Suchergebnisse

Rad detaljno prikazuje faze koje je potrebno proći kako bi se zgrada oštećena u potresu koji je pogodio Zagreb 22. ožujka 2020. obnovila i pojačala do zahtijevane razine potresne otpornosti. Prikazane su sve faze počevši od preliminarnog pregleda pa potom i detaljnog pregleda, izrade elaborata ocjene stanja građevinske konstrukcije, projekta obnove te konačno izvođenja radova obnove uz stručni nadzor. Posebna je pozornost usmjerena na proračun građevine nelinearnom statičkom metodom koja se temelji na pomacima, tzv. "pushover analysis" ili metoda postupnog guranja, za koju se smatra da je jedna od najprimjerenijih metoda za seizmičku analizu postojećih zidanih konstrukcija. Svi postupci koji su provedeni u sklopu ove obnove su provedeni u skladu sa zakonskom regulativom koja je stupila na snagu nakon potresa. ; The phases that must be completed so that a building damaged in earthquake that struck Zagreb on 22 March 2020 can be renovated and strengthened to the required level of seismic resistance are presented in the paper. All phases are therefore presented, starting from the rapid and then detailed inspection, and continuing with preparation of the structural condition assessment report, preparation of renovation design and, finally, ending with realisation of work with expert supervision. A special attention is paid to structural analysis that is conducted using a nonlinear static method based on displacements, the so called pushover analysis, which is considered to be one of the most appropriate methods for seismic analysis of existing masonry structures. All procedures conducted in the scope of this renovation were realised in accordance with legislation that entered into force after the earthquake.

Using the available literature, press articles, and archival material, the author analyses the relationship of a Croatian cultural association, the Society of Brethren of the Croatian Dragon (SBCD), towards World War I heritage. This analysis includes the period from the beginning of World War I to the end of World War II. Since he considers the SBCD a representative Croatian cultural association in this period, the author believes that its relationship towards World War I heritage may be an indicator of the relationship of the Croatian public in general towards this war. During his research, the author noticed that this association was significantly active in all efforts whose goal was to preserve the memory of this war for future generations. After the end of World War I and the creation of the Yugoslav state, this activity almost completely ceased, and the situation did not change after the establishment of the Independent State of Croatia. The author considers that there were multiple reasons for this lack of interest in World War I heritage. Firstly, the participation of Croats in the armed forces of Austria-Hungary, which was an enemy of Serbia, was politically problematic topic in the new state and therefore avoided, especially since the new state was dominated by Serbs and built on Serbian victory culture. The political circumstances were also important in this context. If this society fostered 'soft' Croatness until the mid-1930s, striving to find a compromise between preserving Croatian national identity and respecting the Yugoslav state framework, how can one explain that the relationship of the society towards World War I remained unchanged since the mid-1930s, when a more combative Croatian spirit had spread through the society, and especially during the Independent State of Croatia? In his answer to this question, the author proposes that the symbolism of World War I, in which Croats fought on the side of Austria-Hungary—a state that was seen as a foreign entity—did not have the capacity to support ...

Polazeći od pretpostavke da se hrvatska kazališta između dva svjetska rata u kreiranju dramskoga repertoara nisu vodila samo umjetničkim nego i političkim obzirima, autor u članku analizira inozemne i srpske drame s temom Prvoga svjetskog rata koje su se u međuraću izvodile u tri hrvatska kazališta (u Zagrebu, Osijeku i Splitu) da bi odgovorio na pitanja kako je taj rat u tom razdoblju predstavljan hrvatskoj javnosti te kako je hrvatska javnost posredovanjem kazališne kritike reagirala na takvo njegovo predstavljanje. ; In this paper, the author approaches Croatian theatres as places of memory, and the foreign and Serbian war dramas performed in them as the contents of the Croatian culture of memory regarding World War I. Drawing upon the extant research on Croatian memory of World War I, based on examining the Croatian literary heritage, according to which the predominant Croatian memory was presented in Miroslav Krleža's war cycle, the author has attempted to answer the question, how did these non-Croatian war dramas on the repertoire of Croatian theatres correspond to the stated Croatian relationship towards World War I according to their contents, frequency of performance, and public reactions to them (as seen through theatre reviews)? In this sense, the author has identified three groups of non-Croatian war dramas: British (American) and French, which were characterised by prominent pacifism; Czechoslovak, which were anti-Austrian and contained a note of Czech nationalism; and Serbian, which nurtured the Serbian victory culture, but also criticised post-war Serbian society. Analysing these dramas, the author has concluded that Serbian war dramas enjoyed the strongest 'institutional support', but were also the least popular with the Croatian public. Czechoslovak war dramas received the least 'institutional support', but were the most popular among the Croatian public. Based on this analysis, the author has concluded that the Czechoslovak dramas had the most in common with the predominant Croatian memory of World War I in the interwar period; even though they did not receive much 'institutional support', they were the closest to the Croatian memory of the war in the given circumstances.

