Izbori su za politologiju nadasve relevantna tema. Po autorovom mišljenju, tek slobodni demokratski izbori omogućuju politologiju kao znanost. U nedemokratskim porecima politologija nema nikakve perspektive jer jednostavno nema predmeta istraživanja. Definirajući najprije osnovne pojmove izbora, izbornih sustava, birača i biračkog prava autor objašnjava proporcionalni i većinski izborni sustav, njihove prednosti i mane, ilustrirajući ih na evropskim izbornim iskustvima. Na kraju autor upozorava na suvremenu krizu parlamentarizma čije ishodište je tehnokratsko ustrojstvo suvremenog društva. Po autorovom mišljenju, tehnokratsko ustrojstvo suvremenog društva i države nastoji izbjeći demokratskoj kontroli i iako je ona zajamčena ustavom. Autor smatra da izbori u Hrvatskoj potvrđuju tezu o tehnokratizaciji društva i kao da navješćuju mogućnost buduće jasne podjele na elitu i masu kao i mogućnost latentnog ili otvorenog tehnokratskog totalitarizma. ; Elections are an extremely relevant theme to politology. According to the author, only free democrat ic elect ions render politology feasible as a science. In undemocratic orders politology has no perspective because it is deprived of its subject of research. Defining first the following basic concepts - elect ions, elect ion systems, voters and voters' rights, the author describes the election systems based on the principles of proportion and majority rule, their advantages and disadvantages, illustrating them with examples from the European experience in elections. Finally, the author calls attention to the contemporary crisis of parliamentarism whose origins are in the technocratic organization of contemporary society. According to the author, the technocratic organization of contemporary society and state tends to avoid democratic control although it is guaranteed by the constitution. The author believes that the elections in Croatia confirm the thesis of the technocratization of society and seem to announce the possibility of a clear-cut distribution into elites and masses in the future, as well as the possibility of a latent or open technocratic totalitarism.
Ovaj rad polazi od manjkave osmišljenosli uloge suvremene demokratske države sa željom da nastavi diskusiju o demokratskoj državi kao jednom idealu koji u potpunosti još nigdje nije do kraja realiziran. Autor kritizira neprikladan odnos prema državi koji je pod okriljem Marxove teorije razvijan u jednom duljem razdoblju kod nas. Ljudima koji bi htjeli olako ukinuti državu, ili je svesti na samo jednu dimenziju, po autorovu mišljenju, treba stalno obraćati pažnju na činjenicu da je život u čitavoj ovoj našoj civilizaciji vezan uz cjeline koje traže neprekidno rješavanje određenih zadataka. Država prema tome nije po sebi loša, već je loša samo u slučaju ako djeluje protivno javnim interesima. U suvremenosti je posebno interesantna uloga države u rješavanju ekološke problematike, što autor ističe kao primjer potrebe razumijevanja države kao regulator zajedničkih poslova. Po autorovom mišljenju država kao regulator zajedničkih poslova ima još mnogo zadataka i treba je stalno usavršavati i osposobljavati da ih izvrši na najbolji način. ; Having in mind a deficiently elaborated role of the contemporary democratic state, in this paper the author attempts to continue the discussion about the democratic stale as an ideal not yet fully realized anywhere. The author criticizes the inadequate relationship towards the state, developing in Yugoslavia for a long lime, under the wing of Marx's theory. According to the author those who wish to easily abolish the stale or reduce it to only on only one dimension must be constantly warned of the fact that life in our entire civilization is linked to issues requiring incessant settling. Therefore, the state is not bad in itself but only when acting against public interests. Today, an especially interesting role of the state is in solving environmental problems, which the author stresses as an example of the need to look upon the slate as a regulator of communal affairs. According to the author, the state as regulator of communal affairs has many other tasks to fulfill and should be constantly perfected as well as enabled to carry out those tasks in the best way.
