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Survey data gathered for the project 'Social Structure and Economic Development,' during 1964 & 1965 by the author are used for a discussion of entrepreneurial origins & mobility in Chile. In particular, data from a sample of 69 medium-sized & dustry, drawn from the Industr Census of 1957, are utilized. 2 general propositions emerge from the analysis: (a) The transformations in soc structure accompanying incipient industr'ization, at least in Chile, have not had the effect of creating a fluid society characterized by high rates of SM & the ascendance of groups of 'new men' to places of prominence. (b) The stagnation-with-inflation crisis has had the effect of further rigidifying a soc structure historically characterized by wide soc inequalities & a highly uneven distribution of opportunities for econ & soc betterment. Econ theories, notably those of Max Weber & Reinhard Bendix, are quoted. On the basis of data on father's occup, educ, & wealth, the intergenerational mobility of Chilean industr managers was estimated in each case in which sufficient information was available. Of the 68 cases in which judgments were made, 56% were judged to evidence no mobility at all, 20% experienced a low degree, 15% a moderate, & 6% a high degree. There were 23 cases of lower soc origin & 25 of higher soc origin; the rest were in-between. The conclusion is reached that industr activity in Chile has represented a transfer of capital, personnel & function from 1 sector of the economy to another-a process of horizontal, not vertical, mobility. Comparisons between European & Latin Amer industr'ization are found inappropriate, since Chile & other Latin Amer countries have not passed through the same successive stages of industr'ization as European countries. The horizontal mobility found for Chile is considered typical for Latin Amer countries in general. An analysis of the industr sector in the 1950's & 60's follows. All data show the extreme limitation of interclass mobility in Chile. 'Chile has no fluid structure. No new SC's have arisen with incipient industr'ization.' Holding a relatively privileged & secure position & lacking a group consciousness & effective interest org, industr'ists have not been able to take an active role in influencing Chilean society. 4 Tables. M. Maxfield.

The semi-input-output method has been proposed by the author
as a substi¬tute for what was formerly called the estimation of the
indirect effects of invest¬ment projects. Essentially it rests on
assumption I that a country must aim at an "ideal development process",
meaning a growth process which at no time shows unutilized production
capacity. Furthermore, the method rests on assumption II that a
distinction can be made between national or domestic activities
(industries in the widest sense or sectors) on the one hand and
international activities on the other hand. By definition the products
of the former cannot, for technological or cultural reasons, be imported
or exported. Examples have been given elsewhere [1]. Together with
assumption I it follows from II that the productive capacity in the
national sectors equals the demand for their products. With a given
develop¬ment of national income the growth of the national sectors is
practically deter¬mined. The choice of new sectors to be developed must
mainly be made among the international sectors, where those showing the
highest comparative advantages must be chosen, if with given sacrifices
of scarce factors a maximum of result is wanted. The criterion for
selection of sectors will depend on the aims of policy as well as on the
relative scarcity of factors. Its precise content is independent of the
subject to be discussed here. For simplicity's sake we will assume that
the criterion is to prefer sectors with the lowest capital-output ratio.
This choice only effects the later portions of this article. The
emphasis here is on something else, namely that it is not possible, if
we accept assumption I, to add to the equip¬ment of the nation a factory
or set of factories in one international sector only, but that
simultaneously with such an "international" investment a number of
complementary investments in domestic sectors are necessary, in order to
keep all capacities fully utilized. We will call the necessary
combination of investments a bunch; it always consists of an investment
in one international sector combined with a number of investments in all
national sectors.

It is asked, 'Will the vote be of more use to Negroes in the South than it has been in the North?', & 'Will the Freedom Movement continue to be a genuinely protesting voice, or is it likely to peter out once the missing rights have been formally achieved?' These questions are examined in the light of work done in Holmes County, Miss, where the author worked as a Civil Rights worker. Econ & pol'al deprivation are characteristic of the area. Deprived of their pol'al rights, Negroes have no say in decisions about public services, so the standard remains very low. Neither of the 2 Negro secondary Sch's has enough facilities to be accredited by the State Board of Educ a: a HSch. A summary is given of the strategy for change in Miss as envisaged by the federal gov, mainly centered around the winning of pol'al rights & the Poverty Program. The nature of the org's involved in the Civil Rights movement in Miss is described, as well as their methods of operation. It is felt that the outside pol'al imperatives which overlay the local situation in Holmes County are the need to respond to & guide the important federal effort in Miss, & the need to create & maintain pol'al org with a high level of identity of its own, if it is going to make headway against the white power structure. The movement in Holmes County has had great success in creating a pol'al org, which the people of the County participate in & direct themselves. The evidence seems to show that the newly enfranchised Negro vote in Miss will be capable of showing a surprising degree of independence, most noticeable at the local level, in the affairs of the County. However, the sense of the need for change is not yet related, in any specific way, to the underlying trends in the econ life of the county. Programs involving federal subsidy could help to arrest the basic trend towards depop & outmigration. The principle of guaranteed income to small farmers could be accompanied by a program of loans & technical assistance. E. Weiman.

