Suchergebnisse

The informal system of soc control (morality, custom, etiquette, etc) is more fundamental to society than the formal legal system of the State (law): (1) it is indispensable to societal continuance; (2) it controls the bulk of everyday activities; & (3) it may make formal law unenforceable. Field work of several months in 1949 & 1952 in 2 villages of central Turkey provides the author with the knowledge that a number of factors makes the application of the existing laws concerning the inheritance & sale of land very difficult even though the laws are in theory roughly consistent with the informal rules. Since the villagers do not usually bring their disputes concerning the transfer of land to the courts, the formal legal system is relatively irrelevant. Registration of marriage is a legal necessity in Turkey. Though more than half of the marriages are unregistered, they are marriages in all but a legal sense. Some couples separate without obtaining a legal divorce & marry again. Polygamy is not allowed. Only 3 or 4 cases seemed to be in each village & in none of these cases did a man have more than 2 wives. In general, the new laws regarding marriage are in conflict with the informal rules & so are ignored. To be effective a legal system dare not introduce new laws totally or extensively inconsistent with the existing informal system. Soc reform through legislative means is not attainable by drastic, wholesale changes ordered by fiat. B. J. Keeley.

The sociol'st of law or legal scholar who is interested in comparative studies of legal systems is hindered by the absence of a systematically collected & organized body of information essential to such studies. The HR Area Files are cited as an instance of the value of an organized compilation of cross cultural data in soc sci res, but their value for the sociol of law is limited because they are confined largely to pre-literate societies. It is proposed that an analagous archive pertinent to the sociol of law be created by sending a questionaire to the ministries of justice of 115 nation-states. The content of this questionaire would be based on the concept of a legal system, tentatively defined as 'a set of instit's comprising norms, roles, & patterns of behavior pertaining to judicial, legislative, executive, & admin'ive processes of a society.' A provisional list of items, based on this definition, is given in an Appendix. The processed data might be published, at 10 yr intervals, under the title, `A Sociol'al Almanac of Legal Systems.' It is suggested that once such data were available, it would be possible to develop quantitative indices of the characteristics of legal systems. This proposal was approved by the Res Committee on the Sociol of Law of the Internat'l Sociol'al Assoc during its 1964 meetings. The admin'ive & intellectual problems connected with its implementation are briefly discussed, & the interested reader is invited to submit proposals for the questionaire to the author, or to Renato Treves of the U of Milan, Chairman of the above Committee. P. Metzger.

The tragedy of anthrop is that cultures & peoples in various parts of the world have been disappearing & are continuing to do so before they have been adequately studied. The losses suffered by anthrop'ts in the 19th & 20th cent's can be illustrated by the failure to obtain a thorough account of the culture of the Kafirs of Kafiristan, of the Toala of southern Celebes, & of the inhabitants of Easter Island. The situation is even more threatening today. Knowledge of many cultures is essential to the testing of hypo's & the development of anthrop'al theories. Further, knowledge about some previously unknown tribe may lead res on to a hitherto unsuspected track (new information concerning 3 apparently insignif tribes will have a radical effect on our views of the racial history of Southern Asia). The comments about res on tribes & cultures apply with equal urgency to languages. Anthrop'ts have not reduced the amount of orthodox ethnographic res because of a lack of objectives; in fact, the number of insufficiently known extant cultures is immense, particularly in South East Asia. The reason lies in the fact that our interests are influenced by current fashions & because res grants are more available for work in a community & in other areas which have immediate relevance to applied anthrop. Perhaps a still more crucial factor retarding the investigation of disappearing cultures is the lack of coordination & information on urgently needed projects. A committee was elected at the 4th International Congress of Anthrop'al & Ethnological Sci's (Vienna, 1952) to attempt to correct this situation. The author was appointed its secretary-general. B. J. Keeley.