Autor analizira sociostrukturna i političko-ideološka obilježja stranačkog sustava u Hrvatskoj na temelju rezultata ankete provedene pred parlamentarne izbore 1992. Iako se stranački sustav nije do kraja formirao i stabilizirao, autor pokazuje da je njegova temeljna struktura određena nizom rascjepa. Isprva dominantni povijesni rascjep između političkih orijentacija koje zagovaraju hrvatsku samostalnost i onih koje joj se protive biva nadopunjen suvremenim polarizacijama poput liberalizma nasuprot konzervativizmu, demokratičnosti nasuprot autoritarnosti, kozmopolitizma nasuprot etnocentrizmu, religioznosti nasuprot sekularnosti. Ti rascjepi dihotomno strukturiraju hrvatski stranački sustav na tradicionalistički desni pol te modernistički centar i ljevicu. Autor također opisuje glavne dinamičke tendencije u stranačkom sustavu Hrvatske. ; The author analyses socio-structural as well as political and ideological characteristics of the party system in Croatia, on the basis of the results of a survey conducted short time before the 1992 parliamentary elections. Although the party system has not been completely shaped and stabilized, the author shows that its basic structure is determined by a number of cleavages. The initially dominant historical cleavage between political orientations advocating Croatian independence and those opposing it has been supplemented by contemporary polarization, such as liberalism versus conservatism, democratism versus authoritarianism, cosmopolitism versus ethnocentrism, religious versus secular orientation. These cleavages determine a dichotomous structure of the Croatian party system with a traditionalist right-wing pole and a modernist center and left-wing pole. The author also describes main dynamic tendencies in the party system of Croatia.
The author considers the attmept at the poli ti cal disqualification of the fifth edition of the Croatian Orthography by Babić, Finka and Moguš. She points out a tendency on a part of the Croatian political circles to diminish its linguistic quality and to direct the development of the Croatian language and orthography towards the positions of the imposed Novi Sad Orthography.
U radu je opisano stanje u Doboju, od 3. svibnja do 3. srpnja 1992. godine tj. u vrijeme autorova boravka u Doboju pod novoformiranom vlašću. Zatim se govori o odličnom funkcioniranju kirurške službe, respektive ratne kirurgije u Slavonskom Brodu, u vrijeme od 20. kolovoza do 20. listopada 1992. godine. Prema operacijskim protokolima slavonskobrodske kirurgije, u razdoblju od rujna 1991. do inkluzive listopada 1992., operirano je 6252 ranjenika, od čega 89 ili 1,42% sa povredama urotrakta. ; The author describes the situation in Doboj in the period from May 3rd to July 3rd, 1992, i.e. the time he spent there under the newly formed government. He also describes excellent functioning of the Surgical Unit in Slavonski Brod during his stay there from August 28th to October 28th, 1992. According to the operation protocols, 6252 patients were operated on in the period from September 1991 to October 1992, 89 of whom (1.42%) had urinary tract injuries.
Ovo je dio izvještaja o empirijskom dijelu projekta »Vanjske migracije i društveni razvoj«, kojeg je autor proveo u Institutu za migracije i narodnosti s grupom suradnika. Uzorak čini 271 vanjski migrant prve generacije iz dviju izrazilo vanjskomigracijskih općina kontinentalnog dijela Hrvatske, koje se međusobno razlikuju po razvijenosti. Anketiranje je obavljeno na terenu u nekoliko dana između Božića i Nove Godine 1989. U okviru upitnika konstruirane su dvije ljestvice stavova Likertovog tipa. Prva se odnosila na društveno političku situaciju u zemlji, a druga na evropsku integraciju i pitanje jugoslavenskog priključenja proširenom EEZ-u. Faktorska analiza izlučila je iz prve ljestvice 6 faktora. Analizirali smo i definirali tri tipa stavova: optimistički, umjereno optimistički i pesimistički. 0 jugoslavenskoj perspektivi uključivanja u Evropu ispitanici su se, pak, grupirali u tri orijentacije: optimističko proevropsku, skeptike i pesimiste. Na kraju napravljena je i regresijska analiza faktora s nezavisnim varijablama kao kriterijima. Poseban utjecaj na neke od faktora ustanovljen je za općinsko porijeklo ispitanika, spol, radni status, školsku spremu. ; This is part of a report on the empirical study within the project »External Migrations and Social Development« conducted by the author and a group of associates in the Institute for Migrations and Nationalities. The sample consists of 271 first generation external migrants from two distinctly external-migrational communes in I he continental part of Croatia, differing mutually in the degree of development. The survey was conducted there between Christmas and New Year's Day 1989. The questionnaire consisted of two Likert-type scales of attitude items. The first referred to the socio-political situation in Yugoslavia, while the second referred to the European integration and the issue of Yugoslavia's integration into an extended European Community. By means of factor analysis 6 factors were extracted from the first scale. The author analysed and defined 3 types of attitudes: the optimistic, the moderately optimistic and the pessimistic type. Regarding the chances of Yugoslavia's integration into Europe, the examinees have then been categorized as belonging to 3 groups of orientations: the optimistic pro-Europeans, the sceptics and the pessimists. Finally, the regression factor analysis was performed with independent variables serving as criteria. A special influence on some of the factors has been established concerning the examinee's origins (the district he comes from), his sex, his work-status and level of education.
