Suchergebnisse

Nuestro periodo de estudio muestra un clima surcado por crisis, paradojas y enfrentamientos, en un contexto en que germinan nuevos movimientos sociales. Se inicia con el primer golpe de Estado que quiebra el orden formal constitucional y provoca el derrumbe del proyecto liberal agroexportador junto con la restauración del conservadurismo de tintes nacionalistas. Estos vertiginosos cambios políticos y económicos son acompañados desde lo demográfico con la ruptura de diversas tendencias: se hace visible el descenso de la fecundidad, los saldos migratorios europeos se vuelven negativos, se profundiza la migración interna y se inauguran los casamientos entre cónyuges que pertenecen a la primera generación de argentinos. La elite política aristocratizante muestra, en lo poblacional, una visión tradicional del rol de la mujer y una mirada racista de los flujos migratorios. En este trabajo indagamos el papel del Estado como receptor de las ideas, demandas y presiones que le exponían diferentes sectores sociales. Nos preguntamos cuáles eran los "problemas" y cuáles las "soluciones" que planteaban al Estado los industriales, los militares, los obreros y los profesionales de la salud pública sobre las variables demográficas; qué políticas formuló el Estado en respuesta a estos reclamos, y cuáles eran sus relaciones y discursos en el marco de los intensos debates poblacionales del periodo. Nuestro análisis nos exhibe un Estado firmemente interpelado, colocado en el centro de las discusiones sociales y capaz de formular un intervencionismo cuyo principal destinatario serían los sectores populares. AbstractThe period of study reveals a climate of crises, paradoxes and confrontation, in a context that saw the origin of new social movements. This period began with the first coup d'état, which destroyed the formal constitutional order and led to the collapse of the liberal agro-export project, together with the restoration of nationalistic conservatism. In the demographic sphere, these dizzying political and economic changes were accompanied by the interruption of several trends: there was a visible decrease in fertility, European migra­tory rates became negative, internal migration increased and marriages began to occur between members of the first generation of Argentineans. In the population sphere, the patrician political elite displayed a traditional view of woman's role, together with a racist attitude towards migratory flows. This study explores the state's function as a receptor of the ideas, demands and pressures expressed by the various social sectors. The author examines the problems and solutions put to the state by industrialists, the military, workers, and public health professions regarding demographic variables, the formulas the state provided to meet these demands and their relations and discourses within the context of the intense debates on population at the time. The analysis reveals a state that was constantly questioned, located at the center of social discussions and capable of formulating a type of interventionism whose main target would be the popular sectors.

Antanas Maceina (1908–1987) – iškilus tarpukario Lietuvos ugdymo mokslo – tautinio auklėjimo teorijos, pedagoginio santykiavimo, švietimo ir mokyklų vaidmens lietuvių kultūroje, pedagoginio vitalizmo problemos, fenomenologinės pedagoginio akto analizės, visuotinės pedagogikos istorijos – atstovas, pagrindęs filosofijos ir pedagogikos santykį, teigęs realistinį idealizmą. Pirmasis VDU apgynęs pedagogikos daktaro disertaciją Tautinis auklėjimas (1934, vadovas – prof. Stasys Šalkauskis), A. Maceina parašė kapitalinį Pedagogikos istorijos veikalą (1939), kuriame svarsto tautinio auklėjimo ir atitautinimo problemas, aiškina lavinimo ir auklėjimo esmę, teigia ugdymo kūrybinį pobūdį ir mokyklų laisvę valstybėje. Straipsnio autorius, vertindamas įvairialypį A. Maceinos pedagoginį palikimą, koncentruoja dėmesį į tautinio auklėjimo teorijos reikšmingumą, švietimo ir mokyklų vaidmenį keliant lietuvių kultūrą, taip pat į fenomenologinę ugdymo, ypač pedagoginio akto, analizę. Iš akiračio neišleidžiama A. Maceinos pedagoginių pažiūrų raida, ugdymo interpretacijų kaita, ryškėjančio filosofo pastanga kurti universaliąją pedagogiką. Nors A. Maceinos palikimo leidėjai suskubo ugdymo teoriją pavadinti "pedagogikos filosofija", straipsnio autorius linkęs sugrąžinti autentiškesnį, paties pedagogikos veikalų autoriaus teiktą "filosofinės pedagogikos" įvardijimą ir analizuoti jos virsmą į ugdymo filosofiją. Pagrindiniai žodžiai: ugdymo filosofija, pietizmas pedagogikoje, tautinio auklėjimo ir atitautinimo teorija, švietimas ir mokykla valstybėje, kūrybinis ugdymo pobūdis.Philosophical Pedagogy of A. MaceinaJuozas Vytautas Uzdila
SummaryAntanas Maceina (1908–1987) is an outstanding representative of pedagogical education inbetween the two wars. He worked in the spheres of the theory of national education, pedagogical correlation, and the history of world pedagogy, analyzed the role of education and educational institutions in Lithuanian culture, the problem of pedagogical vitalism, and gave a phenomenological analysis of the pedagogical act. A. Maceina grounded the close connection between philosophy and pedagogy, asserted their integral synthesis and realistic idealism. At Vytautas Magnus University he was the first to maintain a doctoral dissertation in pedagogy "National Education" in 1934 (scientific research supervisor Prof. Stasys Šalkauskis). In 1939, A. Maceina wrote his great work "A History of Pedagogy" where, with his characteristic pietism, he considered the problems of national education and denationalization, elucidated the essence of education and training, asser ted the creative nature of fostering and the freedom of educational institutions in Lithuania. The article focuses on A. Maceina's diverse pedagogical heritage emphasizing the significance of his theory of national education, the role of school education in promoting Lithuanian culture, the phenomenological analysis of the pedagogical act, the development of his ideas of pedagogy, and his determined attempt to create world pedagogy. Although the publishers of A. Maceina's works labeled his theory of education as "philosophy of pedagogy", the author of the article is inclined to call back a more authentic term "philosophical pedagogy" given by A. Maceina himself and then to analize its transformation to educational philosophy.Keywords: philosophical pedagogy, educational philosophy, pietism in pedagogy, theory of national education and denationalization, school education in the state, pedagogical act, creative nature of education.

