrasanta – use the Garden City model to plan a post-revolutionary Mexico fitting with its principles. Inspired by the Garden City Association, they create the National Association for the Planning of the Republic of Mexico, which aims both to promote the model and to put it into practice at a national scale. The government, intergovernmental organization – including UN-Habitat – and numerous think tanks all agree on a set of urban challenges faced by Mexico. In the end, these challenges differ only slightly from those which Ebenezer Howard sought to resolve. Still in the wake of the Agrarian Reform of the first part of the 20th century, individuals across Mexican society advocate for and deem necessary a new Urban Reform. This Thesis is based on the hypothesis that the Garden City could constitute a "reservoir of precedence" those implicated in this Urban Reform in Mexico could use as inspiration to push forward the transformation of their cities and territories. Although certain research accentuates the idea of the compact city and increasing the density of the existing urban fabric, this work defends the idea that it is possible to extend the city in a manner that is virtuous. Reflections inherited from the Garden City such as the Neighborhood unit or the more contemporary New urbanism are used to support the claim. More than a century after Howard published his proposals, our cities seem to be confronted by very similar issues. The ideas of Howard have never been effectively practiced at a large scale, despite the great success of the first materialization of the ideas in the English city of Letchworth. In the face of a status quo that has lasted for decades, the author asks if it is it not time to shake up our conception of the city as well as our current practices. The demonstration of such a hypothesis is separated into three parts:First, the research questions the theoretical notions of the model and its dissemination, thus defining the Garden city not only as a model of urban planning, but also as a social project that can propose new ways to imagine the cities and communities of tomorrow. This work posits that the reservoir of references found in the Garden City is constituted by a knowledge built both in theory and practice. The work traces the multiple examples of the Garden City, their principles and their materializations in order to define a set of social aspirations and spatial principles. Second, the research studies the dissemination of the model on the Mexican context. This phase of the work analyses the conduits of dissemination, their most important materializations, and certain legal limitations faced by these cases. The research shows that to reference the Garden City in the Mexican context is not only reasonable but recognizant of the importance of the model in the history of Mexican city planning. The research hope to contribute to the reservoir of references through the consideration of theses Mexican examples. Third, the work imagines how this reservoir of precedence can transform Mexican cities today. Here, the architectural and urban project is used as a means of inquiry capable of creating knowledge. It is an inquiry that can produce an understanding of a certain place, and then, imagine a prospective future for this place. This last part of the research is focused on the creation of possible scenarios. These possible or probable futures can be compared and can be used to help inform the planning process.This last part of the research project elicits the creation of a methodology and the novel research tool of the project. The research questions if the pertinent transformation made of one space could be equally pertinent in another? Rather than relying on an existing site as the locus of exploration of the various scenarios, this research fabricates an urban environment constructed of elements typical of Mexican cities in which to set the experiment. This process necessitates the observation of multiple Mexican cities and the identification of generalities and typical traits. The research thus creates a site that does not exist – ou topos – that combines these characteristics. This site is used both as an illustration of the complexities of these urban environments and as a context for the experimentation of the proposed transformations – notably through the process of drawing. ; Cuando Ebenezer Howard imagina su Ciudad Jardín, busca una respuesta a lo que los contemporáneos de la segunda mitad del siglo XIX consideran como «una crisis urbana sin precedentes». Las grandes ciudades están superpobladas e imponen unas condiciones de vida desastrosas a las clases trabajadoras. La especulación del suelo lleva al crecimiento incontrolado de la periferia urbana.Su invención consiste en el «retorno del pueblo a la tierra».Defiende la migración de las poblaciones urbanas a una red de ciudades satélite interconectadas que combinen las cualidades de la ciudad y el campo. El ferrocarril es la herramienta de esta migración. Debe organizar el desplazamiento de las personas de las zonas urbanas que se han convertido en la tumba de la condición humana. En estas nuevas ciudades se establece la propiedad colectiva de la tierra. Debe impedir que los especuladores se apropien del aumento del valor del terreno y permitir su reinversión en beneficio de la comunidad. Los arquitectos Barry Parker y Raymond Unwin espacializan la Ciudad jardín. Eligen una arquitectura pintoresca, trazados adaptados al contexto geográfico y utilizan la naturaleza como elemento estructurador de la organización urbana.La Ciudad Jardín tiene una gran influencia en las teorías de planificación urbana y se difunde en muchos países de América Latina, incluido México. Un grupo de arquitectos e ingenieros – entre los que se encuentran Carlos Contreras, Ignacio Bancalari y José Cuevas Pietrasanta – utilizan el modelo para planificar un México posrevolucionario conforme a sus ideales. Inspirados por la Asociación de Ciudades Jardín, crearon la Asociación Nacional para la Planeación de la República Mexicana, que se interesa tanto en la difusión del modelo como en promover una planeación a escala nacional.El gobierno, las organizaciones intergubernamentales – incluido ONU Hábitat – y varios think tanks coinciden en una serie de retos urbanos a los que se enfrenta México. Desafíos que no están muy alejados de aquellos a los que Howard busca respuestas. Tras su famosa Reforma agraria al inicio del siglo XX, México defiende ahora la necesidad de una Gran Reforma urbana. Esta tesis doctoral se basa en la hipótesis de que la Ciudad jardín podría constituir un «fondo de precedentes» en la que los actores mexicanos pueden inspirarse para impulsar la transformación de sus ciudades y territorios. Mientras que muchos informes abogan por la ciudad compacta y la densificación de sus tejidos existentes, este trabajo defiende que es posible extender la ciudad de forma virtuosa. En este sentido, invoca reflexiones heredadas de la Ciudad jardín, como la Neighborhood unit, o el New urbanism más contemporáneo.Más de un siglo después de las propuestas de Howard, nuestras ciudades parecen enfrentarse a problemas relativamente similares. Sus ideas nunca se han puesto en práctica a gran escala, aunque Letchworth – la primera materialización del modelo – ha demostrado su viabilidad. Frente al statu quo que ha durado tantas décadas, ¿no es hora de sacudir nuestro imaginario de la ciudad y romper con nuestras prácticas actuales?La demostración de tal hipótesis implica una reflexión en tres pasos.Primo, cuestionando las nociones teóricas de modelo y difusión, y luego definiendo la Ciudad jardín no sólo como un modelo