U radu se uz kratki politički portret političkog djelovanja Stjepana Radića tijekom Velikog rata (1914. — 1918.) autor fokusira na jedan povijesni izvor, odlomak iz memoara člana češke Maffie Hrvata i Dubrovčanina Rudolfa Giunia koji govori o "političkom preokretu" Stjepana Radića u proljeće 1918. godine iz habsburškog legitimista u pristašu južnoslavenskog ujedinjenja. Rad razmatra kako su taj izvor hrvatska i jugoslavenska historiografija tumačile i upotrebljavale. Prema izglednim pretpostavkama hrvatski povjesničar Bogdan Krizman pronašao je taj izvor krajem 1950-ih i često ga koristio u svojim radovima, uglavnom samo prepričavajući ili sažimajući njegov sadržaj, ali nikada ga ne navodeći u cjelini ili kao povijesnu građu u bilješkama. Stoga se ovdje taj odlomak iz Giunijevih memoara, koji govori o Radićevu djelovanju u to vrijeme, zbog njegove važnosti daje na kraju ovoga rada u prijepisu. Cjeloviti memoari R. Giunia čuvaju se u rukopisu u Nacionalnoj i sveučilišnoj knjižnici u Zagrebu. ; In addition to presenting a short political biography of Stjepan Radić and his political activities during the Great War (1914 — 1918), the author of this article focuses on one particular historical source: a paragraph from the memoirs of a member of Czech "Maffia" Rudolf Giunio, a Croat from Dubrovnik, in which he wrote about a "political turnabout" of Stjepan Radić in Spring 1918 – from legitimising the Habsburg system to a supporter of unification of South Slavs. This paper examines the existing interpretation of this source by Croatian and Yugoslav historiography so far. The author argues that Croatian historian Bogdan Krizman had often used Giunio's memoirs since 1950s by retelling or summarizing its contents, sometimes without fully acknowledging it as historical source. For this reason, the author publishes this paragraph of Giunio's memoirs in full at the end of this paper. The original manuscript of Giunio's memoirs are kept in National and University Library in Zagreb.

On the eastern Adriatic coast and the surrounding areas, there is an entire range of excavated and recorded amphitheatres located in individual former Roman colonies (Pola, Iader, Aequum, Salona, Epidaurum and Dyrrachium) and military camps (Burnum and Tilurium). Through topographic, typological and chronological classification, the author explores the Roman amphitheatre in Burnum. Likewise, in an interdisciplinary approach, the author supports his conclusions with historical sources, displaying materials, archaeological remains, numismatic material, toponomastic records, reconstructions, as well as archival, cartographic, urban and other types of data. ; Na jugozapadnoj periferiji kompleksa vojnog logora u Burnumu iskopan je rimski amfiteatar na mikrolokaciji Karlovac, izvan bedema samog logora. Centralno područje amfiteatra bilo je 44 x 33 m veliko borilište, gdje su se izvodile gladijatorske borbe i ostali sadržaji. Sam ovalno koncipirani tlocrtni oblik amfiteatra čini više-manje pravilna elipsa, što potvrđuju i same dimenzije amfiteatra, 118 x 87 m. Na građevini možemo razlikovati dvije građevinske faze. Prva građevinska faza iz doba cara Klaudija arheološki je potvrđena. Sve potrebne predradnje u vezi s pripremom i nivelacijom terena i potom gradnjom građevine amfiteatra izvršili su pripadnici XI. legije koja od 42. godine nosi spomenuti počasni naziv legio XI Claudia pia fidelis. Završnu građevinsku fazu amfiteatra u Burnumu potrebno je datirati u vrijeme vladavine cara Vespazijana koji je novčano pomogao njezino dovršenje.