The suburbs appear as the shape of the egalitarian future. Emphasis upon status (graded ranks) appear archaic--'the new suburbanite appears to suffer, less from exclusion, than from a surfeit of inclusions.' Using P & P. Goodman's COMMUNITAS: MEANS OF LIVELIHOOD AND WAYS OF LIFE (1947) as a utopian description of subUr life the author discusses changes in subUr life under the headings of utopia & reality, limitations of prophesy, limitations between individual & soc behavior, the revolt against industrialism, life & work values, the subUr way of life, decentralization of living, loss of human differentiation, the role of the automobile in suburbia, the uneven distribution of leisure, the dilemma of professionals, suburbia's positive & negative aspects, subUr styles of life & thought, the aimless quality of subUr life, the future of leisure, & tensions of the subUr scene. It is concluded that 'Americans are almost too ready to abandon one thing for another, provided they are persuaded .. that the other is somehow `better'.... The range of such persuasion is not terribly wide, & it is wider ... in inessentials or externals .... More problematic is the persuasion itself. When mobilized for the planners' good ends it is frequently self-defeating because it almost inevitably uses the given means such as appeals to snobbery or to a fake efficiency. Yet the fear of this problem, ... seems to me ... to have intimidated thinking about what the good ends are. Thus, even if people could be persuaded, there is nothing to persuade them of.... Many Americans will soon discover the loss of Ur & subUr texture & might then be ready to do something, were a model available.' L. P. Chall.

The Marxian sociol of literature forms the methodological basis of this study. Focus is on 2 questions: (1) What type of groups find a means of expression in literature? (2) What is the function of literature in these groups? Does their structure explain the importance of literature as a form of expression that is necessary for them? These questions are examined by taking an analysis of the literary texts as a starting point. The results thus obtained are then interpreted against the background of historical reality. The following theses are presented with the aid of a review of French love poetry up to the time of the Renaissance: Every work of literature is the center of a group which is based on its common attitude towards the work. This group constitutes the horizon set as a matter of course for the author in his act of writing & thus determines the structure of the work. The concrete structure of the groups, which in this case act as carriers of love poetry, can best be understood as the result of an effort to adapt certain essential & very simple aspirations of group life to the change of soc conditions which make their realization more difficult. The group may not be defined by econ or soc criteria, but must be taken as a system of meaningful relationships, which provides the basis for the view which the individual has of himself & of his relationship to others. This group creates the context in which the symbolic forms (of religion & great literature) will form an intelligible whole. In this sense the group therefore constitutes the necessary intermediary level between econ & pol'al conditions & the symbolic forms. AA.

The way in which Switzerland resolves the problem of the representation of linguistic minorities in the commissions of its federal assembly is examined in its juridical as well as sociol'al aspects. The Swiss Constitution provides that all parties & languages must be equitably represented. On the basis of original res carried out by the author & his assistant, Michel Renaud (U of Lausanne, Switzerland), a comprehensive analysis of the composition & functioning of the federal dept's of the Swiss Republic as well as that of the State Councils is presented. The representation of the Romansh-speaking minority & of the pop of Tessin Italian-speaking in the federal commissions & in the chairmanship to these commissions is examined & documented by statistics. In the actual functioning of the commissions, German & French are the 2 languages used in the debates; in the nat'l assembly sessions but not in the state assemblies, a simultaneous interpretation system is used. In the Councils, French is generally used; in the Commissions German. Minority council & assembly members use the dominant language, but are often handicapped by their insufficient knowledge of it; however, the great majority of deputies understand French & German sufficiently to follow the essential outlines of the debates & discussions. Documents are issued in both German & French. In the opinion of one gov representative, the Romansh & Tessin deputies have a tendency to absent themselves from long debates in German; statistical verification of this statement does not exist. It is seen that while role of the minority representatives is limited in the Swiss gov, the minorities are given just representation, from which they benefit. Ideological & soc divisions are stronger in Switzerland than linguistic divisions. The linguistic problem has no pol'al relevance. With good will on the part of the minorities, a balance is maintained which surmounts the general difficulties of coexistence of pop's linguistically diff'iated in the pol'al arena. 14 Tables. M. Maxfield.