urbano, sino también como un proyecto de sociedad capaz de proponer una nueva forma de imaginar las ciudades y los territorios del mañana. Este trabajo defiende que el conjunto de referencias de la Ciudad jardín se realiza en un perpetuo ir y venir entre la teoría y lo empírico. Recorre los diferentes precedentes que la componen, sus principios y sus materializaciones para definirla a través de una serie de aspiraciones sociales y principios espaciales.Secundo, estudiando la difusión del modelo en el contexto mexicano. Esta etapa analiza sus canales de difusión, sus materializaciones más significativas, y observa las transformaciones que conocen estas realizaciones. Quiere demostrar que hablar de la Ciudad Jardín en México no es una locura y que el país ya ha invocado ampliamente este precedente en el pasado. Pero también enriquecer el fondo de precedentes mediante la movilización de experiencias mexicanas.Tercio, imaginando cómo esta «fondo de precedentes» puede transformar la ciudad mexicana actual. La composición arquitectónica y urbanística se moviliza como una investigación capaz de crear conocimiento. Una investigación orientada primero a la comprensión de un lugar y luego a la prospección de un futuro para este lugar. La imaginación de escenarios está en el centro de esta última parte. Permite comparar ciertos futuros posibles y plausibles, y adoptar una postura.Esta última parte se traduce en la creación de una metodología y una nueva herramienta de composición. Una otra hipótesis le preocupa: ¿una transformación que es relevante para un lugar también lo es para otros lugares? En vez de basar sus escenarios en un lugar existente, prefiere crear un territorio urbano típico de las ciudades mexicanas para experimentar con sus ideas. Este proceso se enfoca en la observación de las especificidades de estas ciudades y en la generalización de sus rasgos típicos. Crea un lugar inexistente – ou topos – que combina todas estas especificidades. Este lugar típico se utiliza a la vez como ilustración de la complejidad de estos territorios urbanos, pero también como soporte para experimentar – a través del dibujo – las transformaciones propuestas. ; Lorsqu'Ebenezer Howard imagine sa Garden city, il cherche une réponse à ce que les contemporains de la seconde moitié de dix-neuvième siècle considèrent comme « une crise urbaine sans précédent ». Les grandes villes sont surpeuplées et imposent des conditions de vie désastreuses aux classes populaires. La spéculation foncière conduit à une croissance incontrôlée des périphéries urbaines.Son invention repose sur le « retour du peuple à la terre ». Elle prône la migration des populations urbaines vers un réseau de cités-satellites interconnectées qui conjuguent les qualités de la ville et de la campagne. Le chemin de fer est l'outil de cette migration. Il doit organiser le déplacement des populations depuis les zones urbaines devenues tombeaux de la condition humaine. Dans ces nouvelles cités, une propriété collective du foncier est mise en place. Elle doit empêcher l'appropriation des plus-values foncières par les spéculateurs, et permettre leur réinversion au profit de la communauté. Les architectes Barry Parker et Raymond Unwin spatialisent la Garden city. Ils font le choix d'une architecture pittoresque, de tracés adaptés au contexte géographique, et utilisent la nature comme un élément structurant de l'organisation urbaine.La Garden city a une immense influence sur les théories de l'urbanisme, et se diffuse dans de nombreux pays d'Amérique latine, dont le Mexique. Un groupe d'architectes et d'ingénieurs – parmi lesquels Carlos Contreras, Ignacio Bancalari, José Cuevas Pietrasanta – convoquent le modèle pour planifier un Mexique postrévolutionnaire en phase avec ses idéaux. En s'inspirant de la Garden city Association, ils créent l'Association Nationale pour la Planification de la République Mexicaine qui s'intéresse à la fois à la diffusion du modèle et promeut une planification à l'échelle du pays tout entier.Gouvernement, organisations intergouvernementales – dont ONU Habitat – et divers think tanks : tous s'accordent sur un certain nombre de défis urbains auxquels le Mexique fait face. Des défis finalement peu éloignés de ceux auxquels Howard cherche des réponses. Dans le sillage de sa célèbre Réforme agraire au début du XXe siècle, le Mexique prône aujourd'hui la nécessité d'une grande Réforme urbaine. Cette thèse s'appuie sur l'hypothèse selon laquelle la Garden city pourrait constituer « un réservoir de précédents » dont les acteurs mexicains peuvent s'inspirer pour impulser la transformation de leurs villes et territoires. Alors que de nombreux rapports mettent l'accent sur la ville-compacte et la densification de ses tissus existants, ce travail défend qu'il soit possible d'étendre la ville de façons vertueuses. Il convoque à ce titre des réflexions héritières de la Garden city telles que le neighborhood unit, ou le new urbanism plus contemporain.Plus d'un siècle après les propositions de Howard, nos villes semblent être confrontées à des problématiques relativement proches. Ses idées n'ont jamais réellement été mises en pratique à grande échelle, alors même que Letchworth – première matérialisation du modèle – a prouvé de sa faisabilité. Face aux statu quo qui durent depuis tant de décennies, n'est-il pas temps de bouleverser notre imaginaire de la ville et de rompre avec nos pratiques actuelles ?La démonstration d'une telle hypothèse passe par une réflexion en trois temps. Primo, en questionnement les notions théoriques de modèle et de diffusion, puis en définissant la Garden city non seulement comme modèle urbain, mais également comme projet de société en mesure de proposer une nouvelle façon d'imaginer les villes et territoires de demain. Ce travail défend que le réservoir de références de la Garden city se fabrique dans un perpétuel va-et-vient entre la théorie et l'empirique. Il revient sur les différents précédents qui le composent, sur ses principes, et ses matérialisations pour le définir au travers d'un certain nombre d'aspirations sociales et de principes spatiaux. Secundo, en étudiant la diffusion du modèle dans le contexte mexicain. Cette phase analyse ses canaux de diffusion, ses matérialisations les plus significatives, et statue sur les transformations que ces réalisations subissent. Elle souhaite montrer que parler de Garden city au Mexique n'est pas un insensé grand écart et que le pays a déjà largement convoqué ce précédent par le passé. Mais aussi à enrichir le réservoir de précédents en mobilisant les expériences mexicaines. Tercio, en imaginant comment ce « réservoir de précédents » peut transformer la ville mexicaine actuelle. Le projet d'architecture et d'urbanisme est mobilisé comme une enquête capable de créer de la connaissance. Une enquête d'abord orientée vers la compréhension d'un lieu, puis vers la prospection d'un futur pour ce lieu. L'imagination de scénarios est cœur de cette dernière partie. Elle permet de comparer certains futurs possibles et plausibles, et de nous positionner. Cette dernière partie se confronte à la création d'une méthodologie et d'un nouvel outil de projet. Une sous-hypothèse la taraude : une transformation pertinente pour un lieu, l'est-elle également pour d'autres lieux ? Plutôt que d'asseoir ses scénarios sur un lieu existant, elle préfère fabriquer un territoire urbain typique des villes mexicaines pour expérimenter ses idées. Ce processus s'attache à observer les spécificités de ces villes et à monter en généralité ses traits typiques. Il en fabrique un lieu qui n'existe pas – ou topos – qui combine l'ensemble de ces spécificités. Ce lieu typique est à la fois utilisé comme une illustration de la complexité de ces territoires urbains, mais également comme un support pour expérimenter – par le dessin – les transformations proposées.