It is generally known that John Stuart Mill spent his working career in the service of the East India Company, but very little has been written about him in this capacity. As an administrative official of the company, the home government of India, John Mill's activities have been greatly overshadowed by the influence exerted upon Indian policies by his father, James Mill, historian of British India and a member of the Examiner's Office of the Company from 1819 until his death in 1836. Like his father, John Stuart recognized the company's government of India for what it actually was—a despotism of an alien race, which, despite the good accomplished by it in the last decades of its existence, was established by conquest, treaty, and annexation. And yet, he spent almost half of his life as an official of this establishment, drafting dispatches to the India government, and, in defence of the company's rule against extinction by Parliament, wrote what Lord Grey described as the ablest state paper he had ever read.How did John Mill, the great exponent of nineteenth century liberalism, reconcile his employment as an official of a despotic government with his espousal of the principles of civil and political freedom? How, in other words, did he reconcile this freedom with colonialism? What conceptions did he entertain concerning: (1) the place of India in the history of civilization; and (2) its eventual emergence from British rule as an industrially transformed self-governing nation? These questions, arising out of Mill's career with the East India Company, have not been discussed in any of the numerous treatises on the great man. In considering them here we hope to fill this gap in the literature. Other questions, such as Mill's administrative skills and his influence upon the company's policies, cannot be taken up in this paper. The author does not share the view that Mill's influence at India House was insignificant. He is inclined to a moderate version of Henry Fawcett's opinion that all the important principles for governing the great dependency of India were laid down by Mill in the documents he drafted for the East India Company.

An historical definition of the sociol of literature is presented. The situation & development of this field are examined mainly in the US, France, & the Federal Republic of Germany. In the US it is held that sociol'al literary criticism has evolved, perhaps more than anywhere else, in accordance with the soc situation. The approaches of the following critics are noted: V. F. Calverton, R. H. Pearce, L. Lowenthal, I. Watt, K. Burke, & R. Wellek & A. Warren. It is stated that the enormous Amer production of sociol'al works obviously comprises numerous notes on literature, but these notes do not at all compensate for the general dearth which is so obvious in this field. In Germany, there is felt to be a philosophical & sociol'al tradition which is directed to a much greater extent towards the sociol of literature. Certain Marxian writers, such as F. Mehring, are mentioned in this connection. Another approach is the use of the concept of form as applied to society & its cultural productions. G. Lukacs adopts an intermediate approach: his work, Kantian at the start, then Hegelian & Marxian, represents the corpus of the most complete sociol of literature yet produced by a single author. Cited are THE SOUL AND FORMS (Berlin, 1911) & THEORY OF THE NOVEL (Paris, 1963). After WWII it is mainly around the Frankfurt Sch that the sociol of literature developed. Mentioned are T. W. Adorno, W. Benjamin, L. Schuking, E. Auerbach & E. Kohler. In France, a little-known precursor of the French sociol'al tradition is J. M. Guyau, who in 1889 affirmed the structuralist nature of criticism. Other forerunners are J. Bedier, G. Lanson & L. Febvre. It is felt that the sociol of literature has found its most coherent expression in L. Goldmann, who holds that the sociol of literature has in view the understanding of the meaning of a work. This means clarifying the total network of meanings which internal analysis of a work reveals by an explanation & inserting this network in a whole of wider signif: the soc group. In conclusion, the works cited seem to indicate 2 directions for res: (a) a microsociol'al study of groups which comprise a world vision, whose aim must be the study of the actual conditions operating between creative groups & individuals, & (2) a more scrupulous reading of texts which would include the symptomatological structures. E. Weiman.