Survey data gathered for the project 'Social Structure and Economic Development,' during 1964 & 1965 by the author are used for a discussion of entrepreneurial origins & mobility in Chile. In particular, data from a sample of 69 medium-sized & dustry, drawn from the Industr Census of 1957, are utilized. 2 general propositions emerge from the analysis: (a) The transformations in soc structure accompanying incipient industr'ization, at least in Chile, have not had the effect of creating a fluid society characterized by high rates of SM & the ascendance of groups of 'new men' to places of prominence. (b) The stagnation-with-inflation crisis has had the effect of further rigidifying a soc structure historically characterized by wide soc inequalities & a highly uneven distribution of opportunities for econ & soc betterment. Econ theories, notably those of Max Weber & Reinhard Bendix, are quoted. On the basis of data on father's occup, educ, & wealth, the intergenerational mobility of Chilean industr managers was estimated in each case in which sufficient information was available. Of the 68 cases in which judgments were made, 56% were judged to evidence no mobility at all, 20% experienced a low degree, 15% a moderate, & 6% a high degree. There were 23 cases of lower soc origin & 25 of higher soc origin; the rest were in-between. The conclusion is reached that industr activity in Chile has represented a transfer of capital, personnel & function from 1 sector of the economy to another-a process of horizontal, not vertical, mobility. Comparisons between European & Latin Amer industr'ization are found inappropriate, since Chile & other Latin Amer countries have not passed through the same successive stages of industr'ization as European countries. The horizontal mobility found for Chile is considered typical for Latin Amer countries in general. An analysis of the industr sector in the 1950's & 60's follows. All data show the extreme limitation of interclass mobility in Chile. 'Chile has no fluid structure. No new SC's have arisen with incipient industr'ization.' Holding a relatively privileged & secure position & lacking a group consciousness & effective interest org, industr'ists have not been able to take an active role in influencing Chilean society. 4 Tables. M. Maxfield.

It is asked, 'Will the vote be of more use to Negroes in the South than it has been in the North?', & 'Will the Freedom Movement continue to be a genuinely protesting voice, or is it likely to peter out once the missing rights have been formally achieved?' These questions are examined in the light of work done in Holmes County, Miss, where the author worked as a Civil Rights worker. Econ & pol'al deprivation are characteristic of the area. Deprived of their pol'al rights, Negroes have no say in decisions about public services, so the standard remains very low. Neither of the 2 Negro secondary Sch's has enough facilities to be accredited by the State Board of Educ a: a HSch. A summary is given of the strategy for change in Miss as envisaged by the federal gov, mainly centered around the winning of pol'al rights & the Poverty Program. The nature of the org's involved in the Civil Rights movement in Miss is described, as well as their methods of operation. It is felt that the outside pol'al imperatives which overlay the local situation in Holmes County are the need to respond to & guide the important federal effort in Miss, & the need to create & maintain pol'al org with a high level of identity of its own, if it is going to make headway against the white power structure. The movement in Holmes County has had great success in creating a pol'al org, which the people of the County participate in & direct themselves. The evidence seems to show that the newly enfranchised Negro vote in Miss will be capable of showing a surprising degree of independence, most noticeable at the local level, in the affairs of the County. However, the sense of the need for change is not yet related, in any specific way, to the underlying trends in the econ life of the county. Programs involving federal subsidy could help to arrest the basic trend towards depop & outmigration. The principle of guaranteed income to small farmers could be accompanied by a program of loans & technical assistance. E. Weiman.