Na dan Uskrsa 1991. godine Hrvatska je napadnuta, čime je započeo brutalan rat. Povijest ne bilježi takav tip stradanja i razaranja Europe od invazije Skita i Turaka. Težina zločina osupnjuje promatrača, zbog čega je teško razmišljati o duhovnoj fiziologiji napadača. Autor pokušava u mitskom mišljenju nači mentalnu podlogu agresorskog ponašanja. Mitsko se mišljenje može definirati kao fenomen funkcije čovjekova mozga, koji proizvodi jaku samousmjerenu energiju, s apriorističkim otklanjanjem drugih mišljenja. Razumsko promišljanje, kao odvaga različitih koncepata i probir najpogodnijeg , uznapredovala je razina intelektualnih funkcija. Potreban je napor u bavljenju mnoštvom mogućnosti zbog čega se javlja unutarnja nesigurnosrt. Zbog toga se javlja sklonost retrakciji prema mitskom mišljenju i prividnoj sigurnosti. Takvo je suženje začeta točka ideologija, koje mogu dovesti do aberantnog individualnog i kolektivnog ponašanja. Mitsko mišljenje pokazuje jaku udružnu energiju među ljudima. Tako sinkronizirana snaga može proizvesti vrlo destruktivno ponašanje čovjeka. Jednom kada je ustanovljena mitska rezonancija duha množnine, potrebna je enormna intelektualna energija za proboj rigidnog okvira demonizirane opsesije. U urušavanju komunizma neki navodi nisu uspjeli probiti mitski duhovni koncept, zbog čega su se javili odskoči u teško destruktivno ponašanje. Rat u Hrvatskoj je proizvod takve mitske tautologije u duhovnom svijetu agresora. Taj rat je najtragičniji primjer dubine stradanja kojeg je u padu proizveo raspad komunizma. Autor analizira odnos pravnih i moralnih odrednica ponašanja čovjeka. Sučeljene su kulturalne i tradicijske odlike agresora i branitelja, kao i njihovo ponašanje u raspadu komunizma i ratu. Zdravstvena služba Hrvatske otkrila je novu dimenziju profesionalne medicinske etike. U direktnoj životnoj ugroženosti liječništvo je održalo etičke norme ponašanja u kantovskom smislu značenja moralnog. Arbitri rata, Europska zajednica i Ujedinjeni narodi pokazali su dvoličnost u svojem shvaćanju demokratskog i pravde, što je perpetuiralo divljačko ponašanje agresora. Autor pokušava naći pozitivnu dimenziju ratnog razaranja Hrvatske. On ističe daje narod napadnute zemlje započeo i proživljava latentnu nacionalnu renesansu, u mnogim pogledima, svim stradanjima usprkos. ; Starting with the Easter Sunday of 1991 the Republic of Croatia has been thrown into a brutal war, the sort of which has not been experienced since the time of Scytnian and Turkish invasions into Europe. Brutality and bestiality overwhelms the capacity of mankind to understand the underlying mental concepts. This text is an attempt to give a comprehensive approach to the problem. The author tries to interpret the behaviour of the aggressors through the mythical spiritual phenomena. Mythical thought is described as a primordial phenomenon of human brain function, which gives a very strong self-centered energy, with the aprioristic rejection of others people"s thoughts. Reasnonig, as weighing of various concepts against each other and selection of the most suitable one, is an advanced faculty of the human brain. It takes an intellectual effort to deal with the plethora of possibili Due to that, there is a tendency of mental retraction to mythical self contained spiritual comfort. Such narrowed horizons are the starting points of ideological adherence to the collective behaviour level, which might be quite abessant. Mythical thought exerts a strong aggregative power among the people. Such synchronized power might produce very destructive human behaviour. Once mythical resonance has been established it is difficult to defrom it. Very demanding intellectual effort is required for braking the rigid conceptual framework of collective demonized obsession. The last four years of the communist world desintegration have witnessed several examples of mental inability to step out of the mythical spiritual tautology. Due to such mythical obsession, aggressors have performed the harshest military attacks against Croatia, with the most tragic consequences of such destructive behaviour. The author analyzes the judicial and moral determinants of human behaviour. The cultural and traditional features of the aggressors as well as of the defendors of invanded country, have been briefly outlined. Their behaviour in the war has been compared. Human Health Service of Croatia has established a new dimesion of professional ethics. The priciples of ethics have been maintained in literary Katian sense, even under the harshest direct attacks of the raging invading wariors. The politicians of the Europian Community and the United Nations have demonstrated a transparent hypocrisy in their understanding and interpretation of democracy. Their hesitation to recognize the self-determination rights has encouraged the aggressors. The author attempts to extract a positive dimension from the atrocities of the war. He thinks that the people of the invanded country have entered into the historical cycle of renaissance, both spiritual and economic.