Full list of authors: Goddi, Ciriaco; Martí-Vidal, Iván; Messias, Hugo; Bower, Geoffrey C.; Broderick, Avery E.; Dexter, Jason; Marrone, Daniel P.; Moscibrodzka, Monika; Nagai, Hiroshi; Algaba, Juan Carlos; Asada, Keiichi; Crew, Geoffrey B.; Gómez, José L.; Impellizzeri, C. M. Violette; Janssen, Michael; Kadler, Matthias; Krichbaum, Thomas P.; Lico, Rocco; Matthews, Lynn D.; Nathanail, Antonios Ricarte, Angelo; Ros, Eduardo; Younsi, Ziri; Akiyama, Kazunori; Alberdi, Antxon; Alef, Walter; Anantua, Richard; Azulay, Rebecca; Baczko, Anne-Kathrin; Ball, David; Baloković, Mislav; Barrett, John; Benson, Bradford A.; Bintley, Dan; Blackburn, Lindy; Blundell, Raymond; Boland, Wilfred; Bouman, Katherine L.; Boyce, Hope; Bremer, Michael; Brinkerink, Christiaan D.; Brissenden, Roger; Britzen, Silke; Broguiere, Dominique; Bronzwaer, Thomas; Byun, Do-Young; Carlstrom, John E.; Chael, Andrew; Chan, Chi-kwan; Chatterjee, Shami; Chatterjee, Koushik; Chen, Ming-Tang; Chen, Yongjun; Chesler, Paul M.; Cho, Ilje; Christian, Pierre; Conway, John E.; Cordes, James M.; Crawford, Thomas M.; Cruz-Osorio, Alejandro; Cui, Yuzhu; Davelaar, Jordy; De Laurentis, Mariafelicia; Deane, Roger; Dempsey, Jessica; Desvignes, Gregory; Doeleman, Sheperd S.; Eatough, Ralph P.; Falcke, Heino; Farah, Joseph; Fish, Vincent L.; Fomalont, Ed; Ford, H. Alyson; Fraga-Encinas, Raquel; Freeman, William T.; Friberg, Per; Fromm, Christian M.; Fuentes, Antonio; Galison, Peter; Gammie, Charles F.; García, Roberto; Gentaz, Olivier; Georgiev, Boris; Gold, Roman; Gómez-Ruiz, Arturo I.; Gu, Minfeng; Gurwell, Mark; Hada, Kazuhiro; Haggard, Daryl; Hecht, Michael H.; Hesper, Ronald; Ho, Luis C.; Ho, Paul; Honma, Mareki; Huang, Chih-Wei L.; Huang, Lei; Hughes, David H.; Inoue, Makoto; Issaoun, Sara; James, David J.; Jannuzi, Buell T.; Jeter, Britton; Jiang, Wu; Jimenez-Rosales, Alejandra; Johnson, Michael D.; Jorstad, Svetlana; Jung, Taehyun; Karami, Mansour; Karuppusamy, Ramesh; Kawashima, Tomohisa; Keating, Garrett K.; Kettenis, Mark; Kim, Dong-Jin; Kim, Jae-Young; Kim, Jongsoo; Kim, Junhan; Kino, Motoki; Koay, Jun Yi; Kofuji, Yutaro; Koch, Patrick M.; Koyama, Shoko; Kramer, Michael; Kramer, Carsten; Kuo, Cheng-Yu; Lauer, Tod R.; Lee, Sang-Sung; Levis, Aviad; Li, Yan-Rong; Li, Zhiyuan; Lindqvist, Michael; Lindahl, Greg; Liu, Jun; Liu, Kuo; Liuzzo, Elisabetta; Lo, Wen-Ping; Lobanov, Andrei P.; Loinard, Laurent; Lonsdale, Colin; Lu, Ru-Sen; MacDonald, Nicholas R.; Mao, Jirong; Marchili, Nicola; Markoff, Sera; Marscher, Alan P.; Matsushita, Satoki; Medeiros, Lia; Menten, Karl M.; Mizuno, Izumi; Mizuno, Yosuke; Moran, James M.; Moriyama, Kotaro; Müller, Cornelia; Musoke, Gibwa; Mejías, Alejandro Mus; Nagar, Neil M.; Nakamura, Masanori; Narayan, Ramesh; Narayanan, Gopal; Natarajan, Iniyan; Neilsen, Joey; Neri, Roberto; Ni, Chunchong; Noutsos, Aristeidis; Nowak, Michael A.; Okino, Hiroki; Olivares, Héctor; Ortiz-León, Gisela N.; Oyama, Tomoaki; Özel, Feryal; Palumbo, Daniel C. M.; Park, Jongho; Patel, Nimesh; Pen, Ue-Li; Pesce, Dominic W.; Piétu, Vincent; Plambeck, Richard; PopStefanija, Aleksandar; Porth, Oliver; Pötzl, Felix M.; Prather, Ben; Preciado-López, Jorge A.; Psaltis, Dimitrios; Pu, Hung-Yi; Ramakrishnan, Venkatessh; Rao, Ramprasad; Rawlings, Mark G.; Raymond, Alexander W.; Rezzolla, Luciano; Ripperda, Bart; Roelofs, Freek; Rogers, Alan; Rose, Mel; Roshanineshat, Arash; Rottmann, Helge; Roy, Alan L.; Ruszczyk, Chet; Rygl, Kazi L. J.; Sánchez, Salvador; Sánchez-Arguelles, David; Sasada, Mahito; Savolainen, Tuomas; Schloerb, F. Peter; Schuster, Karl-Friedrich; Shao, Lijing; Shen, Zhiqiang; Small, Des; Sohn, Bong Won; SooHoo, Jason; Sun, He; Tazaki, Fumie; Tetarenko, Alexandra J.; Tiede, Paul; Tilanus, Remo P. J.; Titus, Michael; Toma, Kenji; Torne, Pablo; Trent, Tyler; Traianou, Efthalia; Trippe, Sascha; van Bemmel, Ilse; van Langevelde, Huib Jan; van Rossum, Daniel R.; Wagner, Jan; Ward-Thompson, Derek; Wardle, John; Weintroub, Jonathan; Wex, Norbert; Wharton, Robert; Wielgus, Maciek; Wong, George N.; Wu, Qingwen; Yoon, Doosoo; Young, André; Young, Ken; Yuan, Feng; Yuan, Ye-Fei; Zensus, J. Anton; Zhao, Guang-Yao; Zhao, Shan-Shan; Bruni, Gabriele; Gopakumar, A.; Hernández-Gómez, Antonio; Herrero-Illana, Ruben; Ingram, Adam; Komossa, S.; Kovalev, Y. Y.; Muders, Dirk; Perucho, Manel; Rösch, Florian; Valtonen, Mauri.--Original content from this work may be used under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 licence. Any further distribution of this work must maintain attribution to the author(s) and the title of the work, journal citation and DOI. ; We present the results from a full polarization study carried out with the Atacama Large Millimeter/submillimeter Array (ALMA) during the first Very Long Baseline Interferometry (VLBI) campaign, which was conducted in 2017 April in the λ3 mm and λ1.3 mm bands, in concert with the Global mm-VLBI Array (GMVA) and the Event Horizon Telescope (EHT), respectively. We determine the polarization and Faraday properties of all VLBI targets, including Sgr A*, M87, and a dozen radio-loud active galactic nuclei (AGNs), in the two bands at several epochs in a time window of 10 days. We detect high linear polarization fractions (2%–15%) and large rotation measures (RM > 103.3–105.5 rad m−2), confirming the trends of previous AGN studies at millimeter wavelengths. We find that blazars are more strongly polarized than other AGNs in the sample, while exhibiting (on average) order-of-magnitude lower RM values, consistent with the AGN viewing angle unification scheme. For Sgr A* we report a mean RM of (−4.2 ± 0.3) × 105 rad m−2 at 1.3 mm, consistent with measurements over the past decade and, for the first time, an RM of (–2.1 ± 0.1) × 105 rad m−2 at 3 mm, suggesting that about half of the Faraday rotation at 1.3 mm may occur between the 3 mm photosphere and the 1.3 mm source. We also report the first unambiguous measurement of RM toward the M87 nucleus at millimeter wavelengths, which undergoes significant changes in magnitude and sign reversals on a one year timescale, spanning the range from −1.2 to 0.3 × 105 rad m−2 at 3 mm and −4.1 to 1.5 × 105 rad m−2 at 1.3 mm. Given this time variability, we argue that, unlike the case of Sgr A*, the RM in M87 does not provide an accurate estimate of the mass accretion rate onto the black hole. We put forward a two-component model, comprised of a variable compact region and a static extended region, that can simultaneously explain the polarimetric properties observed by both the EHT (on horizon scales) and ALMA (which observes the combined emission from both components). These measurements provide critical constraints for the calibration, analysis, and interpretation of simultaneously obtained VLBI data with the EHT and GMVA. © 2021. The American Astronomical Society. ; ALMA is a partnership of the European Southern Observatory (ESO; Europe, representing its member states), NSF, andNational Institutes of Natural Sciences of Japan, together with National Research Council (Canada), Ministry of Science and Technology (MOST; Taiwan), Academia Sinica Institute of Astronomy and Astrophysics (ASIAA; Taiwan), and Korea Astronomy and Space Science Institute (KASI; Republic of Korea), in cooperation with the Republic of Chile. The Joint ALMA Observatory is operated by ESO, Associated Universities, Inc. (AUI)/NRAO, and the National Astronomical Observatory of Japan (NAOJ). The NRAO is a facility of the NSF operated under cooperative agreement by AUI. This Letter makes use of the following ALMA data: ADS/JAO.ALMA#2016.1.00413.V ADS/JAO.ALMA#2016. 