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SUMMARYThe first part deals with the self perception of this new scientific discipline, situated between rural sociology, political economy, political science and development policy. The ideological position of the researcher is very influential, though the problem of value judgments is faced by all disciplines. The author feels obliged to confess his own position as critical Marxist. The reproach of ethnocentrism is countered with the argument of crossnational similarity of interests between the oppressed and exploited on the one hand and the exploiters on the other hand. But the researcher is warned against the influence of commercial and industrial lobbies on his development advice. In the second part selected issues of the discipline are discussed: the general orientation of agricultural policy, the role of institutional reform and technical promotion, population growth in its relation with development, choice of technology, the demands on development aid, the role of agrarian movements and finally a few specific questions of farming in the planned economy of socialist countries.RÉSUMÉLa première partie traite de la manière dont se définit elle‐même cette nouvelle discipline scientifique située entre la sociologie rurale, l'économie politique, la science politique et la politique du développement. La position idéologique du chercheur est déterminante, même si la question des jugements de valeur se pose dans toutes les disciplines. L'auteur estime nécessaire de se définir comme un marxiste critique. A l'objection d'ethnocentrisme, il répond en mettant en évidence les convergences d'intérêts, au‐delà des nations, entre les dominés et les exploités d'un côté et entre les exploiteurs de l'autre. Et le chercheur est prevenu de l'influence des lobbys industriels et commerciaux sur ses conseils en matière de développement.La seconde partie expose des problèmes particuliers de la discipline: l'orientation générale de la politique agricole, le rôle de la réforme institutionnelle et de la vulgarisation technique, la relation entre croissance démographique et développement, les choix technologiques, les demandes d'aide au développement. le rôle des mouvements paysans et enfin quelques questions qui sont spécifiques à l'agriculture dans l'économie planifiée des pays socialisres.ZUSAMMENFASSUNGDer erste Teil befafßt sich mit dem Selbstverständnis der neuen Wissenschaftsdisziplin, die zwischen ländlicher Soziologie, Nationalö‐konomie, Politologie und Entwicklungspolitik angesiedelt ist. Die ideologische Position des Forschers ist besonders relevant, obwohl das Werturteilsproblem sich in alien Wissenschaften stellt. Der Verfasser hält sich daher für verpflichtet, seine eigene Position eines kritischen Marxisten zu bekennen. Dem Vorwurf des Ethnozentrismus wird die transnationale Interessenähnlichkeit der Unterdrückten und Ausgebeuteten cinerseits und der Ausbeuter andererseits entgegengestellt. Aber der Forscher wird vor dem Einfluß kommerzieller und industrieller Lobbies auf seine Entwicklungsvorschläge gewarnt. ‐ Im zweiten Teil werden ausgewählte Probleme kontrovers diskutiert: allgemeine Orientierung der Agrarpolitik, institutionelle Reform versus Produktionsförderung, Bevölkerungswachstum und sein Zusammenhang mit Entwicklung, Wahl der Technologie, Forderungen an Entwicklungshilfe, Rolle der agrarischen Bewegungen und schließlich einige Spezialfragen der Landwirtschaft in der Plan‐wirtschaft sozialistischer Länder.

SUMMARY This article takes as its point of departure an earlier paper which attempted to assess the accuracy of various relatively rapid means of stratifying a rural population in Bangladesh. The argument advanced is that this exercise was premature; and that little progress can be made towards improving the efficiency with which succeeding generations of fieldworkers conduct their enquiries, until more is known both about the way in which existing practitioners have divided their time between different activities, and about the considerations behind these allocative decisions. As a modest step in this direction, the author offers an account of how he stratified a rural population in Bangladesh in the course of his own fieldwork, and of why he proceeded as he did.RESUMEN Confesiones de un trabajador en el campo de acción: cómo llegué a encuadrar a la población rural en sus niveles sociales correspondientesEste artículo toma como punto de partida una disertación anterior en la que se intentaba la precisión de varios medios, relativamente rápidos, de asignar niveles sociales a la población rural en Bangladesh. Se aduce el argumento de que el ejercicio fue prematuro y de que se puede avanzar poco en lo relativo de aumentar la eficacia con la que las generaciones sucesivas de trabajadores en el campo de acción llevan a cabo sus pesquisas hasta que no se sepa más acerca de la manera en que los investigadores actuales han repartido su tiempo entre las diferentes actividades a emprender, así como la forma de enjuiciarlo que haya conducido a tal distribución. El autor avanza un pequeño trecho en esa dirección al narrar cómo encuadró en distintos niveles a la población rural de una región de Bangladesh en que se basó su modo de actuar.RESUME Confessions d'un home de terrain: Comment j'ai stratifié la population ruraieCet article prend comme point de départ un autre article qui tentait d'évaluer la précision de divers moyens relativement rapides de stratification d'une population rurale au Bangladesh. L'argument avancé est que cet exercise est prématuré et qu'on ne peut guère espérer améliorer l'efficacité des générations successives d'hommes de terrain sans mieux connaître la façon dont les travailleurs actuels répartissent leur temps entre diverses activités et les considérations qui président à cette répartition. Dans cette perspective, l'auteur dit comment il a stratifié une population rurale dans le courant de sa propre activité de terrain et les raisons pour lesquelles il a agi comme il l'a fait.