The multinational corporations of today are more powerful than are many states. In this paper the author questions the structure of the corporation and its built-in mechanisms of responsibility to the citizens of the state in which it operates. With this in mind, the author examines and compares the organizational structures of corporations versus states. At first sight, the structure of a corporation resembles the structure of the state, however, were we to examine its structural mechanisms of responsibilty, we would come to see that it does not resemble a true democratic state, but rather the structure of a totalitarian one-party state. The structure of a corporation allows for mechanisms of supervision for the realization of shareholders' interests, but as yet has no established mechanisms to elicit legal, responsible, moral action toward all others. ; Multinacionalne korporacije danas su snažnije od brojnih država. U ovom radu želimo istražiti postoje li u strukturi korporacije ugrađeni mehanizmi odgovornosti prema građanima država u kojima djeluju. S tim ciljem razmotrili smo i usporedili organizacijske strukture korporacije i države. Iako je na prvi pogled po svojoj strukturi korporacija nalik strukturi države, pogledamo li ustrojstvene mehanizme odgovornosti, dolazimo do spoznaje da nije nalik pravoj demokratskoj državi, već ustroju totalitarne jednopartijske države. U svojoj strukturi ima mehanizme nadzora ostvarenja interesa dioničara, ali još nema izgrađene mehanizme koji bi je poticali na zakonito, odgovorno i moralno djelovanje prema svima ostalima.

Iz teksta: ''Knjiga The Border Dispute Between Croatia and Slovenia: The Stages of a Protracted Conflict and Its Implications for EU Enlargement (u prijevodu Granični spor između Hrvatske i Slovenije: faze dugotrajnog sukoba i njihov odraz na proširenje Europske unije) autora dr. sc. Thomasa Bickla objavljena je 2020. godine na engleskom jeziku u izdanju nakladničke kuće Springer. Knjiga predstavlja autorovu doktorsku disertaciju obranjenu 2019. godine pri Fakultetu društvenih znanosti Sveučilišta Duisburg-Essen u Njemačkoj pod vodstvom mentora prof. dr. sc. Susanne Pickel i prof. dr. sc. Michaela Kaedinga. Autorovo su područje zanimanja političke znanosti i međunarodno pravo, posebice sukobi i europske integracije u razdoblju nakon raspada Jugoslavije. Bavi se proučavanjem teritorijalnih i drugih otvorenih bilateralnih pitanja među državama na području bivše Jugoslavije. Predmet je ove knjige granični spor na kopnu i moru između Hrvatske i Slovenije [.] '' ; From the text: ''This book in its six chapters and four appendices deals with the unresolved legal matter between the two countries related to the land and sea border. The two main sources of data used for the author's research are interviews and documents. The author held 76 interviews with stakeholders directly involved in the various phases of resolving the border dispute: prime ministers, ministers of foreign affairs, civil servants, scholars, and many others. In particular, the interview with our esteemed Professor Emeritus Vladimir-Đuro Degan should be mentioned. The author analyses relevant public documents together with drafts and undisclosed documents, such as drafts of the arbitration agreement.'' [.]

It is the authors' ambition to answer the following question: to ‎what extend does the political parties of national minorities influence‎ on the cultural autonomy in Serbia. With an intention of answering ‎the research question the author analize the role of minority parties ‎in establishing of National Minorities Councils (NMCs). NMCs are ‎the main institution of cultural autonomy in Serbia. There are twenty three ‎minority groups who have established National Minority Council,‎ there for author of this paper selected two minority groups as case‎ studies: Hungarian and Croats. Political parties of national minorities‎ play a major role in the integration process, their role in the field ‎of political integration is clear, however, the influence of these parties,‎ as the main generators of national minority interests, on cultural ‎autonomy and social integration has not been sufficiently explored.‎ The aim of this paper is to examine the following hypothesis: Cultural ‎autonomy in Serbia is primarily domain, even monopolized by minorities' ‎parties. In order to determine the character of the impact of‎ political parties on the work of NMCs first step will be to distinguish‎ main features of the model of cultural autonomy applied in Serbia. In ‎following will be given a brief overview of minority parties development ‎with special emphasis on their position in political and party‎ system of Serbia. Finally the impact of minority parties on the functioning‎ of NMCs will be presented, through two parameters: participation ‎in elections for NMCS and decision-making process. The first ‎parameter is dedicated to analysis of the results and the subjects of the ‎campaigns. The second parameter relates to the degree of inclusiveness ‎of the decision-making process.‎