1.01116.V ADS/JAO.ALMA#2016.1.01216.V ADS/JAO. ALMA#2016.1.01114.V ADS/JAO.ALMA#2016.1.01154.V ADS/JAO.ALMA#2016.1.01176.V ADS/JAO.ALMA#2016. 1.01198.V ADS/JAO.ALMA#2016.1.01290.V ADS/JAO. ALMA#2016.1.01404.V ADS/JAO.ALMA#2017.1.00841.V ADS/JAO.ALMA#2013.1.01022.S ADS/JAO.ALMA#2015. 1.01170.S ADS/JAO.ALMA#2016.1.00415.S ADS/JAO. ALMA#2017.1.00608.S The authors of the present Letter thank the following organizations and programs: the Academy of Finland (projects 274477, 284495, 312496, 315721); the Advanced European Network of E-infrastructures for Astronomy with the SKA (AENEAS) project, supported by the European Commission Framework Programme Horizon 2020 Research and Innovation action under grant agreement 731016; the Alexander von Humboldt Stiftung; an Alfred P. Sloan Research Fellowship; Allegro, the European ALMA Regional Centre node in the Netherlands, the NL astronomy research network NOVA and the astronomy institutes of the University of Amsterdam, Leiden University and Radboud University; the black hole Initiative at Harvard University, through a grant (60477) from the John Templeton Foundation; the China Scholarship Council; Agencia Nacional de Investigacion y Desarrollo (ANID), Chile via NCN19_058 (TITANs) and Fondecyt 3190878; Consejo Nacional de Ciencia y Tecnologia (CONACYT, Mexico, projects U0004-246083, U0004-259839, F0003-272050, M0037-279006, F0003-281692, 104497, 275201, 263356); the Delaney Family via the Delaney Family John A. Wheeler Chair at Perimeter Institute; Direccion General de Asuntos del Personal AcademicoUniversidad Nacional Autonoma de Mexico (DGAPA-UNAM, projects IN112417 and IN112820); the European Research Council Synergy Grant "BlackHoleCam: Imaging the Event Horizon of Black Holes" (grant 610058); the Generalitat Valenciana postdoctoral grant APOSTD/2018/177 and GenT Program (project CIDEGENT/2018/021); MICINN Research Project PID2019-108995GB-C22; the Gordon and Betty Moore Foundation (grants GBMF-3561, GBMF-5278); the Istituto Nazionale di Fisica Nucleare (INFN) sezione di Napoli, iniziative specifiche TEONGRAV; the International Max Planck Research School for Astronomy and Astrophysics at the Universities of Bonn and Cologne; the Jansky Fellowship program of the National Radio Astronomy Observatory (NRAO); Joint Princeton/Flatiron and Joint Columbia/Flatiron Postdoctoral Fellowships, research at the Flatiron Institute is supported by the Simons Foundation; the Japanese Government (Monbukagakusho: MEXT) Scholarship; the Japan Society for the Promotion of Science (JSPS) Grant-in-Aid for JSPS Research Fellowship (JP17J08829); the Key Research Program of Frontier Sciences, Chinese Academy of Sciences (CAS, grants QYZDJ-SSWSLH057, QYZDJSSW-SYS008, ZDBS-LY-SLH011); the Leverhulme Trust Early Career Research Fellowship; the MaxPlanck-Gesellschaft (MPG); the Max Planck Partner Group of the MPG and the CAS; the MEXT/JSPS KAKENHI (grants 18KK0090, JP18K13594, JP18K03656, JP18H03721, 18K03709, 18H01245, 25120007); the Malaysian Fundamental Research Grant Scheme (FRGS) FRGS/1/2019/STG02/UM/02/6; the MIT International Science and Technology Initiatives (MISTI) Funds; the Ministry of Science and Technology (MOST) of Taiwan (105-2112-M-001-025-MY3, 106-2112-M-001-011, 106-2119-M-001-027, 107-2119-M-001-017, 107-2119-M-001020, and 107-2119-M-110-005, MOST 108-2112-M-001-048 and MOST 109-2124-M-001-005); the National Aeronautics and Space Administration (NASA, Fermi Guest Investigator grant 80NSSC20K1567, NASA Astrophysics Theory Program grant 80NSSC20K0527, and Hubble Fellowship grant HST-HF251431.001-A awarded by the Space Telescope Science Institute, which is operated by the Association of Universities for Research in Astronomy, Inc. , for NASA, under contract NAS5-26555,); the National Institute of Natural Sciences (NINS) of Japan; the National Key Research and Development Program of China (grant 2016YFA0400704, 2016YFA0400702); the National Science Foundation (NSF, grants AST-0096454, AST-0352953, AST-0521233, AST-0705062, AST-0905844, AST-0922984, AST-1126433, AST-1140030, DGE-1144085, AST-1207704, AST-1207730, AST-1207752, MRI-1228509, OPP-1248097, AST-1310896, AST-1337663, AST-1440254, AST-1555365, AST-1615796, AST-1715061, AST-1716327, AST-1716536, OISE-1743747, AST-1816420, AST-1903847, AST-1935980, AST-2034306); the Natural Science Foundation of China (grants 11573051, 11633006, 11650110427, 10625314, 11721303, 11725312, 11933007, 11991052, 11991053); a fellowship of China Postdoctoral Science Foundation (2020M671266); the Natural Sciences and Engineering Research Council of Canada (NSERC, including a Discovery Grant and the NSERC Alexander Graham Bell Canada Graduate Scholarships-Doctoral Program); the National Youth Thousand Talents Program of China; the National Research Foundation of Korea (the Global PhD Fellowship Grant: grants NRF-2015H1A2A1033752, 2015R1D1A1A01056807, the Korea Research Fellowship Program: NRF-2015H1D3A1066561, Basic Research Support Grant 2019R1F1A1059721); the Netherlands Organization for Scientific Research (NWO) VICI award (grant 639.043.513) and Spinoza Prize SPI 78-409; the New Scientific Frontiers with Precision Radio Interferometry Fellowship awarded by the South African Radio Astronomy Observatory (SARAO), which is a facility of the National Research Foundation (NRF), an agency of the Department of Science and Technology (DST) of South Africa; the Onsala Space Observatory (OSO) national infrastructure, for the provisioning of its facilities/observational support (OSO receives funding through the Swedish Research Council under grant 2017-00648) the Perimeter Institute for Theoretical Physics (research at Perimeter Institute is supported by the Government of Canada through the Department of Innovation, Science and Economic Development and by the Province of Ontario through the Ministry of Research, Innovation and Science); the Spanish Ministerio de Economia y Competitividad (grants PGC2018098915-B-C21, AYA2016-80889-P, PID2019-108995GB-C21); the State Agency for Research of the Spanish MCIU through the "Center of Excellence Severo Ochoa" award for the Instituto de Astrofisica de Andalucia (SEV-2017-0709); the Toray Science Foundation; the Consejeria de Economia, Conocimiento, Empresas y Universidad of the Junta de Andalucia (grant P18-FR-1769), the Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientificas (grant 2019AEP112); the US Department of Energy (USDOE) through the Los Alamos National Laboratory (operated by Triad National Security, LLC, for the National Nuclear Security Administration of the USDOE (Contract 89233218CNA000001); the Italian Ministero dell'Istruzione Universita e Ricerca through the grant Progetti Premiali 2012-iALMA (CUP C52I13000140001); the European Union's Horizon 2020 research and innovation program under grant agreement No 730562 RadioNet; ALMA North America Development Fund; the Academia Sinica; Chandra TM6-17006X; the GenT Program (Generalitat Valenciana) Project CIDEGENT/2018/021; NASA NuSTAR award 80NSSC20K0645; Chandra award DD7-18089X. This work used the Extreme Science and Engineering Discovery Environment (XSEDE), supported by NSF grant ACI-1548562, and CyVerse, supported by NSF grants DBI-0735191, DBI-1265383, and DBI-1743442. XSEDE Stampede2 resource at TACC was allocated through TG-AST170024 and TG-AST080026N. XSEDE JetStream resource at PTI and TACC was allocated through AST170028. The simulations were performed in part on the SuperMUC cluster at the LRZ in Garching, on the LOEWE cluster in CSC in Frankfurt, and on the HazelHen cluster at the HLRS in Stuttgart. This research was enabled in part by