SUMMARY:
Sohpie Coeurié in her article reconstructs the "stolen memory" of French archives, i.e., the story of the documents that became Soviet and Nazi "loot" in the course of the WWII. Nazi archival extrusions as well as inter-war period regulations of archival policies and rules (national as well as international) provide context and comparative cases for the major case of the Soviet Union's dealing with French archival documents. In 1945, the Russian term "trophies," as applied to the conquered archives and other cultural products, had no equivalent in the language of the Soviet Union's war allies. As the article shows, this term indeed expressed the essence of Soviet archival policy in defeated Germany and in other European countries. On the one hand, the documents were needed to disclose Nazi crimes, and to this degree Russia went along with its war allies. Yet, on the other hand, the documents were viewed as a compensation for war loses, and as something that could be used strategically in ideological purposes.

Sohpie Coeurié explains that the logic behind the Soviet collection of "archival trophies" was not national – Soviet leaders did not support conscious projects whose aim was to assemble in the Soviet Union documents pertaining to Russian history and culture. Confiscations were governed by political and police pragmatism, and later by the logic of the Cold war. Therefore Coeurié suggests that the Soviet "managing of the past" assumed a more complicated form compared to Nazi Germany: the Soviet Union rejected nationalism in favor of the "empire of the revolution" ideal. Moscow became the center for historical archives of the world revolutionary movement (e.g., socialist, communist), and the "trophy archives" became a part of the "empire of the revolution" memory. Coeurié illustrates this statement by analyzing the history of the Central State Special Archive; principles of classification and usage of the "trophy archives" in the 1950s–1960s; implications of the rejection by Soviet archivists of the principle of respect toward a "collection's origin"; and the most frequently consulted French collections from the Special archive. While doing this, she notices the moment of nationalization of Soviet ideology and archival policy during the later Soviet period – the trend that became dominant in post-Perestroika Russia. To explain this trend, the author turns to Russian debates about restitution, and specifically to a complicated story of returning French archival "trophies" to France. Partial success of French efforts to get back their archives are explained in the article by the absence in Russian society of a consensus regarding the history of WWII and the nature of the Soviet period, as well as by the nationalization of Russian state ideology. The choice of documents to be restituted was based not on the fact of their French origin, but on their "French" character. Materials that were confiscated by the Soviet Army and officials at the end of the War but recognized by contemporary Russian archivists as a part of "Russian cultural heritage" remained in Russia.