Cilj je ovoga rada bio produbiti razumijevanje socijalnih utjecaja na intrinzičnu motivaciju mladihnogometaša. Istraživanje je provedeno na uzorku nogometaša kadetskoga i juniorskog uzrasta, dobiod 15 do 18 godina (N = 152). Prikupljeni podatci uključivali su procjene rukovodećega ponašanjatrenera, motivacijske klime u nogometnim ekipama i intrinzične motivacije za bavljenje nogometom. Rezultati istraživanja pokazali su da je pozitivne interkorelacije mjera procjena specifičnih pozitivnih ponašanja trenera (trening i instrukcije, demokratsko ponašanje, socijalna podrška i pozitivna povratna informacija) moguće objasniti latentnim faktorom koji smo nazvali pozitivno ponašanje trenera. Pozitivne interkorelacije mjera procjena specifičnih negativnih ponašanja trenera (autokratsko ponašanje, neosjetljivost za osobnu dobrobit sportaša, negativna povratna informacija i usmjerenost na rezultat) moguće je objasniti latentnim faktorom koji smo nazvali negativno ponašanje trenera. Provedena je hijerarhijska regresijska analiza u kojoj je prvi blok uključivao pozitivno i negativno ponašanje trenera, a drugi motivacijsku klimu usmjerenu k usavršavanju. Objašnjeno je 22 % varijance u rezultatima na mjeri intrinzične motivacije mladih nogometaša, pri čemu se statistički značajnim negativnim prediktorom pokazalo negativno ponašanje trenera, a pozitivnim motivacijska klima usmjerena k usavršavanju. Analize mehanizma djelovanja ponašanja trenera na intrinzičnu motivaciju pokazale su da je pozitivno ponašanje trenera imalo na intrinzičnu motivaciju neizravan pozitivan efekt posredovan motivacijskom klimom usmjerenom k usavršavanju. Negativno ponašanje trenera imalo je izravan i manjim dijelom neizravan negativan efekt posredovan motivacijskom klimom usmjerenom k usavršavanju. ; The aim of this study was to deepen the understanding of social influences on intrinsic motivation of young male football players, aged 15–18 years (N = 152). We measured coaching behaviours, motivational climate in football teams, and intrinsic motivation ...

Pandemijska kriza uzrokovala je mnoge izazove na globalnoj razini. Europska unija pokušala je pravovremeno i optimalno odgovoriti na neke od izazova koji su zahvatili njezino područje, a autorica je uočila sljedeće: ekonomski pad; kriza zdravstvenog sektora; nepostojanje cjepiva; smanjenje mobilnosti građana unutar i izvan državnih granica; širenje dezinformacija te pitanje očuvanja europskih vrijednosti i propadanja demokracije. Uz to što će prikazati reakciju EU na pojedine izazove u 2020. godini, analizirat će i strategije triju država članica koje su primijenile različite pristupe borbi protiv virusa – strategiju Njemačke, Švedske i Mađarske. Autorica će doći do zaključka da je EU uspješno odgovorila na jedan dio navedenih izazova, dok je na drugi dio ipak mogla čvršće reagirati. U borbi s izazovima nije pomogla niti različitost strategija država članica, a neke od njih pronašle su i nove saveznike izvan EU. ; The pandemic crisis has caused many challenges on a global level. The European Union tried to respond in a timely and optimal manner to some of the challenges that affected its area, and the author detected the following: economic decline; health sector crisis; lack of vaccine; reducing the mobility of citizens inside and outside national borders; spreading misinformation and the issue of preserving European values and the decline of democracy. In addition to showing the EU's response to certain challenges in 2020, the strategies of the three member states that have applied different approaches to fighting the virus - strategies of Germany, Sweden and Hungary - will be analyzed. The author will come to the conclusion that the EU has successfully responded to one part of these challenges, while it could have reacted more strongly to the other part. The various strategies of the member states did not help in the fight against the challenges, and some of them even found new allies outside the EU.