In their work the authors compare the axiom-like thesis elaborated by a work ing-group of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences, i.e., practical conclusions drawn from it related to the true situation. In the first part the fundamental thesis is studied, according to which "...phy sical culture is an indispensable element of the culture of a socialist human being living in the last quarter of the twentieth century." The author believes, that, in Hungary socialist-minded people accept this thesis when speaking about socialist culture in general, but doubt it, when the question is about socialist culture of the individual. They analyze the reasons of doubt and of refusal and in corre lation — based upon empirical facts — social conditions of physical culture. In the second part the authors study the question in what way the conclusion drawn in the form of a postulate follows from the fundamental thesis, as a pre miss, of the recommendations of the Somatic Committee. The postulate contains the following practical requirements: "...beside foregoing political, professional and general human (ethical) postulates physical culture expectations have to be gra dually asserted towards both, leaders and subordinates." They establish that there is more in the conclusion than in the premiss, which means that though the fundamental thesis is in close correlation with the con clusion, it does not, in itself, justify existence of the latter. In support of this statement, the authors start from the point to what extent the principle in question asserts itself. According to their opinion, in Hungary, at present no requirements including many-sided, regular physical training assert themselves at all towards people actively engaged in work. (Towards school boys and school girls, university students and conscripts there are some physical culture expectations, though not to a necessary extent). According to their judgement the reason why sport-cultural requirements do not figure among those set to working people is that postulates, in general, are not of a cultural character. Their conclusion is that, self-assertion of physical-culture expectation is not only based upon the fact that physical culture is an integral part of the culture of a socialist human being, but also that the interests of both, individual and society require essential advance in this field, one of the forms of which could be inclusion of the sport-cultural postulate in the expectations. In the final part of their work the authors indicate the problems that would arise if, in their country, a postulate of this trend were introduced.

SUMMARY What kinds of employment do students expect to achieve when they leave the school system, and what are the chances of those expectations being realised? Data on the expectations of 14 year olds are presented for 10 countries—Great Britain, Japan, USA, Chile, India, Iran, Thailand, Malaysia, Sri Lanka and Mexico. An examination of student expectations in the context of the opportunities their respective economic systems can offer shows that the expectations of students in 'developing' countries have less chance of being realised than the expectations of students in the 'developed' countries. Rather than describing these expectations as 'unrealistic', the author attempts to explain why students perceive their futures in the way they do by referring to a number of economic and social factors, such as income differentials, security, historical precedent and the right to a nonmanual job, internal school structure and examinations.RESUMEN La lógica de la perspectivas de empleo para los estudiantes¿Qué tipos de empleo esperan conseguir los estudiantes cuando concluyen su escolaridad y qué probabilidades tienen de alcanzar tales perspectivas? Se presentan los datos sobre las perspectivas de niños de catorce años procedentes de diez países: la Gran Bretaña, el Japón, los Estados Unidos, Chile, India, Irán, Tailandia, Malasia, Sri Lanka y México. El estudio de las perspectivas estudiantiles en el marco de las oportunidades que pueden ofrecer sus sistemas económicos respectivos demuestra que las perspectivas de los estudiantes en países en 'vías de desarrollo' tienen menos probabilidades de conseguirlas que las esperanzas de los estudiantes en los países 'desarrollados'. En lugar de calificar a estas esperanzas de 'fantásticas', el autor trata de explicar por qué los estudiantes perciben su futuro de la manera que lo hacen.RESUME La logique des espoirs d'emploi des étudiantsQuels types d'emploi les étudiants espèrent‐ils obtenir lorsqu'ils quitteront le système scolaire et quelles chances ont‐ils de voir leurs espoirs réalisés. Des données sur les espoirs de jeunes de 14 ans sont présentées pour 10 Pays: Grande Bretagne, Japon, Etats‐Unis, Chili, Inde, Iran, Thaïlande, Malaysia, Sri Lanka, et Mexique. L'examen des espoirs des étudiants dans le contexte des possibilités offertes par le système économique de leur pays indique que les étudiants des pays en voie de développement ont moins de chances de voir leurs espoirs réalisés que les étudiants des pays industrialisés. Plutôt que de décrire ces espoirs comme 'irréalistes', l'auteur essaie d'expliquer pourquoi les étudiants envisagent leur avenir de cette façon en soulignant un certain nombre de facteurs économiques et sociaux.