For a long time it has been said that 'In Latin America (LA), there is not & never has been any racial prejudice or discrimination.' It must be remembered that in most LA countries a good deal of everyday life is interracial in character; there are few studies concerned specifically with 'race relations.' The ample documentation collected & presented by the author as part of a UNESCO study, as well as the critical analysis, shows that racial prejudices & racial discrimination in the various regions of LA are not only diverse but also, & above all, inconsistent. Even in the clearest cases, it remains to determine in what % discrimination is due to the fact that the colored groups (Indians, Negro, & Mestizo) present physical diff's or to the fact that they have diff. cultures. It is concluded that: (1) The non-white people of LA, dominated by the 'whites,' were from the earliest days subjected to a certain kind of 'racial discrimination.' This gave rise to 'econ discrimination,' as a result of which the groups in question were, & still are, relegated to a peculiar level of dependence & exploitation, which is shown not only in lower salary rates than those paid to 'white' workers & absence of the soc security privileges enjoyed by the latter but also in overt resistance to the advance of the non-white groups in the soc scale. (2) This situation - obtaining in practice if not in law - explains why large sectors of the pop have not become integrated in their respective countries. (3) The problem has been specifically recognized by a number of internat'l technical bodies, not merely an econ matter but one whose solution is closely bound up with cultural characteristics & with prejudice against the physical characteristics of the non-white groups. (4) It is a matter or urgent necessity to put into effect a program suited to the special conditions & circumstances of each country for the investigation & determination of the best means of uprooting & abolishing false judgments still subsisting re `race,' `racial diff's,' etc. Modified AA.

An expository review of a study designed to answer the question: Why do some people in Sweden vote the communist ticket? Rydenfelt's book, published in 1954, reports research extending over a 6 yr period. The method is basically ecological, and compares the % of communist votes received in some 380 different election districts with other conditions and characteristics of the districts, such as (mean - average) income level, degree of industrialization, & extent of geographical isolation. This mode of analysis is supplemented with personal interviews, examination of printed matter, and statist materials. Conditions associated with a relatively heavy communist vote are: the presence of a competent agitator, bad labor-management relations, a `collective inferiority complex', geographical isolation, etc. Conditions associated with a relatively light communist vote are: an active religious tradition, an old and established total cultural pattern, the ability of the social democrats to drain off potential communist votes, etc. The author's results also indicate that radicalism can take either a political or a religious form; both the communists and radical religious groups attract more men and young people than the more conservative religious and political groups. Differences between people who vote communist and those who vote social democratic are not econ in nature but appear rather to be explained in terms of different psychol'al orientations. A number of important hypotheses are not supported by Rydenfelt's findings. In particular the presumed + relationships between (1) degree of industrialization & communist vote, (2) low income & communist vote, & (3) unemployment & the communist vote are not substantiated. The author concludes that 'communism's strength and extent within various social groups and geographical regions is not determined to any decisive degree by econ circumstances'. Swedes may vote the communist ticket for ideological reasons, out of `tradition', or as a protest. Alternative modes of expressing dissatisfaction with society are through the religious revival movements and through the Social Democratic Party. These have furnished competition to the communists and acted as safety valves for Swedish society. K. Geiger.

An evaluation of changes in the economic and SS, organization, and attitudes of American scientists since WW II. From 1940-52 non-military research expenditures increased by a factor of 4; military (including atomic) research, by a factor of 40. Yet the economic status of scientists has changed very little, e.g. new PhD's in education and industry received $2,000-3,500 before war; today, $4-5,000 in education, $6-8,000 in industry. Thus, with living costs doubled, 'industrial scientists have kept only slightly ahead of inflation, while academic scientists have been left slightly behind.' Physicists are only group whose average real pay has increased considerably, due to their absorption by industry. New 'occupational hazards' in the form of loyalty checks and security investigations beset post-war scientists. Initial waits for clearance may mean incomeless months, withdrawal of clearance even more traumatic and costly. Scientists travelling abroad are s-ibiect to special investigations and passport delays. As for till organization of scientists, the traditional 'school' headed by a 'great leader' (the 'theoretical physicists' under Niels Bohr in Copenhagen; etc.), encouraging critical thought and exploratory research, has been largely replaced by 'scientific teams.' Papers signed by 6 collaborators, with no 'senior author,' and cutting across the boundaries of individual disciplines, are now common in scientific literature. Moreover, few if any 'great leaders' have emerged since the war. Young scientists now assemble 'not around a master, but around a ...cyclotron.' Restrictions on exploratory research have more than cancelled out benefits from increased research expenditures. The 'research contract' tends to stifle exploratory investigation. The psychological outlook and attitudes of scientists are changing aster than their economic and SS. Immediately after the war they became politically active (for international control of atomic energy), since 1948, this has given way to cynicism and confusion. The majority, particularly the younger, seek refuge in apolitical professionalism, while a minority-restless, frustrated, and apprehensive, remain intensely concerned with making mankind aware of the destructive potential of modern science, and of the need for a new and rational code of political behavior. J. G. Chall.

