Ova knjiga, koju su uredili prof. dr. sc. Anđelko Milardović i Nikolina Jožanc predstavlja zbornik radova, temeljen na znanstvenom skupu Demokracija i postdemokracija u Hrvatskoj i Europskoj uniji, održanom 22. listopada 2012. u Zagrebu. Knjiga je okupila dvanaestero politologa koji su kroz različita teorijska i metodološka polazišta iznijeli svoje viđenje stanja demokracije u suvremenom hrvatskom i europskom okviru. Skup je održan uz potporu voditelja predstavništva Europske komisije u Hrvatskoj, g. Branka Baričevića, kao i Instituta za migracije i narodnosti i Centra za demokraciju i pravo "Miko Tripalo". Predstavljači su naglasili potrebu kontinuiranog promišljanja demokracije i istaknuli važnost akademskog doprinosa stalnom procesu obnavljanja svijesti aktivnog građanstva u uvjetima suvremenog globaliziranog i pluraliziranog društva.
The author analyzes the concept of balance of power in International Relations through critical overview of Realist tradition (both Classical and scientific), and its horizontal understanding of balancing of power as a principle per se. The first part analyzes the pessimistic phase (Classical Realism), with the emphasis on the works of H.J. Morgenthau, who promoted the balance of power as a principle per se in the hands of international power politics. In the second part, the scientific phase (Neorealism) empirically establishes the value-free balance of power concept in International Relations. By examining materialism and empiricism of Realism, in the third part the author indicates the limitations of the horizontal approach as a consequence of permanently ignoring the vertical aspect: ideational approach and norms and rules as the first principle of international system of society of states. Adapted from the source document.
The author first deals with the concept of national minority, presenting various attempts of their legal and conceptual defining. Since there is no generally accepted definition of national minorities, even within the EU, there are still controversies on the issue of defining a group as 'national minority'. In addition, there are disputes over the issue of representation and political-juridical protection of minorities. At the same time such international legal uncertainty allows for broad flexibility in conceptualising and implementing instruments for protection and representation. The article focuses also on some of these models, especially when it comes to Croatia. We argue that there is no clarity in who constitutes a national minority in Croatia, and thus the practice of political representation remains driven by political considerations rather than by principles. This is a source of inconsistency in legal solutions for parliamentary representation of national minorities. The author argues in favour of special representation of national minorities in the Parliament and for the instrument of double vote for citizens who belong to national minorities. This instrument is justified also because of the very significant contribution that national minorities have given to Croatian society in the past. Adapted from the source document.
This article analyses the phenomena of spectacularisation, tabloidisation and celebrity culture and their appearance in politics and political arena. It looks at models of the media construction of social reality within the concept of the society of the spectacle. The author argues that celebrity culture as a part of media spectacle is not void of ideologies, but rather the opposite: it is led by market-based ideologies, by desire of commercial sectors in media and advertising to make profit and by commercialisation of politics. Thus, the phenomena that are central to this article are the evidence of the prevailing form of hegemony, which characterises liberal democracy and neoliberal consumerism. Adapted from the source document.
This paper argues that various EU policy initiatives towards the Western Balkans in the period of 1990-1999 did not in fact encourage the Western Balkans to move on and secure quicker integration into the European Union. They also failed to support reforms in the political, economic and social spheres. In addition, EU initiatives were too ineffective in terms of development of regional cooperation among countries of the region. Thus, new models were -- and still are -- needed if the EU remains committed to further enlargement in the Western Balkans. The author proposes development of a euro-region in the Western Balkans. In this way, countries of the Western Balkans would be encouraged to collaborate in applying for EU funding, which would support other forms of cooperation. However, since the funds are now restricted, it is more likely that even this approach would have only limited success. Adapted from the source document.