The use or abuse of opium, in its three main forms, chandu (prepared opium), morphine, and heroin, covers a span of 160 years, from the founding of "modern" Singapore in 1819—when opium was exchanged as a gift between the Temenggong (Malay Sultan) and Raffles (the founder of Singapore) to 1978—when the first person to be convicted of drug-trafficking was hanged for the offense. For the three distinct products of the opium poppy—smokeable extract of opium (prepared opium or chandu), morphine, and heroin—with their three distinctive modes of administration—smoking, injection, and inhalation—there seem to be three distinct periods when each drug emerged as the main drug of addiction. Opium smoking was known in the earliest days, morphine injection appeared during the first half of the twentieth century, and heroin smoking became popular during the 1970s. The history of opium smoking can be traced among the early settlers of Singapore. These people were multiracial, but the Chinese predominated. Morphine injection became popular among adult Chinese and Indian/Pakistanis after its introduction around the turn of the century. Heroin abuse has become widespread among multiracial groups of young adults during the 1970s. For each product of the opium poppy antecedent factors are examined: the drug, the host, and the environment, especially the presence or absence of favorable or deterrent official, commerical, cultural, or political responses. For opium smoking, there was no preceding drug of abuse, its use having been introduced by a prevailing older tradition. In the case of morphine, its introduction found fertile ground among the abundance of opium smokers and new inductees did not have to cross cultural barriers. In the case of heroin abuse, its introduction was facilitated by a milieu that had been initiated to drugs in a milder form—"pot and pills." The author examines the nature of drug use from the point of view of an outsider, but retains a vested interest in treating and rehabilitating his patients "for their own good." Having seen the essential tragedy of their lives, such as elderly men becoming "vagrants" remanded to a "House of Detention," or the first morphine death from overdose in the first drug dependence clinic for young "pot and pill" users in 1971, he speculates on what might perpetuate opiate drug use among the people of Singapore. The paper concludes with identification of serious questions and profound issues that as yet have not been thoroughly addressed and may continue to remain inadequately treated.

Trans-national Firms, the Problems of International Economic Cooperation and the Present-day Imbalance in International Exchange and Payments.
A recapitulation is made of the conditions of exchange in Western countries during and after grave crises or world events (confirmed by History and covering much of the 20th Century). In periods of economic growth, markets have tended toward freer trade but the author emphasizes that these situations have often been at variance with traditional models of free exchange. He considers that from the point of view of the interplay of international négociations and the possibilities for simple cooperation, there is not at the outset, as great a distance between the real conditions of exchange, as far as structures are concerned, as there is when there is a confrontation between ideal types.
First he analyses the process of internationalization and trans-national integration in the Western countries, as well as the change in the character of the international expansion of capital, which is more and more removed from the schémas of the early 20th Century with regard to the major flows of investments (the adjustment between financial and real flow). It is not only necessary to take into account the importance of industrial cooperation, as it is practiced in relations with the East, but also and above all, the modes of intervention and impulsion or the necessary controls, real situations (Sj and S2) and not ideal {S*x and S*2). Would it not be possible to avoid the much feared stalemate through large-scale "multilateralization" which would call for the necessary development of exchanges of all the partners with the others and with the Third World (not to be carried on, however, in a block)?