Considerando o contexto dos anos 90, marcado pela precarização no mercado de trabalho brasileiro, o artigo examina, com base nos dados da Pesquisa de Emprego e Desemprego na Região Metropolitana de Porto Alegre (PED-RMPA), a evolução das formas de inserção ocupacional das mulheres no mercado de trabalho dessa Região metropolitana, analisando os impactos diferenciados sobre os gêneros. Os resultados evidenciam impactos diferenciados e contraditórios quanto às desigualdades de gênero, com situações geralmente desvantajosas para as mulheres. Assim, apesar de ter havido redução dos diferenciais entre os sexos, com o aumento da participação das mulheres no mercado de trabalho e nas inserções mais protegidas, e diminuição dos diferenciais de rendimentos, a precariedade ainda prevalece entre as mulheres, dado o aumento expressivo do desemprego, dos serviços domésticos e do assalariamento sem carteira. PALAVRAS-CHAVE: gênero e trabalho, trabalho e diferenciais de gênero, mercado de trabalho, precarização do trabalho. WORK AND PRECARIOUSNESS IN RMPA: differentiated evolution attenuates gender inequalities Considering the context of the nineties, marked by precariousness in the Brazilian labor market, the author examines, using data from the Pesquisa de Emprego e Desemprego na Região Metropolitana de Porto Alegre – PEDRMPA (Research of Employment and Unemployment in the Metropolitan Region of Porto Alegre – PED-RMPA), the evolution of occupational insertion of women in the labor market of this metropolitan region, analyzing the differentiated impacts on gender composition. Data show differentiated and contradictory impacts in the gender inequalities, with generally disadvantaged situations for women. Therefore, despite a differential reduction between genders, with an increase of women participation on the labor market and on the most protected insertions, and a decrease on income differentials, precariousness still prevails among women, considering the expressive increase of unemployment, of household services and precarious employment. KEY WORDS: gender and work, work and gender differentials, labor market, work precariousness. TRAVAIL ET PRECARISATION DANS LA RMPA: l'evolution diferenciee attenue les inegalites de genre Prenant en considération le contexte des années 90, marqué par la précarisation du marché du travail brésilien, cet article observe, à partir des données de la Recherche sur l'Emploi et le Chômage de la Région Métropolitaine de Porto Alegre (PED-RMPA), l'évolution des formules d'insertion occupationnelle des femmes, sur le marché du travail de cette région métropolitaine, et analyse les impacts différenciés sur les genres. Les résultats mettent en évidence les impacts différenciés et contradictoires concernant les inégalités de genre, avec des situations souvent désavantageuses pour les femmes. C'est ainsi que, malgré la diminution des différentiels entre sexes, étant donné l'augmentation de la participation des femmes sur le marché du travail et dans des insertions plus protégées, vu également la diminution des différentiels de revenus, la précarité domine encore parmi les femmes à cause de l'augmentation expressive du chômage, des travaux domestiques et du travail salarié sans contrat. MOTS-CLÉS: genre et travail, travail et différentiels de genre, marché du travail, précarité du travail. Publicação Online do Caderno CRH: http://www.cadernocrh.ufba.br

Straipsnyje analizuojami ir interpretuojami Platono dialoge "Faidonas" pateikti sielos nemirtingumo įrodymai. Platonas šiame dialoge siekia rekonstruoti sokratiškojo imperatyvo "Pasirūpink savo siela, kad ji taptų kuo geresnė" prielaidas. Kadangi rūpestis siela kasdieniame gyvenime nepasiteisina, tai tenka ieškoti atpildo už tą rūpestį garantijų anapus šio gyvenimo, o tai ir numato sielos nemirtingumo prielaidą. Dialoge išskiriami keturi sielos nemirtingumo įrodymai – dialektinis, gnoseologinis, ontologinis bei aksiologinis. Rekonstruojama kiekvieno jū loginė struktūra ir prielaidos, kurias tematizuojant antikos mąstymo kontekstu atskleidžiamos kiekvieno įrodymo tiesioginės ir netiesioginės intencijos. Nagrinėjama ir antikoje populiarus požiūris, kad siela yra kūno daliū harmonija. Nurodoma, kad Platonas šį požiūrį aptaria ne tiek dėl savų konceptualinių sumetimų, kiek atiduodamas duoklę tokios sampratos populiarumui antikoje. Tačiau bene daugiausia dėmesio straipsnyje skiriama aiškintis platoniškajai pažinimo sampratai. Parodoma, kad esminius pažinimo kaip atsiminimo sampratos ypatumus lemia graikiškojo mąstymo sinkretiškumas, savo ruožtu anonimizuojantis pažinimo subjektą. Straipsnis pradedamas ir baigiamas etiniais akcentais. Konstatuojama, kad Platono "Faidonas" yra bene pirmasis mėginimas teoriškai pagrįsti etinę žmogaus elgseną ir kad jame jau nurodyti tik gerokai vėliau I. Kanto suformuluoti praktinio proto postulatai.Reikšminiai žodžiai: pažinimas, atsiminimas, kasdienis mąstymas, etinis mąstymas, prasmė.