The author defines an area study as the study of a region presenting a certain politico-social unity with a view to understanding and explaining its place and role in international society. This result can only be obtained by the systematic use of all branches of study that may provide valid explanations. This approach is not new, but the originality of US area studies lies in their systematic character, the number and variety of disciplines on which they draw and the novelty of the aim in view. 3 aspects of area research methodology are considered. (1) Place of area studies in the study of international relations. The scientific examination of the factors in the situation of a given country or group of countries implies that the chief aim is to assess the relationship between a geographical area and the rest of the world. (2) When can a region be considered an area and submitted to systematic study? The first case suitable for an area study is that of a dependent or independent territory with sufficiently pronounced individuality to enable it to play its own part in international relations. It is expedient to group a number of territories for an area study when (a) this group presents some unity of character (geographical, ethnic, linguistic, etc.) leading to common features in international relations or (b) when none of the elements in the group has pronounced individuality. (3) What are the elements of a systematic study and how is it possible to determine the disciplines to be employed? It is felt that history, geography and sociology should form the core of any area study . Other disciplines are used as required in particular geographic areas. The director will play an important role in choosing the area to be studied and in selecting the sciences that may be profitably used. The study must be made by a team, each member a specialist in a given area, the director being a specialist in international relations. M. Morris.

An historical definition of the sociol of literature is presented. The situation & development of this field are examined mainly in the US, France, & the Federal Republic of Germany. In the US it is held that sociol'al literary criticism has evolved, perhaps more than anywhere else, in accordance with the soc situation. The approaches of the following critics are noted: V. F. Calverton, R. H. Pearce, L. Lowenthal, I. Watt, K. Burke, & R. Wellek & A. Warren. It is stated that the enormous Amer production of sociol'al works obviously comprises numerous notes on literature, but these notes do not at all compensate for the general dearth which is so obvious in this field. In Germany, there is felt to be a philosophical & sociol'al tradition which is directed to a much greater extent towards the sociol of literature. Certain Marxian writers, such as F. Mehring, are mentioned in this connection. Another approach is the use of the concept of form as applied to society & its cultural productions. G. Lukacs adopts an intermediate approach: his work, Kantian at the start, then Hegelian & Marxian, represents the corpus of the most complete sociol of literature yet produced by a single author. Cited are THE SOUL AND FORMS (Berlin, 1911) & THEORY OF THE NOVEL (Paris, 1963). After WWII it is mainly around the Frankfurt Sch that the sociol of literature developed. Mentioned are T. W. Adorno, W. Benjamin, L. Schuking, E. Auerbach & E. Kohler. In France, a little-known precursor of the French sociol'al tradition is J. M. Guyau, who in 1889 affirmed the structuralist nature of criticism. Other forerunners are J. Bedier, G. Lanson & L. Febvre. It is felt that the sociol of literature has found its most coherent expression in L. Goldmann, who holds that the sociol of literature has in view the understanding of the meaning of a work. This means clarifying the total network of meanings which internal analysis of a work reveals by an explanation & inserting this network in a whole of wider signif: the soc group. In conclusion, the works cited seem to indicate 2 directions for res: (a) a microsociol'al study of groups which comprise a world vision, whose aim must be the study of the actual conditions operating between creative groups & individuals, & (2) a more scrupulous reading of texts which would include the symptomatological structures. E. Weiman.