Despite the conjectures over the danger of any "frictional contacts" or the aggravation of the crisis of capitalism, the question arises as to the compatibility between the respective demands of the firms and the states concerning indebtedness, the foreseeable conditions of ebb and flow, and the malleability of the planning tradition, of its objectives and extrapolations, that is, of the classic division of the two great sectors, etc. The restructuration of exchanges by groups of products as well as the "multilateralization" by groups of countries must be envisaged, so that national preferences in structure (which must be respected) do nos bring about new stalemates to the development of East-West exchanges, already so difficult to achieve.

AbstractThe procedures for recognition of refugees differ considerably from country to country. In Norway residence is on the whole more important than nationality. As in Denmark, the private international law is based on the principle of domicile. In social welfare legislation and with respect to education, formal status - nationality or recognition as a refugee - is of little if any importance. In fact, it is only within the ambit of aliens police law that the question of refugee status is of some consequence. The Norwegian Aliens Act of 27 July 1956 is strongly influenced by the Swedish Aliens Act of 1954. The Act is supplemented by the Aliens Order. Important provisions are found in the Administrative Procedures Act of 1967. The aliens authorities are the police, the State Aliens Office (which is assisted by a State Aliens Council), the Royal Ministry of Justice and Police, and finally the King in Council. There would be no legal hindrance for the Ministry (or the Aliens Office, given the authority) to issue eligibility certificates to refugees. But it is doubtful what legal effect such certificates would have. Today, such certificates are not issued, and the question of refugee status is therefore only determined prejudicially in connexion with applications for asylum or Convention travel documents. According to § 11 of the Act, an alien shall not be refused entry if he can substantiate his claim to be a political refugee, until his case has been presented to the Aliens Office. Against a refusal of entry, he may file an appeal to the said Office, which may instruct that the entry refusal order shall not be effectuated until the appeal has been decided. In any case it is obvious that in connexion with the question of entry refusal, a full-fledged recognition of refugee status is not possible. According to § 2 (1) of the Aliens Act, a political refugee is entitled to asylum, provided that there are no valid reasons to deny it. Applications for asylum are decided by the Ministry, which prejudicially shall have to determine whether the applicant is a political refugee as defined in § 2 (2) of the Act. Against the Ministry's negative decision, it is possible to appeal to the King in Council. Such appeals are frequently successful. - The alternatives to asylum are either leaving the country or being issued with a residence permit on humanitarian grounds. The latter instance corresponds to the status of so-called "B-refugees" in Sweden. As the quality of refugee is merely prejudicially determined, the grant of asylum is not binding on other authorities which may have to make an eligibility determination, but naturally a grant of asylum will carry considerable weight in such situations. Travel documents are issued upon a decision by the Aliens Office. In this case to, the determination of eligibility is just a prejudicial one. A refused request does not necessarily mean that the person in question is not considered a refugee. Just as the grant of asylum, the issue of a travel document creates a presumption in favour of its holder, even if the underlying eligibility determination is not formally binding on other authorities. A special determination of fear of persecution may take place if a person is threatened with deportation or extradition. All administrative decisions are subject to administrative appeal to higher authority. But a final decision may be challanged in a court of law. The question whether a person is a refugee is a question of law. A plaintiff may request a declaratory judgment to the effect that he is a refugee according to the Aliens Act and/or the Refugee Convention and Protocol. But it seems more practical to ask a court to declare the refusal of asylum or a travel document illegal, and to order the authorities to grant the applicant's request. There have not been many court cases concerning refugee status in Norway. But the fact that such cases may be entertained by the courts, adds an interesting dimension to the aliens law of Norway. The author suggests that the Aliens Act ought to be amended so that whenever an alien claims to be a refugee, his case should be considered by the Aliens Office before he is refused entry. It is also suggested that it should be possible to request an eligibility determination pure and simple, and that this question, and also the questions of grant of asylum and grant of a travel document, as well as the question of non-refoulement, ought to be decided by the State Aliens Office in the first instance. In the event of a negative decision, the administrative appeal should be filed in a court of summary jurisdiction (forhørsrett, cf. the French juge d'instruction), which would give an oral hearing to the applicant, his counsel, and a representative of the State, and also hear witnesses and experts, if any. A representative of a refugee aid society might appear as an amicus curiae. The judge would in due course forward the court records and other ducuments to the State Aliens Office, which might reverse its decision or forward the documents to the Ministry for decision. Should the Ministry's decision, too, be negative, the applicant would have the option of suing the State in the City Court of Oslo. The author makes a strong plea for the creation of a Eupean Refugee or Eligibility Appeals Commission within the framework of the Council of Europe. An appeal to this Commission might become an alternative to court proceedings. It might also be possible for national courts to request the Commission's opinion on points of interpretation, somewhat along the lines of Article 177 of the Rome Treaty establishing the European Economic Community. One would then get some uniformity in the application of the Refugee Convention and Protocol in the participating countries, notability with respect to eligibility and non-refoulement. If also the so-called refugees in orbit could appeal to the Commission, it might prove possible to find a solution even to this very pressing humanitarian problem. Perhaps the creation of a European Refugee Commission should be considered the next great challange in the development of refugee law.

