Suchergebnisse

The author follows the activity of A. Ciliga, one of the most prominent Croatian communists in the period between the two wars, in the international movement of the left. The article presents Ciliga's theoretical and political views in the thirties when he belonged to the Trocki circle and criticised Stalin's regime. The author concludes that Ciliga was the first to elaborate on the concept of antisovietism. (SOI : CSP: S. 449)

In the introductory part of the essay, the author looks into the connection between the establishment and attributes of the so-called state of law and the legal system of continental Europe. This is followed by his summary of the origins of the idea of the state of law and its historical setting. In the middle part of the essay the author offers a list of values, value principles and the premises of the so-called state of law with the corresponding conclusions about a marked, multi-level/multiple restricted meaning and scope of the (mosdy) dogmatic, formal/legal principles of the so-called state of law. The author concludes the essay with a rough appraisal of the condition of the so-called state of art in the Republic of Croatia. (SOI : PM: S. 157)

The author is of the opinion that with the fall of the Berlin wall not all obs the free circulation of goods and people were eliminated - neither in Europe n other regions of the world, since there are numerous other walls standing in the way of establishing a global world or European order. In that context, the agreement among the members of the European Union on the comprehensive control of "its borders" towards the non-member European countries, is conside by the author as a specific form of a new "curtain", not "iron" any longer, but electronic. Its function, the author claims, is to divide Europe into the Union and the Non-Union, which is harmful for the promotion of the European idea in the spiritual and the material sense in many ways. (SOI : PM: S. 30)

The author studies the specific features of formation of cluster structures, which allow to identify economic and social preconditions for the emergence and development of cluster relations. The development of any cluster formation should be viewed as the process of interaction between opposite sides and trends arising from the intrinsic characteristics of these opposites. The author considers that cluster relations should be viewed as a system of relations on the formation and use of all types of resources aimed at the implementation of the expanded reproduction with the purpose of receiving profits systematically. Under present conditions the development of cluster relations occurs with participation of actors of economic ensuring of cluster formations' activity. On the basis of a systematic approach the author identifies and structures internal and external economic and financial conditions and factors of cluster relations. Cluster development theory is complemented by justification of key features and economic elements of cluster relations. The justification of the economic essence of cluster relations is provided. ; The author studies the specific features of formation of cluster structures, which allow to identify economic and social preconditions for the emergence and development of cluster relations. The development of any cluster formation should be viewed as the process of interaction between opposite sides and trends arising from the intrinsic characteristics of these opposites. The author considers that cluster relations should be viewed as a system of relations on the formation and use of all types of resources aimed at the implementation of the expanded reproduction with the purpose of receiving profits systematically. Under present conditions the development of cluster relations occurs with participation of actors of economic ensuring of cluster formations' activity. On the basis of a systematic approach the author identifies and structures internal and external economic and financial conditions and factors of cluster relations. Cluster development theory is complemented by justification of key features and economic elements of cluster relations. The justification of the economic essence of cluster relations is provided.

The author studies a group of some one hundred Croatian students who studied in Prague in the period 1882-1918. Special attention is given to the group that came to Prague after 1895 when they were expelled from the Zagreb University because of burning Magyar flag. He analyses two journals, Hrvatska misao and Novo doba in which students expressed their ideas regarding a variety of issues relative to their homeland. He also examines reactions of leading journals in Croatia, which exhibited a variety of degrees of acceptance of new student ideas. The author notices a great influence of the Czech professor G. Masaryk on Croatian students. Among those students there were future politicians, such as S. Radic, M. Heimerl, I. Lorkovic, and S. Pribicevic. The author also supplies statisticaI tables, which show that there were 290 students of law, 91 of philosophy, and 63 of medicine. (SOI : CSP: S. 314f.)

The author gives a short account of his broadly-based studies on the theory of public choice and the financing of the public sector in the industrialised countries of the world. In this context, first the definition of the theory of choice an relation to the financing of the public sector is given. Then there is a short review of the evolution of the theory of public choice in the history of human development, with special focus on the latest trends. Then the author explores fundamental principles of public choice in the functioning of the contemporary state and its consequences for the economic and social development of the developed countries. In the end, the author lists the essential requirements regarding the possibility of the implementation of the theory of public choice in the Croatian theory and practice when making the collective decisions regarding the financing of public needs. (SOI : PM: S. 178)

The author continues his research work on Croatian constitutional tradition. This tradition includes the system of national values on which Croatian politicians in the l9th century founded their national programs. Therefore, the author tries to analyze the basic values and structures included in that tradition, to explore its genesis, and to investigate its historical influence on the development of political and social life in Croatia. In his opinion, other authors did not consider this tradition either a "dogma" or an "ideology", as the recent historiography puts it, because here the legal and sociopolitical values, on which the new political, state and social system is founded, are in question. Out of abundant researches on that subject, the author singles out only the analysis of the "Address" which Croatian Parliament, after a long discussion, brought in 1861 as its most important document, i.e. as the national program which was presented to the king in the form of demands. (SOI : CSP: S. 267f.)