SUMMARYTHE CONSEQUENCES OF CHANGES IN AGRICULTURE FOR CHANGING FUNCTIONS OF THE COUNTRYSIDE AND COMMUNITY PATTERNSAn introductory section includes considerations on: the definition of rural communities; the different ways in which change is envisaged by social scientists (the historical approach and the approach, called comparative statics); the nature of underdevelopment (considered it to be a total process, intimately linked with its opposite: the process of development); and the continuity of change in the so‐called underdeveloped areas ever since the age of Discovery.It is then argued that completely self‐sufficient, closed, subsistence communities are a rarity anywhere, and that subsistence agriculture is closely related to regional market economies, through monetary exchanges and wagelabor. In the underdeveloped world there is a marked tendency towards increased monetarization of the village economy, but several economic forces also tend to maintain a subsistence base in agriculture as a complement to regionally localized capitalist agricultural enterprise.The implications of this situation for family and community life are then briefly discussed. The money economy, it is suggested, while no doubt contributing to certain developments which are advantageous to the community (or some sectors of it), has also produced a number of negative results (e.g. the decrease of foodstuffs, increased expenditures on inessential consumer goods, the rise of increasingly powerful categories of intermediaries, moneylenders and so forth). In general, it has not been the boon to economic and social development for which it is usually hailed. The author then discusses the changes in land tenure which have taken place in the underdeveloped countries, and their varying consequences and implications.Finally, a few remarks are devoted to the world‐wide efforts towards community development. By many standards, the results of these programs have been meager, and the author finishes by suggesting that many of the problems that beset the rural comunities in the underdeveloped countries today can be solved only by adopting regional or nation‐wide perspectives.RésuméTRANSFORMATIONS DANS LES FONCTIONS DE LA COMMUNAUTÉ RURALE DANS LES PAYS EN VOIE DE DÉVELOPPEMENTUn paragraphe introductif est consacréà des considérations générates portant sur la définition des communautés rurales, les diverses manières dont les sociologues envisagent le changement (l'approche historique et l'approche dire »comparative statics«) la nature du sous‐développement (considéré comme un processus global, intimement liéà son antagoniste: le processus de développement) et la continuité historique (depuis la période de la découverte de l'Amérique) du changement dans les zones dites sous‐développées.L'auteur démontre ensuite que les communautés de subsistance, fermées, se suffisant entièrement à elles‐mêmes sont très rares et que l'agriculture de subsistance est étroitement liée à des économies de marché régionales, par les échanges monétaires et les salaires. Dans le monde sous‐développé, il existe une tendance marquée à l'accroissement de l'emprise de la monnaie sur l'économie villageoise; cependant, de nombreuses forces économiques tendent à maintenir à la base une agriculture de subsistance en tant que complément d'entreprises agricoles capitalistes régionales.Les implications de cette situation pour la vie de la familie et de la communauté sont ensuite, brièvement discutées. L'auteur suggère que, l'économie monétaire, bien que contribuant indubitablement à certains développements avantageux pour les communautés (ou certains de ses secteurs) a engenderé un certain nombre de résultats négatifs (par exemple, la diminution des produits alimentaires, dépense accrue pour des biens de consommation superflus, l'apparition de catégories d'intermédiaires au pouvoir croissant, de prêteurs à gages et autres). En général, l'économie monétaire n'a pas été pour le développement économique et social le bienfait que Ton en attendait ordinairement. Puis, l'auteur discute des transformations dans la tenure de la terre qui se sont déroulées dans les pays sous‐développés, et de Ieurs conséquences et implications variées.Enfin, quelques remarques sont consacrées aux efforts entrepris, à l'échelle mondiale, pour le développement communautaire. A de nombreux égards, les résultats de ces programmes ont été restreints et l'auteur termine en suggérant que de nombreux problèmes, parmi ceux qui font entrave aux communautés rurales, dans les pays sous‐développés, ne peuvent trouver de solutions que dans l'adoption de perspectives régionales ou nationales.ZusammenfassungDER EINFLUSS VON VERÄNDERUNGEN IN DERLANDWIRTSCHAFT AUF DIE FUNKTIONEN DES LANDES UND DER LÄNDLICHEN GEMEINDEIn einem einleitenden Kapitel werden allgemeine Betrachtungen über die ländlichen Gemeinden angestellt, über die verschiedenen Methoden, mit denen die Sozialwissenschaftler den