SUMMARYPeasants have frequently been observed to exhibit two patterns of political behavior which tend to inhibit the formation and consolidation of peasant economic and political organizations, namely political passivity and violence. Theories so far have usually concentrated on explaining either only one of these behavior patterns, or only one class context (either inter‐or intra‐class relations). Noting that Chinese peasants during land reform frequently adopted these behavior patterns both towards landlords and towards peasant leaders of their organizations, the author develops her own explanation based on the analysis of several case studies, one of which is presented here in detail as illustration. Her main hypothesis is that Chinese peasants make rational behavior‐choices based not only on the calculation of expected material benefits, but also on that of political risks. This latter calculation appears to rest on certain assumptions which are shared by the majority of Chinese peasants and which do not differ in content when considering the future political behavior of peasant rather than landlord power‐wielders.RÉSUMÉIl a souvent été considere que les paysans manifestent deux types de comportemcnt politique ‐ passivité d'une part et violence d'autre part ‐ ce qui tendrait à empêcher la formation et la consolidation d'organisations paysannes, tant politiques qu'économiques. Et jusqu'ici les théories se sont habituellement centrées sur l'explication soit d'un de ces types de comportement, soit sur un unique contexte de classe (relations entre classe ou internes à la classe).Observant que les paysans chinois ont, durant la réforme agraire, fréquemment adopté ces types de comportement tant à l'égard des propriétaires terriens que des leaders de leurs organisations, l'auteur développe son propre modèle explicatif à partir de plusieurs études de cas dont une sert ici d'illustration. Sa principale hypothèse est que les paysans ont en fait un comportement rationnel dans la mesure où celui‐ci n'est pas seulement basé sur un calcul économique mais aussi sur un calcul des risques politiques. Ce calcul politique sc révèle alors reposer sur certaines dispositions qui sont communes à la majorité des paysans chinois et qui ne changent pas de sens si on examine le comportement politique futur par rapport à l'exercice du pouvoir des propriétaires terriens.ZUSAMMENFASSUNGEs ist häufig beobachtet worden, daß Bauern zwei politische Verhal‐tensmuster aufweisen, welche die Bildung und Konsolidicrung von ökonomischen und politischen Bauernorganisationen tendenziell verhindern, nämlich politische Passivität und Gewalltätigkeit. Theorien haben sich bisher meist darauf konzentriert, entweder nur eins dieser Verhaltensmuster oder diese nur in einem Zusammenhang (entweder Inter‐ oder Intraklassenbeziehungen) zu erklären. Ausgehend von der Beobachtung, daß chinesische Bauern während der Bodenreformzeit häufig diese Verhaltensweisen sowohl gegenüber Großgrundbesitzern als auch gegenüber den Bauernführern ihrer eigenen Organisationen ergriffen, entwickelt die Autorin aufgrund einer Analyse mehrerer Fallstudien ‐ von dencn cine hier zu Illustration ausführlicher darge‐stellt wird ‐ ihre eigene Erklärung. Ihre Hauptthese ist, daß chinesische Bauern rationale Verhaltensentscheidungen treffen, die nicht nur auf der Berechnung von erwarteten materiellen Vorteilen, sondern auch von politischen Risiken beruhen. Dieser letzten Kalkulation scheinen einige Annahmen zugrundezuliegen, die von der Mehrheit der chinesischen Bauern geteilt werden, und die sich inhaltlich nicht un‐terscheiden, gleichviel ob es sich um das politische Verhalten von Bauern oder das von Großgrundbesitzern handelt.