Članak donosi rezultate empirijskog istraživanja o odnosu lokalnog stanovništva prema potencijalnoj izgradnjiterminala za ukapljeni plin (LNG) pored naselja Omišalj na otoku Krku, 2006. godine na uzorku od 240ispitanika.Analizom rezultata autorica odgovara na tri postavljena pitanja: da li je lokalno stanovništvo spremno na aktivanangažman u svezi projekta LNG; koji su uvjeti stanovništva za moguće prihvaćanje izgradnje terminala;kakav je angažman lokalnog stanovništva u političkim strankama i udruženjima građana.Rezultati su pokazali da je trećina ispitanika potpuno pasivna dok je relativno mali postotak ispitanika spremansuprotstaviti se izgradnji (15,8%) ili pak uz neku osobnu korist (13,3%). Postoji spremnost da se prihvatiizgradnja LNG terminala pod uvjetom da se time ne zagađuje more - Kvarnerski zaljev (72%) i neugrožava turizam (67%).Najveći broj ispitanika angažiran je u sportskim udrugama (11%), zatim udrugama civilnog društva a najmanjiu političkim strankama (ispod 5%). Rezultati se analiziraju s obzirom na sociodemografska obilježjaispitanika.Autorica zaključuje da su slabi lokalni potencijali civilnog društva. ; Results of empirical research (survey) about local population's relation toward possible building of LNG terminal near byOmišalj on the island Krk are presented in this paper. Survey was conducted during the year 2006, on the occasionalsample of local population (N=240).Through results analysis author is answered on three standing questions: (1) about local population's readiness for activeengagement considering LNG project, (2) about local population's specific conditions for possible acceptance of LNGterminal building, (3) about local population's engagement in political parties and associations of citizens.Results are showed that one third of examinees are totally passive, while relatively small percent of them is ready to standagainst building of LNG terminal (15, 8%), or will be trying to gain some personal benefit from it (13, 3%). There is areadiness for LNG terminal's acceptance, but under conditions that this building would not pollute the sea –Kvarner Bay(72, 0%) and would not jeopardize tourism (67, 0%).The majority of local population is included in sports associations (11, 0%), then in civil society associations, andminority is included in political parties (below 5, 0%). Results were also analyzed considering basic socio-demographiccharacteristics.Among other things, author concluded that local potentials for civil society are weak.

Ovaj rad bavi se analizom mogućnosti uporabe društvenih mreža kao alata za promidžbu vojnih studijskih programa. Analizom situacije i društvenih mreža autor otkriva nužnost i učestalost korištenja društvenih mreža u marketinškoj komunikaciji, gdje se kao cilj postavlja oglašavanje, pogotovo kada se ciljana javnost sastoji od mladih ljudi. Nadalje, na temelju provedene analize autor naglašava iznimnu potrebu pokretanja digitalnog marketinga vojnih studijskih programa na pogodnim društvenim mrežama te predlaže i opisuje strategiju (način rada i upravljanja) tom vrstom promidžbe. Na temelju uočenog pada interesa javnosti za pridruživanje Oružanim snagama RH, s posebnim naglaskom na vojne studijske programe, uočena je važnost i nedostatci promidžbe na Hrvatskom vojnom učilištu (HVU) kao potencijalnom području napredovanja i rasta institucije. Takva situacija posljedica je neučinkovitosti sustava da prepozna važnost digitalnog marketinga te mu da potrebnu pozornost i unaprjeđenje. U jeku pandemije COVID-19 pokazala se potreba za okretanjem prema novim sferama marketinga i njihovom razvijanju unutar OSRH-a, koje se do sada nisu dovoljno razvijale – primarno misleći na društvene mreže i digitalni marketing. ; This paper deals with the analysis and research of the possibilities of using social networks as a tool for promoting military study programs. By analyzing the situation and social networks, the author reveals the necessity and frequency of using social networks in marketing communication where advertising is the goal, especially when the target public consists of young people. Furthermore, based on the analysis, the author emphasizes the strong need to launch digital marketing of military study programs on suitable social networks, proposes and describes the strategy (mode of operation and management) of this type of promotion. Based on the observed decline of public interest to join the Croatian Armed Forces (CAF), with special emphasis on military study programs, the importance, and shortcomings of promotion at the Croatian Defense Academy is noticed as a potential area for advancement and growth of the institution. This situation is a result of inefficiency of the system to recognize the importance of digital marketing and give it necessary attention and improvement. Amid the COVID-19 pandemic, there has been a need to turn to and develop new spheres of marketing within the CAF that have not been developed enough so far - primarily referring to social networks and digital marketing.