Wandel zu erklären suchen (die historische Methode und die sogen. vergleichende statische Methoden), über das Wesen der Unterentwicklung (als einem umfassenden Prozess, der eng mit ihrer Kehrseite, dem Prozess der Entwicklung, verbunden ist) und über den geschichtlich fortwährenden Wandel in den sogen. unterentwicklten Gebieten jeweils seit ihrer Entdeckung.Dan wird ausgeführt, dass vollständig sich selbst versorgende, abgeschlossene Gemeinden eine Seltenheit sind und dass bedingt durch Geldverkehr und Lohnarbeit der Lebensunterhalt in der Landwirt‐schaft eng an regionale Markteinrichtungen gebunden ist. In der unterentwickelten Welt gibt es eine deutliche Tendenz zunehmender Geldwirtschaft in den Dörfern. Aber verschiedene ökonomische Kräfte tendieren auch dazu, die Existenzgrundlage in der Landwirtschaft zu erhalten als Ergänzung zu regional verbreiteten kapitalistisch‐landwirtschaftlichen Unternehmen.Weiter werden die Folgerungen aus dieser Situation für Familie und Gemeinde kurz dargestellt. Während die Geldwirtschaft ohne Zweifel zu gewissen Entwicklungen beiträgt, die für die Gemeinde (oder für Teilgebiete dieser) vorteilhaft sind, führt sie auch zu negativen Ergebnissen (z.B. Verminderung der Nahrungsmittel, zunehmender Aufwand für unwesentliche Verbrauchsgüter, Zunahme von immer mächtiger werdenden Gruppen von Zwischenhändlern, Geldver‐leihern usw.). Im allgemeinen ist sie für die wirtschaftliche und soziale Entwicklung nicht die Wohltat gewesen, als die sie gewöhnlich be‐grüsst wird. Der Autor erläutert dann die Landbesitzverhältnisse in den unterentwickelten Ländern und ihre verschiedenen Folgerungen und Verwicklungen.Abschliessend werden einige Bermerkungen zu den welrweiten Be‐mühungen um die Entwicklung der Gemeinde gemacht. In der Regel sind die Ergebnisse dieser Programme dürftig gewesen. Der Autor schließt mit dem Vorschlag, das heute viele der Probleme, die die ländliche Gemeinde in den unterentwicklten Ländern bedrängen, nur im Rahmen regionaler oder nationaler Zielsetzungen gelöst werden können.

Until recently, American theory and discussion on prisoner behavior in the Nazi concentration camps differed in important ways from most European work. The American peculiarities stem from two main sources. First, there were gross reporting errors which added to the common difficulties in making sense of the camp system and genocide. Second, before the end of World War II and after, there was quick publication of poorly-grounded theories, reflecting concern with narrowly psychodynamic processes, rather than social processes. The present paper reviews study findings on the importance of human groups in the struggle for survival. Particular attention is given to the emergence of a prisoner social system and to the normative aspects of such a system. Along with references to the relevant work of others, the author deals at some length with his own early research, involving intensive interviews with fifty-two camp sur vivors who emigrated to the United States. In that study, data were gathered on changes with time in the camps in (1) patterns of interpersonal relations, (2) sharing with other prisoners and assisting them, and (3) thefts from other prisoners. The paper considers several propositions on human behavior in extreme situations. These include the proposition by Bruno Bettelheim that the longer prisoners were confined, the more they identified with the SS; that a prisoner had reached the final stage of adjustment to the camp situation when he had changed his personality so as to accept as his own the values11 of his captors. The paper summarizes the author's findings on prisoner behavior in especially extreme situations such as prolonged punishment assemblies and winter- time transports of Auschwitz evacuees; on the attitudes of respondents toward "old" prisoners and toward members of prisoner underground organizations; and on the length of imprisonment of members of various national and inter national camp committees. Evidence is offered which suggests that stable pairing was the most common type of interpersonal relationship pattern and that most survivors had a sharing relationship of mutuality with one or more persons; that the pair was the basic unit of survival. Respondents showing decline in sharing behavior were in the camps sub stantially less time than those showing no change. Those respondents who showed greater and more stable general social participation were in the camps con siderably longer than those whose participation declined. Respondents showing decline in thefts (taking from other prisoners only) or consideration of theft, were in the camps longer than those showing increasing theft behavior. The study findings offered conflict at many points with narrowly psycho dynamic interpretations of prisoner behavior. It is concluded that in the camps the human group and social change system emerge as the most fruitful foci for scientific analysis.