support provided by Compute Ontario (http://computeontario.ca), Calcul Quebec (http://www.calculquebec.ca) and Compute Canada (http://www.computecanada.ca).We thank the staff at the participating observatories in the GMVA and EHT, correlation centers, and institutions for their enthusiastic support. The GMVA is coordinated by the VLBI group at the Max-Planck-Institut fur Radioastronomie (MPIfR) and consists of telescopes operated by MPIfR, IRAM, Onsala, Metsahovi, Yebes, the Korean VLBI Network, the Green Bank Observatory and the VLBA. APEX is a collaboration between the MPIfR (Germany), ESO, and the Onsala Space Observatory (Sweden). The SMA is a joint project between the SAO and ASIAA and is funded by the Smithsonian Institution and the Academia Sinica. The JCMT is operated by the East Asian Observatory on behalf of the NAOJ, ASIAA, and KASI, as well as the Ministry of Finance of China, Chinese Academy of Sciences, and the National Key R&D Program (No. 2017YFA0402700) of China. Additional funding support for the JCMT is provided by the Science and Technologies Facility Council (UK) and participating universities in the UK and Canada. The LMT is a project operated by the Instituto Nacional de Astrofisica, Optica, y Electronica (Mexico) and the University of Massachusetts at Amherst (USA). The IRAM 30m telescope on Pico Veleta, Spain is operated by IRAM and supported by CNRS (Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique, France), MPG (Max-Planck-Gesellschaft, Germany) and IGN (Instituto Geografico Nacional, Spain). The SMT is operated by the Arizona Radio Observatory, a part of the Steward Observatory of the University of Arizona, with financial support of operations from the State of Arizona and financial support for instrumentation development from the NSF. The SPT is supported by the National Science Foundation through grant PLR-1248097. Partial support is also provided by the NSF Physics Frontier Center grant PHY-1125897 to the Kavli Institute of Cosmological Physics at the University of Chicago, the Kavli Foundation and the Gordon and Betty Moore Foundation grant GBMF 947. The SPT hydrogen maser was provided on loan from the GLT, courtesy of ASIAA. The EHTC has received generous donations of FPGA chips from Xilinx Inc., under the Xilinx University Program. The EHTC has benefited from technology shared under open-source license by the Collaboration for Astronomy Signal Processing and Electronics Research (CASPER). The EHT project is grateful to T4Science and Microsemi for their assistance with Hydrogen Masers. This research has made use of NASA's Astrophysics Data System. We gratefully acknowledge the support provided by the extended staff of the ALMA, both from the inception of the ALMA Phasing Project through the observational campaigns of 2017 and 2018. We would like to thank A. Deller and W. Brisken for EHT-specific support with the use of DiFX. We thank Sergio Martin for the help interpreting the Sgr A* spectrum in SPW= 2. We acknowledge the significance that Maunakea, where the SMA and JCMT EHT stations are located, has for the indigenous Hawaiian people. M.P. acknowledges support by the Spanish Ministry of Science through Grants PID2019-105510GB-C31, and PID2019-107427GB-C33, and from the Generalitat Valenciana through grant PROMETEU/2019/071. ; Peer reviewed

ilustraciones, fotografías, mapas, ; Este ejercicio investigativo tiene como objetivo comprender las maneras en que se configuran las masculinidades de varones heterosexuales mayores de treinta y cinco años pertenecientes a sectores medios de Bogotá que conforman familias nucleares biparentales y que cocinan para sus familias de forma cotidiana como parte de sus responsabilidades diarias. Para ello, me acerqué y conocí las trayectorias de vida en relación con la cocina de tres varones: Juan Manuel, Wilson y Alejandro, contemplando sus historias desde la infancia hasta el momento actual, para tomar de esta forma una fotografía detallada de un contexto que se mantiene cambiante y en construcción, y así permitirme aportar un matiz adicional al estudio de las masculinidades y a los estudios feministas y de género, desde la cocina y sus materialidades. Asimismo, presento el texto de este documento acompañado de imágenes que contienen las recetas ofrecidas por los entrevistados a lo largo de sus narraciones a modo de representar gráficamente su experiencia con la cocina. De esta manera, a partir de la comprensión de las relaciones que los varones establecen con la cocina, los objetos, las tecnologías y las personas, y las dinámicas y tensiones a las que se enfrentan los entrevistados, se reflejan tanto las rupturas como las continuidades del orden de género en sus identidades como varones y padres y la reconfiguración de los significados de la cocina y sus materialidades. (Texto tomado de la fuente) ; This research exercise aims to understand the ways in which the masculinities of heterosexual males over thirty-five belonging to middle sectors of Bogota that make up biparental nuclear families and that cook for their families daily as part of their quotidian responsibilities. To do this, I approached and knew about the life trajectories in relation to the kitchen of three men: Juan Manuel, Wilson, and Alejandro, contemplating in these their stories from childhood to the present moment, thus taking a detailed photograph of a context that remains changing and under construction, to allow me to add an additional nuance to the study of masculinities and feminist and gender studies, from the kitchen and its materialities. I also present the text of this document accompanied by images containing the recipes offered by the interviewees throughout their narratives to graphically represent their experience with cooking. In this way, based on the understanding of the relationships that men establish with cooking, objects, technologies and people, and the dynamics and tensions that interviewees face, are reflected both the ruptures and the continuities of the gender order in their identities as men and fathers and the reconfiguration of the meanings of the kitchen and its materialities. ; Maestría ; Magíster en Estudios de Género ; En primera medida, me interesa mencionar que antes de acercarme al trabajo de campo previo al inicio de la cuarentena, la propuesta era organizar el marco teórico que había construido en un principio, pues este era muy general para lo que realmente quería trabajar. Sin embargo, lograr consolidar en el marco teórico la información pertinente para iniciar el desarrollo de la tesis de maestría comenzaba a tornarse sin un horizonte ni un final claro. Ocuparme en la lectura de textos académicos de autorxs que por largos años han trabajado e investigado masculinidades en Colombia y otros países del mundo, me estaba permitiendo entender el amplio universo al que me enfrentaría al realizar el trabajo de campo y su análisis respectivo, pero al mismo tiempo, me estaba saturando y tal vez desviando del propósito real de mi investigación. Si bien, no podemos llegar al trabajo de campo sin tener un acercamiento a la teoría, me daba cuenta de que el marco teórico podría plantearlo no solo como un punto de partida, sino también como parte del proceso de recolección de la información, del análisis de ésta, en la escritura de la tesis y hasta en las correcciones que en algún momento tuve que hacer de este documento. Es decir, la construcción del marco teórico no presenta en realidad una temporalidad específica, es producto del proceso de lectura que se realiza durante el desarrollo de la tesis. Por ello, decidí comenzar a acercarme a los participantes de esta investigación para que en la misma medida