PHAIDON": STRUCTURE AND MEANING OF THE PROOFS OF IMMORTALITY OF SOULSkirmantas Jankauskas
Summary The paper deals with the proofs of immortality of soul in Plato's 'Phaidon'. It is demonstrated here that in the dialogue, Plato attempts to reconstruct theoretical premises of the Socratic imperative 'first and chiefly care about the greatest improvement of the soul'. The concern with the quality of soul has no warrants of reward in everyday life, therefore, it is necessary to search for such warrants beyond this life, which implies the prerequisite of the immortality of soul. Four proofs of the immortality of soul are distinguished in the dialogue: dialectical, gnoseological, ontological ant axiological. The logical structure and the premises of every proof are reconstructed. The premises are thematized in the context of Greek thinking, and in this way the direct and indirect intentions of every proof are revealed. The popular Antique concept of the soul as a harmony of the parts of body is analyzed as well. It is pointed out that Plato deals with the concept not because of his own conceptual preoccupations but just paying a debt to the popularity of this concept in the Antique world. However, the focus of the paper centers upon the Platonic concept of knowledge. The author maintains that the essential features of the concept of knowledge as anamnesis are predetermined by the sincretic character of the Greek thinking that in its turn anonimizes the subject of knowledge. The paper begins and ends with ethical accents. It is stated here that 'Phaidon' could be treated as the first attempt to produce a theoretical foundation of ethical behavior and that therein the postulates of practical reason, as formulated much more later by I. Kant, are already distinguished. Keywords: knowledge, anamnesis, everyday thinking, ethical thinking, sense.

Marc Blecher's magisterial text on China's political economy was first published in 1996. The tale of China's unfolding political economy after the 1949 Revolution has often been told, but Blecher did full justice to the subject, telling his story with aplomb, verve and no little eloquence. By focusing on politics and economics, he sensibly restricted the scope of his book, and by combining three narrative chapters with more analytical chapters on the state, inequality, as well as economics and politics, Blecher's reach extended well beyond that of any mere descriptive account.This book, the second edition, retains the essential structure of its predecessor, but updates the story to 2002. In addition, a significant body of new material has been included. For example, the Society chapter includes an up-to-date and apposite discussion of gender inequality, whilst that on political economy discusses the implications of WTO entry. And, in recognition of the increased blurring of the distinction between rural and urban China, the separate chapters on the rural and urban economics of the first edition have been amalgamated. A little more up-dating would have improved the text still further; for example, the chapter on pre-1949 China takes into account little by way of recent scholarship. That, however, is only a minor quibble.In its essentials, this is a textbook, and that is reflected in the balanced and judicious tone that permeates its pages. Nevertheless, Blecher's stands as a text apart. For one thing, it does proper justice to the complexities of Chinese political economy and (in a truly excellent discussion) its administrative system. Doubtless, some will complain that it is too sophisticated for its audience, but it is hard to condemn an author for refusing to pander to the mediocre. Secondly, this book is richly informed by Blecher's own research on the local Chinese state and economy, particularly that on Shulu county (Xinji city) in Hebei, conducted with Vivienne Shue. It is, therefore, the work of a practitioner, not an onlooker. Thirdly, and perhaps most importantly, it focuses on the fundamentals of development, class, inequality and growth, and in so doing avoids fashionable ephemera. In a sense, its flavour is rather traditional. For example, the term "social formation" is used without either apology or irony, and the 1949 Revolution retains its (rightful) place as the fundamental climacteric in 20th-century Chinese history. Not all will share Blecher's approach to these matters. However, it is hard to see how one can understand an explicitly Marxist state armed only with a knowledge of missionaries and modernization theory, or a messianic faith in the capability of the multinational to render harmonious a fractured social landscape. If we are to comprehend post-1949 China, we need to understand its political and economic structures, as well as the forces and ideals which animated its leaders. Marc Blecher's book is the place to start.

Climate change is now well recognized as a potentially significant factor in the human future, affecting ecological systems, agriculture, health, and settlement patterns. The scientific consensus, periodically assessed by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, foresees a long‐term atmospheric warming of a few degrees over a century. The accumulating knowledge of the world's climate history, however, suggests that any implied stability of trend may be illusory. The evidence comes from ice and seabed cores and tree rings, which can yield year‐by‐year information on atmospheric conditions and time‐series of mean temperatures extending back for millennia. These data show many episodes of a sudden rise or fall in temperature in particular regions, sometimes of 10°C or more in ten years, with the new mean lasting for decades or centuries. There is thus the likelihood—even the inevitability—of comparably large and abrupt changes occurring in coming years, a very different prospect from the "greenhouse warming" scenario projected by current large‐scale climate models. Moreover, the two phenomena may be connected: a continued slow temperature rise may at some point trigger an abrupt shift in climate regime through mechanisms such as the effect on ocean circulation. In 2002 a committee set up by the US National Research Council reviewed what is known about this subject in a report, Abrupt Climate Change: Inevitable Surprises (Washington, DC: National Academy Press). The Council is the operating arm of the US National Academy of Sciences; the Committee on Abrupt Climate Change comprised mostly oceanographers and climate experts and was chaired by Richard B. Alley, Professor of Geosciences, Pennsylvania State University, a glaciologist and author of The Two‐Mile Time Machine: Ice Cores, Abrupt Climate Change, and Our Future (Princeton, 2000).A recent spate of media attention to the subject has been occasioned less by the NRC report itself than by a dramatic scenario exercise derived from it, prepared under US Defense Department auspices, and by release of a disaster film with an instant‐ice‐age theme. The Pentagon study, An Abrupt Climate Change Scenario and Its Implications for United States National Security, authored by Peter Schwartz and Doug Randall, was issued in October 2003. It explores the hypothetical geopolitical consequences of a repetition in the near future of an event experienced 8,200 years ago (as recorded in an ice core from central Greenland): a sudden cooling of some 2–3° C, lasting for a century, punctuating climatic conditions broadly similar to those of the present day. In the scenario, the collapse of ocean heat‐conveying currents causes rapid cooling in the northern hemisphere and warming in the southern hemisphere. Outcomes include resource wars, large population movements, and "a significant drop in the human carrying capacity of the Earth's environment."In February 2004 the NRC reasserted the more measured voices of its committee by issuing a four‐page summary of the 2002 report, under the same title as the full document. This "report in brief" is reproduced below.