In the westernization process, the assumption is made that the Mc is the 'progressive' element striving to overcome the vested interest of the Uc's & the ignorance of the traditionbound peasant masses. While this generally represents the Iranian society, the author focuses on 'att's' of the modern Mc which complicate its 'progressive' role. A small group of wealthy landowners, merchants, manufacturers, & a larger group of army officers support the gov, officials, policies, & other activities. Opposition is in 3 groups: (i) leaders of large tribes, (ii) bazaar & its workers led by traditional religious leaders, & (iii) the 'modern' Mc of gov officials, small landowners, teachers, & non-bazaar merchants. The peasants - (80% Iranians) - are of little importance in public life. This report is based on (a) unstructured observations & conversations recorded in Shiraz, (b) a small sample of personal acquaintances was asked questions at the end of the 11-month stay, & (c) analysis of letters, newspapers, magazines, movies, & Persian & relevant Western literature was included. The following att's bearing on the capacity of the Mc to lead modernization are discussed: (1) Men are by nature evil, powerseeking, & irrational; 'right' educ can change men for the better. (2) All is changeable & in a state of flux. (3) The emotional effect on the audience of verbal communication is stressed; exaggeration is acceptable & demanded. (4) Untruth in statements is tolerated to an unusual degree & in bargaining, describing one's country, or opinions, the truth is regarded as stupid or foolish. (5) One must distrust those around him in society regardless of how friendly they seem at present, (6) Life is a struggle to obtain & preserve a position in an established order through manipulation of others. (7) One is pessimistic about there being any values beyond his own immediate pleasure for which he should strive including fear & distrust of the opposite sex & marriage. (8) Belief in personal superiority, moral & intellectual, over those around him. (9) Any gov is the enemy & great exploiter of the people: only unorganized church people & threats of revolution or de-pop inhibit the gov. (10) One's needs for security, happiness, & success cannot be satisfied in Iran & nothing can signif'ly improve conditions in Iran. The emphasis on personal manipulation of people, absence of att's necessary for cooperation, clouding of communication with untruths, exaggeration, & pessimism are hindrances to the modernizing role of the Mc. J. D. Twight.

A part of a larger study of mail communications from businessmen to legislators on matters of econ policy done by the CIS-MIT in 1954-55. Data were gathered by interviews with 50 Congressmen (C), their staff, & a large number of businessmen (B); & by reading the incoming mail of C. The author makes the following points: (1) Both C & B place great importance on mail as a form of influence on political-legislative actions; yet, since much of B mail is 'stimulated' (writing campaigns) the expected influence is dissipated because it is precisely this kind of mail which is rarely read by C; (2) on many vital issues little or no mail may be received; (3) on tariff & reciprocal trade laws most mail comes from a few sources (business, labor & the League of Women Voters); (4) the message letters convey is shaped by the institution stimulating the mass mailing; (5) mass mail stimulated by any given industry tends to have its own special characteristics (the cherry industry letters are 'reasonable sounding'); (6) mail communication is direct; letter writers rarely go through local or state channels to write C; (7) writers rarely fully identify themselves or get prestigeful persons to vouch for them (paradoxically, the attention C pays to mail is in part a function of how important the writer or his friend is); (8) mail from non-constituents is disregarded by C; (9) writers show little technical mastery of econ legislation; (10) most letters show a high degree of cliches & stereotyped phrases, & few letters show new thoughts or indicate conviction; (11) there is a diff in the handling & effect of mail received by Senators & Representatives: Representatives see & handle their own mail & its disposition depends on the individual, the subject, time, etc; Senators have mail clerks, rarely see their mail, & rely on the judgment of their clerks as to the importance of mail; (12) precisely where a mail campaign might be helpful, there often is none; (13) generally, constituents with ideas suggest solutions which are either procedurally impossible or are not in accordance with legislative custom; & (14) mail communications on new laws are often ineffective because they come too late in the legislative process. T. L. Blair.