en que mantenía una conversación con ellos, pudiera ir afinando algunos detalles de la propuesta metodológica inicial y al mismo tiempo, entender en diálogo con lxs autorxs lo que iba encontrando. Así que para ello, decidí comenzar con la búsqueda de los participantes, los cuales debían cumplir algunos criterios que definí a razón de mi pregunta de investigación: hombres heterosexuales mayores de 35 años, que conformarán familias nucleares biparentales con hijxs y que cocinarán más de tres veces por semana para su hogar previo a la pandemia. Mi interés se centró en la familia de tipo nuclear por considerarse históricamente como la ideal para ajustarse a los intereses económicos y patriarcales, pues sostiene la división sexual del trabajo en el hogar y asigna a la mujer aquellas actividades que suponen no tener algún valor en el mercado. Así que mi propósito inicial fue cuestionar la idea de familia nuclear, no solo porque ha dado continuidad a la subordinación de la mujer, sino también porque hace parte del entramado de instituciones modernas del Estado. Negándome al mismo tiempo a poner el foco en otro tipo de hogares o en varones de edades menores a los 35 años ya que considero puede haber más posibilidad de encontrar cambios en las relaciones de género en familias constituidas con parejas jóvenes y/o parejas homosexuales o no binarias, precisamente por una posible tendencia en estos grupos a cuestionar algunas formas de organización social y de género. Asimismo, busqué hombres que cocinarán la mayoría de las veces en la semana, ya que esto significaba poder analizar más acertadamente la relación entre hombres, masculinidades y cocina, considerando que ésta involucra actividades que requieren ser realizadas a diario para la sobrevivencia y el cuidado propio y de lxs otrxs, demandando el uso de experiencias, aprendizajes, imaginarios y significados basados en contextos específicos. A través de mis redes sociales emprendí la búsqueda de los participantes. Varixs amigxs compartieron la publicación que realicé en Facebook, en la que escribía los criterios que debían cumplir estos hombres y aclarando que el propósito sería investigativo. Obtuve aproximadamente 30 respuestas en las que me referían varías familias donde podía encontrar a mis participantes y 8 personas compartieron la publicación, por lo que pude encontrar más respuestas de recomendaciones en esas publicaciones compartidas. Sin embargo, al indagar a profundidad sobre el cumplimiento de dichos criterios, me encontré con que muchos de ellos vivían en hogares unipersonales o biparentales sin hijos, otros eran homosexuales o no cumplían con la edad que yo buscaba. A través de esta búsqueda logré encontrar a Juan Manuel, un recomendado de la amiga de una amiga que compartió la publicación. Me presenté con ella, le expliqué el propósito de mi investigación y así, me pasó el contacto de mi primer entrevistado. Pese a la mucha ayuda que recibí a partir de esa publicación realizada en Facebook, solo contaba con Juan Manuel, a quien llamé tan pronto me compartieron su número y se mostró bastante interesado en participar. Al continuar con mi búsqueda, un día hablando con una colega y amiga nutricionista sobre nuestra vida laboral, me recordó que en una conversación previa, me había hablado sobre su tío, un hombre que cocina todos los días y tiene dos hijos. Ella prometió hablar con su tío, contarle sobre la investigación y de acuerdo con ello, pasarme su contacto. A los pocos días, tenía su número de celular, me comuniqué con él y efectivamente, logré tener mi segundo entrevistado, a Wilson. Para el tercer y último entrevistado, la situación fue similar, mientras conversaba con una amiga, me contó que conocía a un hombre que cumplía con las características que yo buscaba. Mi amiga era amiga de su hija, así que ella habló con su padre, luego me comuniqué con él y ese mismo día, Alejandro aceptó participar. A continuación, daré una breve descripción de los participantes (Ver Figura 1-1), pues a lo largo de este documento, cuento más detalles de sus vidas: - Juan Manuel: Barranquillero, hace 3 años vive en el norte de Bogotá, tiene 40 años, es ex militar de las Fuerzas Armadas -FA donde duró 6 años, allí se especializó como enfermero y buzo, frecuentaba la cocina de la base militar en la que se encontraba para apoyar a los cocineros. Se retira de las FA debido a que decide casarse con una militar de más alto rango. Por el trabajo de su esposa, se trasladan constantemente de ciudad. Actualmente tienen dos hijas, una de 11 años y otra de 4 años. Él trabaja en una empresa como especialista en Salud y Seguridad en el Trabajo. Debido a la cuarentena se encuentra realizando teletrabajo. Juan Manuel cocina desde que tiene 10 años y hace 5 años cocina todos los días en su casa. - Wilson: Bogotano, vive en el sur de Bogotá, tiene 52 años, trabajó como mecánico desde niño y actualmente es taxista. Vive con su esposa y sus dos hijos, uno de 24 años recién casado y el otro de 21 años. El primero vive aún con sus padres debido a que está ahorrando para comprar un apartamento con su esposa. La pareja de Wilson es ingeniera industrial y administradora de empresas, su experiencia laboral ha sido en empresas fuera de la ciudad y los cargos que ha ocupado la mantienen con una alta carga laboral. Wilson cocina desde que tiene 8 años y en su hogar cocina hace 12 años todos los días de la semana. - Alejandro: Bogotano, vive en el norte de Bogotá, tiene 53 años, trabaja en una editorial de libros donde no tiene horario laboral, pues sale de su casa únicamente cuando lo requiere. Su pareja se dedica a cuidar a la esposa del papá de Alejandro, quien tiene alzhéimer, sin recibir remuneración económica. Viven con sus dos hijxs, la hija tiene 22 años y el hijo 21 años. Nunca cocinó en su infancia ni juventud, pues empezó a cocinar en su casa hace 6 años los fines de semana y dedicándose ahora a cocinar entre 4 a 5 días por semana. Figura 1 1. Ubicación de los participantes y de la autora en la ciudad de Bogotá. Trabajé únicamente con tres hombres debido a que mi interés no fue nunca contar con una muestra significativa para llegar a conclusiones universales ni generalizadas (Bassi, 2014), como suele suceder en las ciencias de la nutrición de donde provengo. En realidad, mi propósito ha sido conocer las trayectorias de vida de los entrevistados en relación con la cocina, desde su infancia hasta el momento actual, tomando de esta forma una fotografía detallada de un contexto que seguirá cambiante y en construcción, para así permitirme aportar un matiz al estudio de las masculinidades en los estudios feministas y de género, desde la cocina y sus particularidades. Con relación a las entrevistas para recoger las historias de vida, utilicé un formato guía en el que estructuré distintas preguntas abiertas que me permitieran orientar o ahondar en los relatos de los varones, basadas en los interrogantes que tenía previo a la entrevista y otras que se iban generando en el proceso de transcripción y análisis de la información, con el fin de darle profundidad a algunos temas que los entrevistados habían mencionado "a vuelo de pájaro" (Schütz, 1991, citado por Muñoz, 2003) y valían la pena ampliar. Sin embargo, la narración de la historia vivida por los participantes se dio de manera espontánea y fluida, me mantuve en atenta escucha, plateando solo algunas de las preguntas abiertas que tenía preparadas que no habían sido respondidas pero que tenían relación con lo que estábamos conversando, para con esto, motivar a los entrevistados a continuar narrándome sus vidas. Al iniciar cada entrevista, solicite a los participantes su autorización para grabar la