The author looks into Habermas' theory of deliberative democracy in the context of the present-day debates on the theory of morals & politics. The starting point of Habermas' theory is his idea of discourse ethics. This is cognitivist ethics in the tradition of Kant, Rawis, Tugendhat & Apel that is built around the concept of normative correctness analogous to the descriptive notion of truth. This idea is best expressed by Kant's categorical imperative, according to which the validity of norms depends on their generalizability. Habermas, in line with Kant, is aware of the impossibility to rationally found universalist ethics. Instead of the final (deductive) foundations he offers the reflexion about the assumptions of a meaningful discourse i.e. the argumentation rules that must be respected if language communication is to be meaningful. Habermas' outline of the theory of law in his book Between Facts and Norms (Faktizirat und Geltung) builds on this moral-theoretical position. In modern society the function of law is to facilitate social communication: law is the legitimate framework of social communication on which the actors can rely. Habermas considers the specific link between human rights & popular sovereignty as the source of legitimacy. Human rights & popular sovereignty mutually condition each other & at the same time there is tension between them. The absolutization of individual rights makes democracy impossible since decision-making is obstructed; absolutization of popular sovereignty leads to the tyranny of the majority & the loss of rights. Habermas thinks that law can be legitimized by communicational mediation between the individual rights & popular sovereignty, in line with the principle that the claim to validity can only be laid by those norms that are approved of by all potentially affected individuals as rational discourse participants. Popular sovereignty is consistently procedurally interpreted. On the one hand, it is practised by means of public discourses & on the other through decision-making processes within democratically structured political institutions. The two dimensions of legitimizing law are different yet complementary: public discourses take place in civil society, political decisions are made in democratic institutions of the state. This is also an outline of the specific position of Habermas' political theory of deliberative democracy. It is equally distant from the model of liberal democracy which emphasizes possessive individualism & the protection of citizens' private interests, & from the republican democratic model that emphasizes political participation of active citizens. The theory of deliberative democracy emphasizes the importance of civil society: It is a sort of a practical verification of discourse ethics. Civil society is a sphere of autonomous public communication that is complementary to state administration but cannot substitute it. Communication power is exercised in the "siege mode" i.e. multiple discourses of civil society should contribute to the rationality & legitimacy of the decisions made by the political system, but do not have to replace them nor expose them to populist pressures. 2 Figures, 16 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author looks into Habermas' theory of deliberative democracy in the context of the present-day debates on the theory of morals & politics. The starting point of Habermas' theory is his idea of discourse ethics. This is cognitivist ethics in the tradition of Kant, Rawis, Tugendhat & Apel that is built around the concept of normative correctness analogous to the descriptive notion of truth. This idea is best expressed by Kant's categorical imperative, according to which the validity of norms depends on their generalizability. Habermas, in line with Kant, is aware of the impossibility to rationally found universalist ethics. Instead of the final (deductive) foundations he offers the reflexion about the assumptions of a meaningful discourse i.e. the argumentation rules that must be respected if language communication is to be meaningful. Habermas' outline of the theory of law in his book Between Facts and Norms (Faktizirat und Geltung) builds on this moral-theoretical position. In modern society the function of law is to facilitate social communication: law is the legitimate framework of social communication on which the actors can rely. Habermas considers the specific link between human rights & popular sovereignty as the source of legitimacy. Human rights & popular sovereignty mutually condition each other & at the same time there is tension between them. The absolutization of individual rights makes democracy impossible since decision-making is obstructed; absolutization of popular sovereignty leads to the tyranny of the majority & the loss of rights. Habermas thinks that law can be legitimized by communicational mediation between the individual rights & popular sovereignty, in line with the principle that the claim to validity can only be laid by those norms that are approved of by all potentially affected individuals as rational discourse participants. Popular sovereignty is consistently procedurally interpreted. On the one hand, it is practised by means of public discourses & on the other through decision-making processes within democratically structured political institutions. The two dimensions of legitimizing law are different yet complementary: public discourses take place in civil society, political decisions are made in democratic institutions of the state. This is also an outline of the specific position of Habermas' political theory of deliberative democracy. It is equally distant from the model of liberal democracy which emphasizes possessive individualism & the protection of citizens' private interests, & from the republican democratic model that emphasizes political participation of active citizens. The theory of deliberative democracy emphasizes the importance of civil society: It is a sort of a practical verification of discourse ethics. Civil society is a sphere of autonomous public communication that is complementary to state administration but cannot substitute it. Communication power is exercised in the "siege mode" i.e. multiple discourses of civil society should contribute to the rationality & legitimacy of the decisions made by the political system, but do not have to replace them nor expose them to populist pressures. 2 Figures, 16 References. Adapted from the source document.