Autor polazi od stava da je za kritičko razumijevanje postsocijalizma (kojeg uvjetno određuje kao stanje i proturiječni procesi u Istočnoj Europi nakon demokratske revolucije) i njegovih razvojnih perspektiva upravo primjeren koncept civilnog društva. Upućuje na tri različite društvene struje koje su doprinjele obnovi problematike civilnog društva: neoliberalizam, postmarksizam i disidentski građanski otpor totalitarizmu. Zatim utvrđuje pojam civilnog društva, u smislu koji je dobio u novovjekovnim teorijama prirodnog prava. Na tom tragu precizira vlastito određenje ovog pojma kao analitičkog oruđa za analizu socijalizma i postsocijalizma. Kad je riječ o socijalizmu ukazuje na stalnu napetost između države i neautonomnog ali »realnog socijalističkog društva«, u kome se uvijek iznova javljaju klice autonomne civilne sfere. Na kraju raspravlja o (ne)ispunjenju tri temeljne pretpostavke civilnog društva u aktualnim postsocijalističkim procesima na europskom Istoku, uključujući Hrvatsku i Jugoslaviju. ; The author expresses the opinion that for a critical understanding of postsocialism (which he conditionally defines as the situation and contradictory processes in Eastern Europe after the democratic revolution) and its development perspectives, the most adequate is the concept of civil society. He indicates three different social currents which contributed to the renewal of the civil society issue: neoliberalism, post-Marxism and the dissident civil opposition to totalitarianism. He then determines the concept of civil society within the meaning it had obtained in the modem theories of natural law. Following this line of thought he specifies his own definition of this concept as an analytical means for studying socialism and postsocialism. When it is a question of socialism, he indicates the constant tension between the state and unautonomous but »real socialist society«, in which new seeds of the autonomous civil sphere keep appearing over and over again. Finally, he discusses the non-fulfilment of the three fundamental pre-suppositions for civil society in contemporary postsocialist processes in the European East, including Croatia and Yugoslavia.
Između dva svjetska rata u Sisku i okolici djelovalo je više političkih stranaka. Zastupale su različite programe, a njihove organizacije bile su sastavni dijelovi stranaka čija su vodstva bila u Zagrebu i Beogradu. Njihov utjecaj i politička snaga pouzdano se mogu ustanoviti tek po rezultatima koje su postizavale na izborima za Narodnu skupštinu. U ovom prilogu upravao je obrađeno sudjelovanje političkih stranaka u skupštinskim izborima u sisačkoj izbornoj jedinici, a oni su se u jugoslavenskoj državi između dva rata održali sedam puta. Po izbornim rezultatima može se zaključiti da se velika većina birača Siska i okolice izjašnjavala za federalizam, a protiv unitarizma i velikosrpske hegemonije. ; In the period between the two world wars there were several political parties active in Sisak and its surroundings. They all were fractions of larger parties with leaderships in Zagreb or Belgrade. They represented various programs, and their force and influence can be reliably established only through the results they had achieved during parliamentary elections. In this paper the author deals with the participation of political parties in the elections for the Parliament in Sisak region, and there were seven elections in Yugoslavia between the two wars. According to the results of the elections, conclusions can be made about orientation of the electors in Sisak region, and thus also about their political preferences and backing of particular political programs. Only in the first elections (in 1920) difference of opinion between cities and country was manifested. The electors in Sisak region were oriented to several political parties the programs of which met their vital interests. But in most of them the Croatian national feelings predominated. Until the dictatorship of the 6th January they mostly supported Stjepan Radić and his Croatian (republican) Peasant Party. It was the orientation to federalism, and against unitarianism and great Serbian hegemony. The electors followed Radić even when he made his well known political turn and recognized the Monarchy and Vidovdan Constitution. After Radić's death, most of the electors in Sisak region supported Dr. Vladko Maček. At the elections in 1931, during the dictatorship of the 6th January, the only list of candidates in Sisak was that of the government. The electors' attitude towards this list was best shown by their abstinence. At the elections in 1935 and 1938 most of them voted for the oppositional list with Dr. Maček at its head. That meant that they continued to support the program of equality of peoples in Yugoslavia and looked for resolution of the Croatian question in establishing federalism. Such orientation fitted into the Croatian national movement which extended all over Croatia.