This paper argues that various EU policy initiatives towards the Western Balkans in the period of 1990-1999 did not in fact encourage the Western Balkans to move on and secure quicker integration into the European Union. They also failed to support reforms in the political, economic and social spheres. In addition, EU initiatives were too ineffective in terms of development of regional cooperation among countries of the region. Thus, new models were -- and still are -- needed if the EU remains committed to further enlargement in the Western Balkans. The author proposes development of a euro-region in the Western Balkans. In this way, countries of the Western Balkans would be encouraged to collaborate in applying for EU funding, which would support other forms of cooperation. However, since the funds are now restricted, it is more likely that even this approach would have only limited success. Adapted from the source document.
This paper examines some of the main assumptions on which the IR theory of political realism is based. According to the theory of political realism, national interest and not morality is the main criterion by which the state acts in its foreign affairs. In its first part this article examines three arguments in support of realists' skepticism towards morality in international relations. In the second part the concept of national interest and the possibility of its application as the main criterion in choosing the state action in international relations are examined. The author argues that the only plausible version of morality is universal morality based on respect for fundamental human rights. Realists' view of morality at the international level cannot be defended in a convincing manner. Still, the theory of political realism provides valuable insights about the nature of international morality and the limits of its application. Adapted from the source document.
This paper examines some of the main assumptions on which the IR theory of political realism is based. According to the theory of political realism, national interest and not morality is the main criterion by which the state acts in its foreign affairs. In its first part this article examines three arguments in support of realists' skepticism towards morality in international relations. In the second part the concept of national interest and the possibility of its application as the main criterion in choosing the state action in international relations are examined. The author argues that the only plausible version of morality is universal morality based on respect for fundamental human rights. Realists' view of morality at the international level cannot be defended in a convincing manner. Still, the theory of political realism provides valuable insights about the nature of international morality and the limits of its application. Adapted from the source document.
Autorica donosi popis djela koja obrađuju prilike i zbivanja u Hercegovini i Bosni u razdoblju ranoga novog vijeka. Radovi su podijeljeni u nekoliko tematskih cjelina: organizacija i struktura osmanske vlasti i društva, politička i vojna povijest, društvene prilike – migracije i položaj pučanstva, gospodarske (privredne) prilike, vjerske prilike, općenito o gradskim naseljima i kulturna povijest. Radovi koje je bilo teško uvrstiti u jednu od navedenih cjelina čine posebnu cjelinu naziva "Ostalo". ; In this article the author gives a list of works dealing with events and occasions in Herzegovina and Bosnia in the early Modern age. The works are divided into several thematical units: the organization and structure of Ottoman government and society, military and political history, social circumstances – migrations and the position of the population, economic circumstances, religious circumstances, urban settlements and cultural history. The works, whose includement in one of these groups was problematic, were put under a separate unit named "Other".
Ponajviše na osnovi arhivske građe, ali i onodobnoga tiska, prikazuje se složenost fenomena krivotvorenja novca na području Kraljevine Jugoslavije tridesetih godina 20. stoljeća. Obuhvaćeni su uglavnom slučajevi krivotvorenja iz Savske Banovine i Banovine Hrvatske. Pokušali smo obraditi politički, društveni i geografski aspekt krivotvorenja. Osobito se osvrće na odnos vlasti prema krivotvorenju, na sociodemografske karakteristike krivotvoritelja i krivotvoriteljskih organizacija te na geografske tokove novca. Analizom smo nastojali prikazati neke karakteristike krivotvoriteljske prakse. ; The author gives a complex picture of forging money on the territory of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia in the 1930s, primarily based on archive material, but also on the contemporary press. He mostly covers cases of forging in the Sava Banovina and the Banovina of Croatia, analysing the political, social and geographical aspects. He pays special attention to how the authorities reacted to the forging, the socio-demographic characteristics of the forgers and forging organisations, and to the territorial flow of the money. His analysis is aimed at showing some characteristics of the practice of forging.