Svrha ovoga rada bila je, da se utvrđivanjem razlika u djelovanju Čiste stranke prava (Starčevićeve hrvatske stranke prava/Stranke prava) u varaždinskom i ludbreškom kotaru početkom 20. stoljeća, doprinese razumijevanju razlika, koje danas postoje između dviju hrvatskih regija, Varaždinštine i Podravine. Spomenute razlike autor je analizirao prvenstveno na temelju izbornih rezultata, kao i na temelju društvene strukture pristaša ove stranke, koju je pokušao rekonstruirati putem povezanosti istaknutih članova stranke, s pojedinim gospodarskim institucijama u ovim kotarima. U svom radu autor je primijetio, da je ova stranka prije prodrla u ludbreški nego u varaždinski kotar, da je u varaždinski kotar prodrla iz ludbreškog kotara, te da je u ludbreškom kotaru čvršće uporište stvorila samo u Ludbregu, dok je u varaždinskom kotaru čvrsta uporišta stvorila u njegovim seoskim općinama. Posljednja činjenica omogućila je prodor Hrvatske pučke seljačke stranke u ludbreški kotar, te uzrokovala njezino zaustavljanje na granicama varaždinskog kotara. Polazeći od donedavne pripadnosti prostora varaždinskog kotara Podravini, te od postojeće definicije Podravine kao ishodišnog područja Hrvatske pučke seljačke stranke, autor je zaključio da je Čista stranka prava (Starčevićeva hrvatska stranka prava/Stranka prava), zaustavljajući prelijevanje utjecaja Hrvatske pučke seljačke stranke iz ludbreškog u varaždinski kotar, znatno doprinijela izdvajanju varaždinskog kotara u posebnu regiju, Varaždinštinu. ; This article aims to understand the differences between the two Croatian regions, Podravina and Varaždinština, based on differences in political activity of the Pure Party of Rights (Starčević's Party of Rights/Party of Rights) at the beginning of the 20th century in the Varaždin and Ludbreg county. The author analyzed these differences based on the election results and the social structure of party members in both county. He noted that this party had previously penetrated into the Ludbreg rather than Varaždin county, that it penetrated into the Varaždin county from the Ludbreg county, and that in the Ludbreg county it created a stronger stronghold only in Ludbreg, while in the Varaždin county it created stronger stronghold in the countryside. This enabled the penetration of the Croatian People's Peasant Party into the Ludbreg county, and caused it to stop at the borders of the Varaždin county. The author started from the former affiliation of the Varaždin county to Podravina, and from the existing definition of Podravina as the startin area of the Croatian People's Peasant Party. Based on this he concluded that the Pure Party of Rights, stopping the overflow influence of the Croatian People's Peasant Party from Ludbreg to Varaždin county, significantly contributed to the separation of Varaždin county into a special region, Varaždinština.

Promatrajući zbirku pjesama Razgovor ugodni naroda slovinskoga fra Andrije Kačića Miošića kao primjer zbirke napisanih usmenih pjesama (koncept američkoga teoretičara usmene književnosti Johna Milesa Foleyja) rad pruža prilog proučavanju poimanja junaštva u kršćanskome svijetu pograničnih utvrda (njem. Welt der Granzfestungen), tj. na graničnome prostoru kršćanskih sila (Habsburške Monarhije i Mletačke Republike) i Osmanskoga Carstva u ranome novom vijeku. Polazeći od hipoteze da povijesni likovi u epskim narodnim pjesmama vrše egzemplarnu funkciju, pomoću heurističkoga modela humanitas heroica Andreasa Angyala nastoji se pružiti uvid u složenu koncepciju junaštva koja postoji u sustavu vrijednosti na granici. ; In approaching Razgovor ugodni naroda slovinskog, a collection of poems penned by the friar Andrija Kačić Miošić, as an example of written oral poems (a concept formulated by the American oral literature scholar John Miles Foley), this paper studies the idea of heroism in the Welt der Granzfestungen, i.e. on the frontier between Christian forces (the Habsburg Monarchy and the Republic of Venice) and the Ottoman Empire in the early modern period. Assuming that historical figures featured in oral poems serve as exempla, the author attempts to lay bare the complex idea of heroism as it existed in the frontier value system. This is done by applying the concept of humanitas heroica.