The author gives a brief account of the (active or passive) complicity of the overwhelming majority of Serbian intellectuals in the Serbs' war on Croatia and Bosnia-Hercegovina and the war crimes and crimes against humanity author then argues that in view of this complicity, intellectuals outside Serbia should not be doing "business as usual" with their Serbian colleagues. He advances an argument for a comprehensive, but selective, boycott of Serbian intellectuals as the morally appropriate response of intellectuals the world over. (SOI : PM: S. 94)

The author analyzes the confrontation between the brothers Radic and the advocates of the "new course", which inaugurated in the Rijeka and Zadar resolutions new political orientation for Croats. Following an analysis of political and economic conditions, the author presents the critique of the "new course" politics. The central element of his analysis is a comparison between the concept of Austroslavism, which the brothers Radic advocated and the anti-Vienna position, which was the center-piece of the "new course" ideology. (SOI : CSP: S. 485)

The author presents the thesis about the difference between the cultural/historical and the political identity by distinguishing the cultural/historical majorities and minorities from the political winners and losers. He points to the democratic paradox according to which states are not ruled by the losers' political majorities but by the winners' political minorities. According to the author, in multi-ethnic societies it is necessary to equally develop the popular and the political culture - that is the culture and political tolerance. (SOI : PM: S. 56)

In this paper author analyzes the attitude towards the Serbian identity by the former ruling structures of Montenegro led by the DPS. As a theoretical framework the paper uses the theory of securitization which is an adequate analytical and research concept to explain how and in what way the Serbian identity in Montenegro is marked as an existential threat and danger to the independence, sovereignty and modern character of the Montenegrin state. Although the differentiation between the ethno-national Montenegrin and Serbian identities within Montenegro is a process that began even before the declaration of independence in 2006, the author primarily focuses on the securitization processes that marked the previous two years. By analyzing the contemporary public discourse the author notices securitizing moves that fit into the "grammar of security" and identifies the main factors of the securitization process in Montenegro that seek to maintain the same social and political narrative which is dominated by the division between Montenegrin and Serbian identity and thus labeling the latter as a security threat to the state.

The study is a contribution to the discussion on the definition of war in modern era and focuses on contemporary debates. By exploring the essence of politics and nation, in line with Carl Schmitt's theory of politics and by taking into consideration the forms of national liberation wars, the author points to the inadequacy of von Clausewitz's instrumental/political definition of war and lists most critical remarks to this theory. The author describes other theories, such as the pure war theory (war separated from politics) and the existential war theory (a political entity is being shaped and coming into being). Then he systematically lays out the modern concept of the nation and the corresponding definition of war. In defining wars, the author relies on the modern philosophy of the subject, particularly by G.W.F. Hegel, and on Scheler's theory of nation and war. Finally, the study shows that international relations are still to a large extent determined by the nationally-based politics, and that contemporary wars include many features of international and national-liberation wars. (SOI : SOEU: S. 78)

The author discusses provisions of the German Constitution and the practice of the German Federal Constitutional Court relevant for ratification of the Maastricht treaty and German membership in the European Union. In that context, the Manfred Brunner case decided by the Federal Constitutional Court is discussed. The mentioned decision has removed constitutional obstacles and has confirmed the constitutionality of the ratification of the Maastricht Treaty. The author suggests that the Constitutional Court has strengthened its position and defined itself as a safeguard of German state sovereignty and an obstacle for creeping extension of powers of the Union at expense of its Member States. At the same time, Constitutional Amendments were adopted in order to protect the German federal structure and affirm the role of the German Federal Countries in supranational decision making processes. The author suggests that the practice of the German Federal Constitutional Court fits well into the general trend of strengthening the role of the judiciary within both the national and supranational balance of power. (SOI : PM: S. 255)

The author examines the activities of Jesuit local missionaries in northern Croatia. They are active there from 1855 to 1869 and again, just in the Zagreb diocese. from 1895. The author traces the development of Jesuit missions, their organisation, the places they visited, the difficulties they faced, and the social and political influence those missions had. He also describes religious and moral circumstances in which the missionaries operated and focuses on the literary and cultural initiatives of the missionaries, particularly on the foundation of the Croatian Literary Society St. Jerome. (SOI : CSP: S. 170)

In his study, the author analyses two different views of nationalism: Arendt's and Kedourie's. Hannah Arendt focuses on the link between racism, nationalism, and imperialism. According to her, nationalism differs from totalitarianism, which represents a more recent development. Kedourie sets out from Acton's critique of the French revolution and concludes that radical nationalism is a product of Franco-German national tensions. Finally, the author offers both concepts as his contribution to an easier understanding of the antagonisms which brought about the war on the territory of the former Yugoslavia. (SOI : PM: S. 151)