voz, utilizando mi celular o el computador para ello. En total, realicé tres entrevistas con Juan Manuel que duraron entre una hora y media y dos horas y dos entrevistas de una hora con Wilson y Alejandro. Con Juan Manuel fue frecuente el uso de Zoom, con la cámara encendida todo el tiempo para lograr tomar apuntes etnográficos sobre sus expresiones, gestos, silencios y también para poder observar algo de su cotidianidad, que por supuesto se había modificado a causa de la cuarentena en la que nos encontrábamos. Con Wilson decidimos usar videollamadas por WhatsApp ya que él no conocía otras plataformas, de hecho, su hijo le ayudó a entender el funcionamiento de dicha aplicación y así poder tener una conversación continúa conmigo. Con Alejandro nos vimos tanto por WhatsApp como por Zoom, aunque con él tuve muchos más problemas de conectividad que con los demás entrevistados. A veces lo escuchaba entre cortado o por falta de práctica con estas plataformas, alejaba la cámara y el micrófono de su rostro y lo empezaba a escuchar muy lejos. Esto me implicó estar muy concentrada y más atenta de lo que debía, ya que cada vez que le pedía a Alejandro que se acercará el micrófono, se desviaba del tema que estaba tocando o se le olvidaba qué estaba narrándome. Definitivamente los problemas de conexión y el poco conocimiento de estas plataformas virtuales de comunicación por parte de los participantes y mía, me llevo a reflexionar sobre estas otras formas de hacer trabajo de campo a las que no hemos accedido, pues estamos acostumbradxs al contacto físico y visual con nuestros participantes, a tener interrupciones quizás, pero no del mismo tipo a las que se dan virtualmente, o a plantear metodologías que implican estar, compartir y/o involucrarse espacial y relacionalmente con el contexto que rodea a lxs sujetxs -excluyendo a algunas investigaciones de archivo o cuantitativas que no requieren específicamente del contacto con las personas-. No obstante, al cambiar el modus operandi de las investigaciones cualitativas para buscar otras formas de desarrollarlas y superar al mismo tiempo, las barreras que la pandemia por COVID-19 iba imponiéndonos durante el año 2020, me llevo a ver el uso de la tecnología como la oportunidad de explorar aquellas formas a las que pocas veces volteamos a ver, así como a darle continuidad tanto al trabajo de campo como al de escritura, pues el hecho de estar en casa redujo los tiempos que solemos utilizar en la movilización y el transporte de un lugar a otro, por ejemplo, permitiendo que algunas de las entrevistas las pudiéramos realizar después de las nueve de la noche o durante la jornada laboral. Por otro lado, quiero resaltar otras condiciones que atravesaron el trabajo de campo y que respondían de igual forma a la cuarentena obligatoria. Una de ellas tiene que ver con el traslado de la vida laboral a la vivienda, donde los límites entre lo privado y lo público se desvanecían o se transformaban para ser uno solo pero en conjunto, sumándole la escuela o el trabajo de lxs hijxs y la pareja. Así como la aleación entre el trabajo doméstico, de cuidados y del mercado laboral en términos espaciales y temporales. Otra condición fue la permanente socialización con algunos o todos los miembros del núcleo familiar y el aumento de los cuidados entre ellxs -por prevenir el contagio del coronavirus-, transformando de esta manera, las formas de relacionarse. En este sentido, reitero nuevamente mi idea de que los resultados de esta investigación son una especie de fotografía que capta las reflexiones de los tres varones y mías con respecto a su experiencia, significados, prácticas y representaciones de su masculinidad y la cocina, las cuales cuentan con distintos matices, entre esos, una pandemia por coronavirus que confinó al mundo en sus viviendas por un período de tiempo determinado y bajo unas condiciones diferenciadas según sexo, clase, raza, lugar de origen, etnia, entre otras. En el tercer capítulo retomo y amplío las condiciones anteriormente mencionadas que marcan en definitiva mi trabajo investigativo. Además, estas condiciones imposibilitaron al mismo tiempo mi interés por no solo conocer las historias de vida de los participantes, sino también entrevistar a las parejas de los tres varones, pues reconozco en principio que la construcción del género es relacional y es resultado de su interacción permanente en la vida cotidiana (Viveros, 2002). Por lo que, entrevistarlas me permitiría triangular la información ofrecida por los participantes en sus narrativas, así como contar con una perspectiva adicional sobre la configuración de las masculinidades en estos varones. Sin embargo, debido a la pandemia y en consecuencia a la cuarentena, la carga laboral de las parejas de los entrevistados aumentó, llevándolas a trabajar más de doce horas diarias, con apenas unos cuantos descansos para el almuerzo y la cena. Así que en las varias ocasiones que intenté contactarlas, no pudieron atenderme debido a que estaban ocupadas, estresadas y/o cansadas, llevándome a desistir finalmente de esta posibilidad. Continuando, la transcripción de las entrevistas la fui realizando cada vez que completaba una entrevista con los participantes evitando que se me acumularan, pues transcribir una y dos horas de entrevista fue una tarea bastante ardua y agotadora. Inicialmente evalué la posibilidad de no transcribir todas las entrevistas, sino de utilizar una rejilla en Excel con categorías para así, clasificar los temas de las grabaciones y anotar los minutos y segundos exactos donde se hablaba de ello, pero esto me generó dificultad a la hora de analizar la información. Así que pese al mucho tiempo que me tomó transcribir las entrevistas, esto me permitió poder acercarme nuevamente a cada una para lograr tener una comprensión analítica suficiente de cada relato de manera individual con el fin de reconocer los focos, los personajes, las reflexiones, las causalidades, los significados, etc., que le da cada hombre a su historia de vida (Muñoz, 2003). Al contar con la mayor parte de las entrevistas transcritas y analizadas por separado, comencé a identificar los nodos comunes que advertían un mismo modo de habitar el mundo y de narrar sus experiencias, así como los nodos que evidenciaban una diversidad en las formas de configurar su relación con la cocina. En varias ocasiones releí los relatos transcriptos, tanto para descubrir e interesarme por profundizar en algunas narraciones tal vez inadvertidas para mí al inicio y también para rememorar sus historias de vida que trazadas desde el presente, abarcan el pasado y el futuro, considerando claramente en este punto, que las transcripciones no son el relato en voz en sí mismo, pues se hace imposible transcribir los gestos y las expresiones que median la narración, aunque debo mencionar que intenté plasmar los silencios con puntos suspensivos o escribir las expresiones faciales que evidenciaba en los apuntes de campo que obtuve. Al mismo tiempo que recogía los relatos y los transcribía, aproveché otras formas de recoger información durante las entrevistas y a través del chat de WhatsApp. Por ejemplo la cartografía de la cocina la logramos realizar por este medio virtual con los varones, pues luego de que se levantó la cuarentena obligatoria, los participantes se vieron obligados a volver a sus oficinas o al taxi, en el caso de Wilson, haciendo que nuestra comunicación empezara a ser escasa a raíz de las múltiples ocupaciones de ellos. La importancia de realizar la cartografía de la cocina radicaba en el hecho de poder obtener una valiosa representación visual de lo que cada hombre considera de este espacio y sus objetos, así como sus características