Ovaj rad bavi se političkom simbolikom zastave kao sastavnim dijelom političkih rituala i političke mitologije te posebice desakralizacijom (profanacijom) zastave kao fenomenom izrazitog političkog simbolizma. U prvom dijelu rada iznosi se povijesni pregled desakralizacije zastave, nacionalne i državne, dok u drugom dijelu autor razmatra fenomen desakralizacije zastave među-narodnih organizacija. Zatim se analizira slučaj desakralizacije zastave Europske Unije u Hrvatskoj 2011. godine u kontekstu kaznenog progona počinitelja i u kontekstu interpretacije kaznenih sankcija, pri čemu autor tvrdi da se odredba članka 186. Kaznenog zakona ne može odnositi na zastavu Europske Unije jer je Lisabonskim ugovorom, koji je stupio na snagu 1. prosinca 2009., dotadašnja zastava EU-a prestala biti službenom. S druge strane EU nije klasična međunarodna organizacija, već politička asocijacija zemalja članica sui generis, pa tako izmiče definiciji međunarodne organizacije, što je potvrđeno i Rezolucijom Opće skupštine UN-a od 3. svibnja 2011. U takvom kontekstu promašen je kazneni progon palitelja zastave EU-a u Hrvatskoj, kao što je neprimjerena i kaznena odredba sa zapriječenom kaznom koja na simboliku paljenja zastave odgovara simbolikom represije. U zaključku autor iznosi da je za politologiju od posebne važnosti izučavanje političke simbolike, što obrazlaže svojom analizom na primjeru desakralizacije zastave Europske Unije. ; This article deals with the political symbolism of the flag as a constituent part of political rituals and political mythology, and special attention is given to the desecration of the flag as a phenomenon of exceptional political symbolism. The author reviews cases of flag desecration, national and international, while in the second part of the article deals with the desecration of international organizations' flags highlighting the desecration of the EU flag. Then the article analyses the desecration of the EU flag in Croatia in 2011 within the context of criminal proceedings initiated against the perpetrators. In doing so, the author finds that Art. 186 of the Croatian Penal Code cannot apply to the desecration of the EU flag as a symbol of an international organization, because the EU is not a classical international organization, but an association of states sui generis, as the German Federal Constitutional court ruled in 1993. Moreover, the flag of Europe is not the official flag of the EU any more since the provisions on EU symbols were cancelled in the Lisbon Treaty entering into force on December 1, 2009. Therefore flag burners or flag rippers cannot be prosecuted under the provisions of this article, because no one can be indicted for a non-existing symbol. However, the study of political symbols is very important in contemporary political science and this should be dealt with in analysis and research.
U radu se daje prikaz sudbenih tijela (Upravni, Vrhovni i Ustavni sud te Europski sud za ljudska prava) pred kojima državni službenici mogu tražiti sudsku zaštitu protiv izvršnih (konačnih) odluka u disciplinskim postupcima, i to redoslijedom (obraćanja sudu) koji državni službenici moraju pritom poštovati. Uz analizu pozitvnog hrvatskog zakonodavstva, povijesni prikaz sudske zaštite državnih službenika i navođenje statističkih podataka o radu upravnih sudova, daje se i prikaz komparativnog zakonodavstva o zaštiti službenika pred upravnim sudovima. Zaključak je da je državnim službenicima Republike Hrvatske, iako je znatno ograničeno pravo na žalbu u upravnom sporu, osigurana bolja sudska zaštita nego je to bilo dosada. Postupak pred upravnim sudom vodi se kao spor pune jurisdikcije i zaštita pred Europskim sudom za ljudska prava osigurana je svim kategorijama državnih službenika. Predlaže se, s obzirom na zakonski prijedlog da u svim predmetima na prvom stupnju pred upravnim sudom sudi sudac pojedinac, ukidanje »filtra« za žalbu Visokom upravnom sudu, a ekonomičnost i efikasnost upravnog postupka i upravnog spora mogu se poboljšati ukidanjem drugog stupnja u upravnom postupku. ; The author outlines the judicial bodies (the High Administrative Court, administrative courts, the Supreme Court, the Constitutional Court and the European Court of Human Rights) in which state servants of the Republic of Croatia can seek court protection against enforceable decisions in disciplinary procedures. The bodies are enumerated in the hierarchical order of appeal, which must be obeyed. The author analyses the Croatian legislation, describes the development of court protection of civil servants, provides statistical data on the performance of administrative courts, and performs a comparative analysis of the legislation related to the protection of civil servants in administrative courts. The paper proceeds by explaining the proceedings before the Supreme Court, the Constitutional Court, and the European Court of Human Rights. The explanation includes the court practice of the ECHR. It is concluded that state civil servants of the Republic of Croatia are now better protected in courts than before, but their right to appeal in administrative disputes is rather limited. The procedure before the administrative court is a dispute of full jurisdiction and the protection of the European Court of Human Rights is ensured to all the categories of civil servants. Considering the draft law proposal that all first-instance procedures in administrative courts are led by a single judge, it is suggested that the »filters« for appeal to the Supreme Court are abolished, and to improve the economy and efficiency of the administrative procedure and administrative dispute by abolishing the second instance of administrative procedure.