Autor obrađuje ostatke fortifikacija na brdu Drid kod Marine. Drid se prvi put spominje u djelu Cosmographia anonimnog pisca iz Ravene kao Drido. Isti lokalitet sredinom 12. st. spominje i arapski geograf Edrisi kao Wawguri (Lawgaru), kada je utvrda bila srediste Dridske županije. Ustanovljene su dvije arhitektonske faze u izgradnji fortifikacija. Prvu čini sama kasnoantička utvrda na Velom vrhu, dok drugu predstavlja dugi vijugavi zid koji obuhvata Mali vrh. Pomoću njega je cijelo brdo Drid bilo utvrđeno ; The author discusses the archaeological remains on Drid hill in the municipality of Marina, some ten kilometres west of the town of Trogir. The remains pertain to a fortress from late antiquity, mentioned in the book »Cosmographia« by an anonymous writer from Ravenna at the end of the 6th and beginning of the 7th century, as Drido (Orido). This site indicates that a number of the toponyms mentioned by Anonymous of Ravenna are centres that were founded or grew in significance during late Antiquity, some being fortresses from that time. The Drid fortress was also described by the Arabian geographer Edrisi whose work Tabula Rogeriana and Kitabu al Rogger (Roger's Book) was completed in 1154. Here the fortress appears under the name of Wawguri (Lawgaru), and is described as one of the most beautiful and most easily defended towns on the eastern Adriatic. Edrisi tells of fast ships and men that set off on long voyages (most probably referring to sailors). The archaeological remains of the harbour are visible at the foot of the eastern slope of the hill. The remains of a rampart on Veli Vrh are known to have been part of the Drid fortress as described by Edrisi, whereas the second, winding rampart stretching towards Mali Vrh was constructed at a later date. With the addition of this wall, the entire hill became fortified. The exact date of construction of these defensive walls, however, is not known, but the fact that they were incorporated into the existing fortress would indicate that they were temporally not far apart. An 11th century source mentions the existence of district prefects at Drid which proves that it must have been the centre of one of the old Croatian districts (Zupanija). The political significance of Drid began to diminish with the lessening antagonism between the Dalmatian towns and the nearby Croatian hinterland, when the Croatian gentry began to take an interest in the political life of the towns and a large part of Drid's land was gained by the church of Trogir in the first half of the 13th century. In 1226 the Trogir Bishop Treguanus received Drid land from Duke Koloman on the occasion of the completion of the cathedral. Drid lost its function at the beginning of the 16th century and its population sought new shelter nearer to the sea, on the site of today's settlement of Marina.