AbstractThis paper explores the basic responsibilities of those who "govern" any kind of organization, whether these be non‐profits, widely held or closely held firms, cooperatives, or voluntary agencies. It adopts a perspective that is largely philosophical and sociological rather than legal or economic, and explores the basic functions of governors in relation to their organizations. It begins its inquiry by contrasting managing and governing. It argues that the practice of governing consists fundamentally in the exercise of reflective and authoritative judgment. The paper then reflects on the basic character of organizations, using what the author refers to as a revised stakeholder model. It argues that organizations are constituted and reconstituted by their ongoing, negotiated, asset‐creating interactions with diverse constituencies. With this enlarged view of organizations as a frame of reference, the paper then spells out in order of importance the fundamental responsibilities of governors. These consist of overviewing their organizations to promote the good of their organizations as a whole, reviewing and authorizing organizational strategies, monitoring organizational performances, supervising chief administrators, as well as other tasks. In order to assume these responsibilities effectively, governing boards need to be constituted so that they can deliberate well. While recognizing merit in the view that regards governors primarily as agents of stakeholders with proprietary claims, the paper argues instead that boards should be constituted to represent the interests of their organizations as whole.RésuméCet article examine les responsabilités fondamentales de ceux qui "gouvernent" les différent types d'organisa‐tions, qu'elles soient organisations sans but lucratif, à capital privé ou cotées en bourse, coopératives, ou organisations volontaires. Il adopte une perspective essentiellement philosophique et sociologique plutôt que légate ou économique, et explore les fonctions fondamentales des gouverneurs par rapport à leurs organisations. II commence par une discussion sur la différence entre gestion et gouvernance. Nous proposons que la gouver‐nance est avant tout un exercice de réflexion et implique un jugement d'autorité. Ensuite, nous réfléchissons sur le caractère fondamental des organisations en utilisant ce que nous appelons un modèle réSvisé des parties prenantes ("stakeholders"). Notre argument est que les organisations sont constituées et reconstituées par les interactions permanentes et négociées entre différent groupes, et que ce sont ces interactions qui créent les ac‐tifs de l'organisation. Avec comme cadre de référence cette vue élargie de l'organisation, cet article énonce par ordre d'importance les responsabilités fondamentales des gouverneurs. Celles‐ci consistent à exercer une vue générate sur Vorganisation pour le bien de leur organisation dans son ensemble, de revoir et d'autoriser les stratégies organisationnelles, de suivre les performances organisationnelles, de superviser les responsables, ainsi que d'autres tâches. Les comités de gouvernance doivent être constitués de telle sorte qu 'ils assument leurs responsabilités et puissent bien délibérer. Tout en reconnaissant le mérite du modèle des gouverneurs comme agents des parties prenantes, cet article met en avant que les comités de gouvemance devraient représenter les intérêts des organisations dans leur ensemble.

Humans are dependent on others for their livelihood for many years before they become economically productive and self‐supporting. In modern industrial societies productivity and the capacity to be self‐supporting also require costly investments in human capital. What is the proper division of responsibilities between parents and other members of society for rearing children and thus, collectively, reproducing the population? And how equitable is the sharing between husband and wife of the burdens that fall on the immediate family? To what extent should social responsibilities for childrearing be formalized in explicit institutional arrangements? While certainly long‐standing, these questions acquired a special urgency in industrial countries beginning with the second decade of the twentieth century as a result of the convulsive experience of the world war. (In subsequent decades, below‐replacement‐level fertility amplified such concerns.) Total mobilization for war resulted in the massive influx of female workers into industry, thus undercutting prevailing assumptions about the logic and equity of an industrial system characterized by sharp divisions of labor by sex, discrimination in hiring and remuneration in the job market, and routine reliance on unpaid female labor in childrearing.In the March 1917 issue of The Economic Journal, Eleanor F. Rathbone addressed these issues in an article titled "The remuneration of women's services." This article is reproduced below in full. "Perhaps the most important function which any State has to perform—more important even than guarding against its enemies—is to secure its own periodic renewal by providing for the rearing of fresh generations," asserted Rathbone. How is this burden paid for? She saw the existing system as iniquitous and haphazard—requiring a disproportionate and unremunerated contribution from the adult female population, a contribution supplemented only in a "hesitating and half‐hearted way" by the state. The modern state gradually accepted responsibilities to cover some of the costs of formal education and started to make minor provisions for child nurture and medical expenses. Still, she noted, "the great bulk of the main cost of [population] renewal [the state] still pays for… by the indirect and extraordinarily clumsy method of financing the male parent"—thus accomplishing the task "in a very defective and blundering way." Rathbone argued for a radical rethinking and revision of the existing system. She further elaborated her proposals in a book, The Disinherited Family, published in 1924. This book was republished posthumously in 1949 under the title Family Allowances. Lord Beveridge, father of the post–World War II British welfare state, in an Epilogue written for that book, attributes the intellectual preparation of the 1945 Family Allowances Act "first and foremost" to the author of The Disinherited Family.Eleanor Rathbone was born in 1872 to a prominent Liverpool family. Educated at Oxford in classics and philosophy, she played an active public role as a suffragist, feminist, and advocate of social reforms. She was a member of the British Parliament, as an Independent, from 1929 to her death in 1946.