AbstractThis paper analyzes a two person zero‐sum game in which the strategies on the two sides are probability distributions. The solutions always turn out to contain jumps. In most cases the distributions are combinations of delta functions and density functions.The problem is as follows: a submarine chooses a range r, within a declared war zone, at which to fire his missile. If he is detected at a larger range he attempts to fire at that larger range with the effectiveness at that range decreased by defense measures such as attempts to kill the submarine, shoot down the missile, or protect the target. If this defense effectiveness is denoted by ω, with ω = 0 referring to perfect defensive reaction measures, and ω = 1 referring to poor defensive reaction measures, the following is true. If ω = 0, the problem is analogous to a problem ("The Two Machine‐gun Duel") solved by L. Gillman and the author in 1949 (Ref. 2) and is not difficult. The defenses in this case are in close to the coast. If ω = 1 the problem is different but not difficult and the defenses are well out towards (and in some cases at) maximum missile range. There are for ω = 1 no defenses near the coast; this is referred to as an "initial gap.".The first problem that arises is to find for what values of ω is there an "initial gap." A necessary and sufficient condition for such gaps was found. For general ω there may be instead an "interior gap," i.e., defense contiguous to the coast and out near or at maximum missile range, but none at intermediate ranges. Necessary and sufficient conditions for such interior gaps were found. In a typical case the solution for the defense follows one function out to a certain target, then is zero, then follows another function to maximum missile range, then has a delta function at maximum missile range.It was necessary to study in detail the behavior of expressions involving discontinuous functions by breaking into continuous parts and discontinuous parts. A great deal of the complexity of the paper arises from this fact. A second cause is that it is essential to admit completely arbitrary distribution functions on the two sides as strategies. There is no a priori reason for instance, why the attacking player could not choose his plays from the Cantor distribution, a function increasing on (0, 1) from 0 to 1, but having almost everywhere a zero derivative. These possibilities emphasize the need for great care in the analysis and for the somewhat tedious existence proof of a later section of this paper.

SummaryInstitutional Changes in Rural LifeIn dealing with institutional problems, particularly when referring to rural development, the sociologist should not avoid value‐judgements. With increasing institutional specialization and growth, an increase occurs in individual and collective social action of an intentional character. This intentionality calls for an explicitation of the values underlying the action. Sociology today is unable to meet this problem because of its 'ethical agnostic' approach.In choosing an explicitly non‐ethical‐agnostic approach, the societal trend towards emancipation or freedom is elected as a guideline for sociological analysis. Freedom is provisionally defined as: opportunity or possibility to consciously exercise control on one's own future. With some examples it is shown that rural sociological research at present does not acquire meaningful information about the interplay between individual and institutional intentional action which brings about socio‐economic development.A continuum of rigidity for the overall societal institutional context, as being the specifically institutional counterpart of the traditional‐modern continuum, is hypothesized as a tentative framework for discussing institutional changes. In order to show the validity of the hypothesis, two polar cases for the degree of rigidity in the overall institutional context, present within the same large class of fairly developed societies, Sweden and Italy, are compared. The illustration is tentative, because the author has had to resort to non‐sociological documentation. The conclusion is that the major differences between the two institutional contexts will be functionally related mainly with the type of institutional education and with the degree of authoritarian and autocratic thinking in either case.Passing on to examine a few recent institutional developments, it is stated that their importance for the development of the countryside can only be evaluated if the possibilities for change in collateral institutional fields are also taken into consideration.In the countryside, a process of formalization of functions into new institutions is to be noticed, but the process is not likely to have an equal intensity all over Europe. The continuum of institutional rigidity can help to explain several apparent contradictions in this field which have not so far been cleared by sociological research.Similarly, although educational standards are rising in the countryside everywhere, this is no yardstick for measuring educational development: the place of the society on the continuum should be taken into account.Finally, some overall institutional trends in developed countries are reviewed: the increase in autonomous forces, a shift of political power from the local to national (or 'higher') levels; the increasing importance of economic profitability in institutional development; the trends towards the forming of 'two‐layer'‐societies; the forming of an image of society as a 'firm‐like' organization.All through the discussion of these various points comments are made on the shortcomings in sociological research.In the conclusion some major contradictions in the ideology of a value‐free exercise of sociological research are briefly analyzed. Instead of taking the position of an uninvolved technician or judge of other people's doings, the sociologist should work on the basis of a professional ethic, whereby major tasks would be found in the study and discovery of social phenomena in as far as these are disfunctional for social emancipation or freedom.