Raspravljajući o porijeklu hrvatske nacije, autor u prvom dijelu odbacuje tvrdnju da se ona razvijala kao tzv. "jezična nacija". Također osporava gledište da je u tome bitnu ulogu imalo jugoslavenstvo. Zatim pokazuje da je hrvatska nacija nastala u procesu međusobnih interakcija socijalnih i povijesnih vrijednosti, koje su napokon odredile njezinu individualnost spram svake druge zajednice na cjelokupnom prostoru Srednje i Jugoistočne Europe. Sve je to autor dokazao u drugom dijelu rasprave, gdje analizira hrvatski nacionalno-politički program, koji je nastao za revolucije 1848/49. godine. U njemu su hrvatski liberali i demokrati jasno odredili individualnost hrvatske nacije i hrvatske države (ujedinjene Trojedne Kraljevine Hrvatske), i to kao jedinstvene, samostalne i autonomne moderne države u sklopu konfederalnog političkoga i društvenog sustava Srednje Europe (austrijske konfederacije). ; In the present paper the author deals with the origin and development of Croatian nation, and creation of the modern Croatian state (Tripartite Kingdom of Croatia) in the first half of the 19th century, especially during the 1848/49 revolution, at several levels: idea about nation, ideology, political and social programmes, political actions, institutions, and political community. If considered from the point of view of new socio-political processes, when transformation of a people into a modern national-political community takes place, we can see that Slavic peoples in the middle and south-eastern Europe formed multinational states, but followed some quite clear courses: formation of individual ethnic and national communities within a plural social system. Being aware of these historical processes, at the time of formation of their own national communities, these Slavic peoples (according to the level of their social and political organizations), especially in 1848, asked for a change of traditional societies and reorganization of the existing empires, not only by the language national principle, but also by the principle of sovereignty, policy of federalism and confederalism and the principles of international law and international agreement. All this should have made possible formation of essentially new political communities: individual national states within equal and democratic multinational communities, but within a new middle-class society. However, considered from the point of view of formation of the identity and individuality of Croatian nation, which is the subject of this paper, it is indisputable that Croatian national political programme and programme of confederalism as well as legal principles compatible with them (like natural and national laws, Croatian historical and constitutional laws, international law and international agreements), which were the values Croatian politicians based their national policy on since 1848, had the essential influence on the explicit quality of Croatian national-political individuality, and thus, looking historically, on the integration of Croatian nation and creation of Croatian political and state community (the united State of Croatia). The subject and vey complex structure of that political programme had an impact onto clear definition of Croatian national-political community (the united Tripartite Kingdom of Croatia) in relation to other political communities in such a multinational state as it was the Habsburg Monarchy. And that state, in their eyes should have been formed (within the new middle-class society, and a democratic and parliamentary system) on confederal basis, by means of international agreements between quite equal ethnic/national states: within the middle European Austrian confederation. In any case, Croatian nation (if we consider its national integrative processes in terms of events, in terms of idea and ideology and/or in terms of ethnic identity) was not formed nor developed as solely the so-called "language nation", as historiography would like it. For, neither is ethnos (not even ethnic community, or people, or nation, or ethnic identity) only a language-cultural category, nor the Croatian politicians and reformers took only language and culture to determine Croatian people and nation. On the contrary, Croatian nation was formed in the process of interactions of social and historical values which defined its individuality in relation to any other community on the whole area of middle and south-eastern Europe. Also, Croatian nation was not formed only as a natural community (determined by natural conditions of work and society and genealogic structure, i. e. determined by undefined Slavic union and/or undefined Slavic ethnic identity), but, in the course of processes of modernization, it was formed first of all as a historical community, based on group institutions of its own historical community. In other words, Croatian nation was formed on its own cultural, political, state and public-law traditions. It is quite clear that in this process neither Slavism, nor Illyrism, nor Yugoslavism had any role more important that the secondary one, not even for the definition of any particular ethnic identity. Illyrism and Yugoslavism had declarative ideological meaning, expressed through the idea of still non-existing community. On the contrary, Croatianism (as a national principle, as a community and as a legal, state and political system) was an expression of existence of Croatian community as reality. Thus, if we want to discuss the integration of Croatian nation and formation of Croatian political community, i. e. the united State of Croatia, we should realize that these processes were influenced by numerous values and structures, especially spiritual-cultural, political, economic, legal and social. However, the importance of political system and all its substructures – political action, political organization of the community, political programme and formation of a modern national state — should also be noted. Formation of Croatian political and state community, which was clearly stated in the Croatian national and political programme of 1848/49, assumed: 1) associating the segments of Croatian people into one political people, within one integral Croatian political community; 2) uniting of all Croatian provinces into one united Croatian state (Tripartite Kingdom of Croatia, Dreieiniges Koenigreich Kroatien). And these were the most important determinants which led to the political homogeneity and formation of Croatian nation and Croatian modern state.