Costa Rica is an apparent exception to the trend towards military regimes, violent changes of power and local wars in Third World countries. In this Central American republic with about 2 million inhabitants, the armed forces were disbanded in 1948. For over 30 years Costa Rica has maintained a stable civilian government without a regular army, though surrounded by dictatorships. We discuss the history behind the abolition of the Costa Rican army, consider the country's handling of external and internal conflicts since 1948, present the growth of its paramilitary forces, and evaluate the reality of its public policy of demilitarization. Our main conclusion is that Costa Rican demilitarization was a response to an internal conflict rather than a deliberate international policy. The country has actually built up police forces that are used against labor and peasant unrest. But it is also the case that demilitarization has been stressed so consistently in policy declarations that regular military build up has been inhibited. Costa Rica is partly demilitarized, but may become more or less so in the future. 1. See also Kjell Skjelsbæk: 'Militarism, its Dimensions and Corollaries: An Attempt at Con ceptual Clarification,' Journal of Peace Research, XVI (1979), 3, pp. 213-229, and Miles Wolpin: Militarization and Social Welfare in the Third World. Oslo: PRIO, 1981. 40 pp. (S-4/81). 2. J. D. Cozean, The Abolition of the Costa Rican Army, Master's thesis, George Washington University, 1966, p. 31. 3. op. cit. p. 33. 4. S. Stone, La dinastia de los conquistadores. La crisis del poder en la Costa Rica contemporanea, Editorial Universitaria Centroamericana (EDUCA), San José, 1976. 5. D. Tobis, 'United Fruit is not Chiquita', in S. Jonas and D. Tobis, Guatemala, North American Congress on Latin America (NACLA), New York, 1974, p. 122-131 and M. A. Seligson, 'Agrarian Policies in Dependent Societies: Costa Rica', Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Af fairs, 19, 2 (1977), pp. 201-232. 6. Q. Duncan and C. Menendez, El negro en Costa Rica, Editorial Costa Rica, San José, 1978. 7. The history of the civil war is well covered — see, e. g., M. Acuña, El 48, Libreria, imprenta y litografía Lehmann, S. A., San José, 1974, O. Aguilar Bulgarelli, Costa Rica y sus hechos pol iticos de 1948. Problemática de una década, Edi torial Universitaria Centroamericana (EDUCA), San José, 1974, J. P. Bell, Crisis in Costa Rica. The 1948 Revolution, Latin American Monographs No. 24, University of Texas Press, Austin, Texas, 1971, R. Obregon Loria, Conflictos militares y politicos de Costa Rica, Imprenta la Nacion, San José, 1951, and J. Schifter, The Costa Rican Civil War: An tecedents and Projections, Master's thesis, Uni versity of Chicago, Chicago, 1975. 8. S. Stone, ibid, p. 314. 9. J. D. Cozean, ibid, p. 26, and W. L. Worth ington, The Costa Rican Public Security Forces: A Model Armed Force for Emerging Nations?, Master's thesis, University of Florida, 1966, p. 100. 10. O. Aguilar Bulgarelli, La Constitución de 1948: Antecedentes y Proyecciones, Editorial Costa Rica, San José, 1977, pp. 55-56, and C. D. Ameringer, Don Pepe: A Political Biography of José Figueres of Costa Rica, University of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque, New Mexico, 1978, p. 66. 11. C. D. Ameringer, The Democratic Left in Exile. The Antidictatorial Struggle in the Caribbean 1945-1959, University of Miami Press, Coral Gables, Florida, 1974. 12. M. Monteforte Toledo, Centro America: Subdesarrollo y Dependencia, Volumen II, Uni versidad Nacional Autónoma de México, Instituto de Investigaciones Sociales, México D. F., 1972, p. 182. 13. J. D. Cozean, ibid., p. 59. 14. C. Urcuyo Fournier, Les forces de Securite Publique et la politique au Costa Rica, 1960-1978, Diss. Université de Paris V, Paris, 1978. 