Teatro Abierto ('Open Theatre') was launched in Argentina in 1981. It was the idea of a number of playwrights, directors and actors, many of whom had spent all or many of the years following the 1976 coup in exile abroad. They were determined to demonstrate that theatre was still a living art in Argentina in spite of repeated government censorship and outright repression by means of bannings, threats and blacklists. 'We reckoned that if we all appeared together, they couldn't possibly silence the whole thing,' one of the founding group commented. Their idea was to put on 21 short plays at the rate of three a day over a week, with repetitions of the plays over a month. However, halfway through the first week, just after the performance of a play which contained references to the thousands of 'disappeared' in Argentina (see Box), the theatre staging the plays was burnt out. Several people, never subsequently identified, broke into it and spread phosphorus bombs throughout the auditorium. The theatre was gutted, and since it was not insured, has remained empty ever since. The outcry against such a blatant attack on freedom of expression was so great that the season of plays was quickly offered a home in a larger theatre, where the remaining works were performed, arousing enormous public interest. Teatro Abierto 1981 was an important psychological turning point for cultural life in Argentina under the military. The fact that a group of artists had stood together and refused to allow any interference with their work greatly encouraged others. Their initiative was soon followed by similar events in dance, cinema and photography, all of them demonstrating the vitality of Argentine cultural expression despite six years of official censorship and neglect. The play which follows, Odd Man In, was one of the works presented in the 1981 series of Teatro Abierto. Its author, Eduardo Pavlovsky, returned recently to Argentina after spending several years in exile in Spain. He has described his escape from Argentina in the following fashion: 'In my play Telarañas ('Cobwebs') there is a scene in which two gas board officials force their way into a home. In fact, they are not from the gas board at all, but are torturers. Cobwebs was written in 1976 and put on at the Teatro Payró in 1977. It lasted two days. I received a letter from the Secretary of Culture of the City of Buenos Aires asking me to withdraw it. Possibly because I wasn't fully aware of the kind of situation we were really in, I took no notice, and forced them to issue a formal banning decree. Three months later, two 'gas board officials' came to my place asking for me. Luckily my secretary realised what was going on, and phoned to me upstairs. By this time, another eight 'gasmen' had appeared. If I'm here to tell the story, it's because by then I had climbed out of my window and escaped across the roofs.'