Numizmatički katalozi i literatura bilježe primjerke krivotvorenih austrijskih guldenskih novčanica nastalih potkraj 18. i osobito tijekom 19. stoljeća. Takve primjerke novčanica posjeduju i muzejske i privatne numizmatičke zbirke. Te krivotvorine izrađivali su i crtanjem, u manjim količinama, i tiskarskim postupcima, u većim količinama, iako su za krivotvorenje novca bile propisane stroge zakonske sankcije. Primjerci krivotvorina od 1 i 5 guldena (izdanja 7. srpnja 1866.) izrađeni tiskarskim postupcima i crtanjem osobito su zanimljivi zbog vremena nastanka i optjecaja u novčanom prometu, pa i zbog kvalitete izvedbe. U radu su prikazana obilježja tih krivotvorina. ; Numismatic catalogues and literature record specimens of forged Austrian gulden banknotes made at the end of the 18th and especially during the 19th century. These banknotes can be found in museum and private numismatic collections. The forgeries were made using drawing (smaller amounts) and printing techniques (larger amounts), although there were severe legislative sanctions for forging money. The examples of forged 1 and 5 guldens (issued on 7 July 1866) made by printing and drawing are especially interesting because of the time when they were made and their circulation, and also because of the quality of the work. The author shows the characteristics of these forgeries.
Summary Combined electoral systems were in expansion at the end of the 20th century and thus some authors considered them to be the electoral model for the future. Accordingly, there has been an increasing number of academic attempts to define and conceptualise these complex electoral systems. So far, two major interpretative streams emerged: structural (or mechanical) which is linked with Canadian scholars of election studies A. Blais and L. Massicotte, and the outcome-approach, largely developed by American scholars M.S. Shugart and P.M. Wattenberg. However, there is still much to add to these two interpretations. The author argues that a combined electoral system is specific for its combining of two elements: 1) the elections are based on two different levels of voting and of distribution of seats (name-based and list-based) and 2) they develop a specific model of voting -- with two votes per each voter (one for an individual candidate and the other for a list). When combined, these two elements create institutional setting for electoral competition, and thus the candidates and the parties are requested to develop more complex electoral strategies than in other types of electoral systems. Adapted from the source document.
Institutions of the European Union have been reforming since the very first moment of the EU's existence. They have been adapting to the needs of time and under the challenge of new political circumstances. Systematic reform has been further encouraged by recent criticism of democratic deficit, the concept that is often linked with the EU. This paper argues that by using the experience and institutional structure of the upper houses of some national parliaments this deficit could be lowered. The case-study in focus is the Council (of the European Union). The author argues that the nearest possible sources for reforms of the Council may be found in the practice of the US Senate and German Bundesrat. In both American and German cases we are faced with the parliaments with strong tradition of bicameralism. In both of them, the upper house represents strong territorial units. In addition, the Senate and Bundesrat are important actors in policy-making. Thus, they can serve as a good source of ideas and institutional solutions that may be applicable to the Council too. Keywords'. Strong Bicameralism, Upper House of Parliament, US Senate, Bundesrat, Council of the European Union. Adapted from the source document.