15. The U. S. Secretary of State Lansing sent a telegram which read: '... the Government of the United States under no circumstances can consider Mr. J. B. Quiros authorized in any manner to act as President of Costa Rica.' Quiros was given 24 hours to leave office, which he did, M. A. Seligson, Peasants of Costa Rica and the Development of Agrarian Capitalism, University of Wisconsin Press, Madison, Wisconsin, 1980, p. 58. 16. U.S. Department of State, Treaties in Force: A List of Treaties and Other International Agree ments of the United States in Force on January 1, 1971, Government Printing Office, Washington D. C., 1971, p. 57. 17. J. C. Ropp, In Search of the New Soldier: Junior Officers and the Prospects of Social Reform in Panama, Honduras and Nicaragua, Ph. D. diss., University of California at Riverside, 1971, and R. N. Adams, Crucification by Power: Essays on Guatemalan National Social Structure, 1944-1966, University of Texas Press, Austin & London, 1970. 18. For the following discussion see Note 7., S. Stone, ibid, and C. D. Ameringer, 1974, ibid. 19. M. Monteforte Toledo, ibid. 20. O. Aguilar Bulgarelli, 1977, ibid, p. 72. 21. Decreto No. 37 de 25 de mayo de 1948, Asamblea Nacional Constituyente, Tomo III, Im prenta Nacional, San José, Costa Rica, 1956, p. 621. (Our translation.) 22. W. L. Worthington, ibid, p. 101. 23. C. D. Ameringer, 1978, ibid, p. 86. 24. C. D. Ameringer, 1974, ibid, p. 216. 25. J. A. Booth and M. A. Seligson, 'Peasants as Activists. A Revaluation of Political Participation in the Countryside', Comparative Political Studies, 12, 1 (1979), pp. 29-59. 26. C. Urcuyo Fournier, ibid, pp. 212, 205. 27. M. Fernandez, A. Schmidt and V. Basauri, La población de Costa Rica, Editorial Universidad de Costa Rica, San José, 1976, pp. 123. 28. R. Cerdas Cruz, La Crisis de la Democracia Liberal en Costa Rica, Editorial Universitaria Centroamericana (EDUCA), Ciudad Universitaria Rodrigo Facio, Costa Rica, 1978, pp. 89-92. 29. C. Urcuyo Fournier, ibid, pp. 204-205. 30. J. Schifter, 'La democracia en Costa Rica como producto de la neutralizacion de clases', in Democracia en Costa Rica? Editorial Universidad Estatial a Distancia, San José, 1978, pp. 171-246. 31. V. H. Cespedes S., Costa Rica: La distribu tion del ingreso y el consumo de algunos alimen tos, Publicaciones de la Universidad de Costa Rica, Serie Economia y Estadistica No. 45, Ciudad Uni versitaria 'Rodrigo Facio', San José, 1973. 32. W. L. Worthington, ibid. 33. La Asamblea Legislativa de la Republica de Costa Rica, Proyecto de 'Ley Organica del Min isterio del Interior', Procuraderia General de la Republica, San José, 1978. 34. See Ministerio de la Presidencia, Oficina de Planificación Nacional y Politica Económica (OFIPLAN), Oficina de Presupuesto Nacional, 'Datos relevantes del Presupuesto Nacional, de ingresos y egresos del Gobierno Central. Ejercicio fiscal 1978', Imprenta Nacional, San José, 1978, H. I. Blutstein, et al., Area Handbook for Costa Rica, American University Foreign Area Studies Division, Washington D. C., 1969, p. 270, and Urcuyo Fournier, ibid, pp. 401-403. 35. J. Saxe-Fernández, 'The Central American Defense Council and Pax American', in I. L. Horo witz, et al., Latin American Radicalism, London, 1969, pp. 75-101, and S. Jonas, 'CONDECA Mil itary Maneuvers', NACLA's Latin America & Empire Report, 11, 3 (1977), pp. 38-39. 36. Urcuyo Fournier, ibid., p. 327. 37. This sparked off a discussion of whether Costa Rica was militarizing, the best known con tributions beeing those of John Saxe-Fernandez and Mario Fernandez Arias, both titled 'The Mil itarization of Costa Rica,' and first published in Costa Rica in 1971. A more recent and more substantial work, motivated by the same events, is the French doctoral dissertation of Constantino Urcuyo Fournier from 1978. 38. A. Stepan, Authoritarianism in Brazil, 1977, p. 130.