más profundas, pues la cartografía no se circunscribía a la delimitación del espacio físico, sino que se anclaba a las diversas tensiones y subjetividades que emergen de las relaciones socioculturales de quienes participan en este (Barragán, 2016). Por tanto, decidí acoger la propuesta metodológica que Andrea Gómez Mora (2017) implementó en su tesis de maestría titulada "¿Mujeres que vivimos solas?: habitando hogares unipersonales desde el género y las relaciones más que humanas", donde con base en unas preguntas, pidió a sus participantes que las respondieran a través de fotografías, para analizar con ellas la relación que estas mujeres mantenían con el espacio y los objetos. Las preguntas que formulé para este ejercicio fueron: - ¿En qué espacio(s) de la cocina suele permanecer cuando está cocinando? - ¿En cuál(es) espacio(s) de la cocina suele socializar con su familia? - ¿Qué parte(s) de la cocina le agrada(n) mucho? - ¿Qué parte(s) de la cocina le gusta(n) menos? - ¿Qué parte(s) de la cocina es (son) la(s) que más disfruta? - ¿Qué parte(s) de la cocina es (son) la(s) que poco disfruta? - ¿Qué parte(s) de su cocina cambiaría? - ¿Qué objeto(s) de la cocina es (son) más significativo para usted? - ¿Qué objeto(s) de la cocina le gusta(n) menos? - ¿Qué objeto(s) le resulta(n) más útiles en la cocina? - ¿Qué objeto(s) le resulta(n) más inútiles en la cocina? - ¿Qué o quién(es) lo suele(n) acompañar mientras cocina? - ¿Cómo se ve su cocina mientras cocina? - ¿Qué reflexiones le suscito contestar las preguntas a través de fotografías? A partir de las fotos enviadas por los entrevistados, forme un collage por cada pregunta respondida por los tres participantes para así poderlas analizar de manera conjunta, consolidando toda esta información en el último capítulo de este trabajo investigativo. Algunas de estas fotografías se encuentran a lo largo de dicho capítulo, acompañando la escritura. Por otro lado, otra de las formas que me permitió recolectar información de los entrevistados y ampliar el análisis, fue el diseño de unas plantillas - Diario de actividades, Diario de comidas y Recetas (Ver Anexo A)- que guiaban el ejercicio de memoria de los varones sobre lo que cocinaban a diario durante una semana, cómo lo cocinaban, cuánto tiempo duraban haciéndolo, las actividades que realizaban adicionalmente al cocinar y un registro de las recetas que para ellos, tenían un significado importante. En este último, la idea fue escribir el nombre de la receta, los ingredientes, la preparación, los utensilios utilizados para su elaboración y hacer algunas anotaciones para conocer quién les enseñó esa receta, cómo y dónde la aprendieron y qué recuerdos tienen con ella. Las plantillas fueron diligenciadas por los participantes y expuestos en una de las entrevistas que tuvimos, en la cual conversamos sobre las recetas y todo lo que esta alrededor de ello, como las formas de cocinar, de relacionarse con los ingredientes y los utensilios, lo que rodea el ejercicio de cocinar para ellos y los significados y representaciones que de ello emana. La medición del tiempo empleado por los varones no solo en la cocina, si no en otras labores, como el trabajo doméstico, de cuidados y laboral a través del diario de actividades que diseñé, me permitió entender la distribución del tiempo que estos varones realizan de las 24 horas del día en una semana. Mi propósito con este diario fue conocer las otras actividades que ellos realizan además de cocinar y trabajar, entre esas las de ocio, los tiempos que utilizan para cada una y en cierta forma, poder verificar la frecuencia con la que cocinan para su familia. Este instrumento así como presenta ventajas, también presenta varias dificultades a la hora de basarse en la información allí consignada por los varones, sobre todo porque es un instrumento que evalúa estos aspectos cuantitativamente, perdiendo de vista lo cualitativo que se encuentra detrás de la realización de distintas labores de mercado, domésticas y de cuidado; por eso la importancia de que sea únicamente una guía que acompañe otras técnicas como la entrevista. Una de las ventajas que encuentro del uso de estos instrumentos es que facilita la recordación de los entrevistados sobre las tareas que desarrollaron cada uno de los días de la semana, así como permitir que la investigadora identifique temas o aspectos en los que no se haya enfocado y sean de utilidad para responder la pregunta de investigación. Sin embargo, las desventajas son muchas más si se trabaja solo con este tipo de instrumentos, es decir si no se amplía la información recolectada a través de entrevistas, como ya lo mencioné. Pese a que las plantillas las plantee de forma abierta para no limitar la información que los entrevistados consideraran relevante anotar, fue frecuente que ellos excluyeran, obviaran o ignoraran algunas actividades que realizan en su cotidianidad, pero que por el mismo hecho de ser cotidianas, no las reconocen o no las consideran como válidas para escribirlas en el instrumento, como las actividades de cuidado que tienen que ver con salir de la cocina mientras se está cocinando para responder una pregunta que sus hijxs expresan con respecto a la clase virtual en la que están participando, o salir del trabajo y parar en una farmacia para comprar un medicamento para su hijx que esta enfermx en casa; por nombrar algunos ejemplos reales. O las tareas que se realizan en un tiempo más subjetivo como lo llama Carrasco (2005), difícil de cuantificar porque no se materializan en una actividad concreta pero si reclaman energía de la persona. Además, las tareas que se realizan en simultaneo son difíciles de evidenciar en este instrumento, pues los entrevistados preferían escribir la actividad principal que se encontraban haciendo en una hora determinada, por ejemplo, cocinar, sin plasmar que al mismo tiempo estaban lavando la loza y además estaban viendo una serie de televisión. En este sentido, el poder articular las plantillas con las entrevistas me permitió conocer en detalle información que no hubiese sido fácil obtener al usar solo una de las dos técnicas de recolección de la información, pues parte de las entrevistas se basaron en las plantillas que los varones lograron responder en una semana continua. Además de estas dos técnicas, también tuve la oportunidad de recibir una serie de fotografías que los entrevistados les tomaban a sus preparaciones. Algunas las tomaron antes de iniciar su participación en la investigación y otras durante el diligenciamiento de las plantillas. Durante las entrevistas también se conversó sobre las fotos enviadas, describiendo ingredientes, recuerdos y anécdotas asociadas a dichas preparaciones captadas en la fotografía. La información que obtuve tanto de las fotografías como de las plantillas las dejé claramente plasmadas en algunas páginas de este documento ya que lo consideré complementario al análisis desarrollado. Para presentar la información recolectada y el análisis que realicé de ésta en cada uno de los capítulos del documento, me pareció de suma importancia citar en mi escritura partes de los relatos a modo de respaldar mi análisis y de evidenciar como éste deriva de las narrativas de los entrevistados (Bassi, 2014). También quiero reconocer que lo que presento en este documento es un proceso creativo y colaborativo, resultado de la relación generada entre los entrevistados y yo, y no un proceso de autoría individual que solo me pertenece por ser la investigadora (Beorlegui, 2019). Una relación que de igual forma me dio mucho para reflexionar y es lo que traté de condensar y desplegar en el anterior apartado. ; Globalización, desigualdades sociales y políticas públicas