SUMMARYPeasants have frequently been observed to exhibit two patterns of political behavior which tend to inhibit the formation and consolidation of peasant economic and political organizations, namely political passivity and violence. Theories so far have usually concentrated on explaining either only one of these behavior patterns, or only one class context (either inter‐or intra‐class relations). Noting that Chinese peasants during land reform frequently adopted these behavior patterns both towards landlords and towards peasant leaders of their organizations, the author develops her own explanation based on the analysis of several case studies, one of which is presented here in detail as illustration. Her main hypothesis is that Chinese peasants make rational behavior‐choices based not only on the calculation of expected material benefits, but also on that of political risks. This latter calculation appears to rest on certain assumptions which are shared by the majority of Chinese peasants and which do not differ in content when considering the future political behavior of peasant rather than landlord power‐wielders.RÉSUMÉIl a souvent été considere que les paysans manifestent deux types de comportemcnt politique ‐ passivité d'une part et violence d'autre part ‐ ce qui tendrait à empêcher la formation et la consolidation d'organisations paysannes, tant politiques qu'économiques. Et jusqu'ici les théories se sont habituellement centrées sur l'explication soit d'un de ces types de comportement, soit sur un unique contexte de classe (relations entre classe ou internes à la classe).Observant que les paysans chinois ont, durant la réforme agraire, fréquemment adopté ces types de comportement tant à l'égard des propriétaires terriens que des leaders de leurs organisations, l'auteur développe son propre modèle explicatif à partir de plusieurs études de cas dont une sert ici d'illustration. Sa principale hypothèse est que les paysans ont en fait un comportement rationnel dans la mesure où celui‐ci n'est pas seulement basé sur un calcul économique mais aussi sur un calcul des risques politiques. Ce calcul politique sc révèle alors reposer sur certaines dispositions qui sont communes à la majorité des paysans chinois et qui ne changent pas de sens si on examine le comportement politique futur par rapport à l'exercice du pouvoir des propriétaires terriens.ZUSAMMENFASSUNGEs ist häufig beobachtet worden, daß Bauern zwei politische Verhal‐tensmuster aufweisen, welche die Bildung und Konsolidicrung von ökonomischen und politischen Bauernorganisationen tendenziell verhindern, nämlich politische Passivität und Gewalltätigkeit. Theorien haben sich bisher meist darauf konzentriert, entweder nur eins dieser Verhaltensmuster oder diese nur in einem Zusammenhang (entweder Inter‐ oder Intraklassenbeziehungen) zu erklären. Ausgehend von der Beobachtung, daß chinesische Bauern während der Bodenreformzeit häufig diese Verhaltensweisen sowohl gegenüber Großgrundbesitzern als auch gegenüber den Bauernführern ihrer eigenen Organisationen ergriffen, entwickelt die Autorin aufgrund einer Analyse mehrerer Fallstudien ‐ von dencn cine hier zu Illustration ausführlicher darge‐stellt wird ‐ ihre eigene Erklärung. Ihre Hauptthese ist, daß chinesische Bauern rationale Verhaltensentscheidungen treffen, die nicht nur auf der Berechnung von erwarteten materiellen Vorteilen, sondern auch von politischen Risiken beruhen. Dieser letzten Kalkulation scheinen einige Annahmen zugrundezuliegen, die von der Mehrheit der chinesischen Bauern geteilt werden, und die sich inhaltlich nicht un‐terscheiden, gleichviel ob es sich um das politische Verhalten von Bauern oder das von Großgrundbesitzern handelt.

SUMMARY This article criticizes the argument of Radorniro Tomić, (see 'Reflections on the Coup d'Etat in Chile', IDS Bulletin vol.7 no. 3, October 1975) according to which there was a possibility of an agreement between the Chilean Christian Democrats and the parties of Unidad Popular which would have saved Chile from the events of September 1973. The counter‐argument rests on the evidence that the Christian Democrats did all they could to prevent the UP government from fulfilling its programme, and even when partial agreements were in the air, ended up by defeating such efforts. Tomić represents a minority view in his party which is dominated by Frei, the President of Chile from 1964 to 1970, who has always rejected any deal with the Left. However, the author agrees with Tomić that an agreement would have saved the country from its present fate, even if it would have involved some sacrifice of ultimate goals.RESUME La Démocratie Chrétienne et la Gauche au Chile: Le Bilan Selon TomićL'article qui suit remet en question la thèse de Radomiro Tomić, (voir 'Réflexions au sujet du Coup d'Etat du Chile', Bulletin de 1'IDS, Vol. 7, No. 3, Octobre 1975) selon laquelle il est question de la possibilité d'un accord entre Démocrates Chrétiens Chiliens et partis de L'Union Populaire qui aurait pu éviter au Chile les evenements de September 1973. Le contre‐argument repose sur le fait que les Démocrates Chrétiens ont fait tout ce qui était en leur pouvoir pour empêcher le Gouvernement d'UP de remplir son programme, et même lorsque des accords partiaux étaient dans l'air, ont fini par mettre de tels efforts en échec. Tomić représente les vues d'une minorité au sein de son parti, dominé par Frei, Président du Chile de 1964 à 1970. qui a toujours refusé de traiter avec un parti de gauche. Cependant l'auteur pense comme Tomić qu'un accord aurait sauvé le pays de son destin actuel, même si cela avait impliqué le sacrifice d'objectifs ultérieurs.RESUMEN Tomić y la Relación entre la Democracia Cristiana y la Izquierda en Chile: Un ComentarioEste articulo critica la tesis de Radomiro Tomić (ver, 'Reflexiones sobre el Golpe de Estado en Chile', Boletín IDS Vol. 7, No. 3, octubre 1975) según la cual los partidos de la Unidad Popular hubieran podido llegar a un acuerdo sin transacciones ideológicas con la Democracia Cristiana y evitar asi la tragedia de septiembre de 1973. Tomić representa una tendencia minoritaria dentro su partido, el que está dominado por el ‐ex‐Presidente de Chile Eduardo Frei, quien nunca quiso llegar a un acuerdo. El autor concuerda con Tomić que un entendimiento con la izquierda hubiera salvado al país de su destino actual, pero cree que su ausencia se debió a que nadie apreció con claridad los riesgos que se corrían al no buscar seriamente un acuerdo.