Suchergebnisse

Rad detaljno prikazuje faze koje je potrebno proći kako bi se zgrada oštećena u potresu koji je pogodio Zagreb 22. ožujka 2020. obnovila i pojačala do zahtijevane razine potresne otpornosti. Prikazane su sve faze počevši od preliminarnog pregleda pa potom i detaljnog pregleda, izrade elaborata ocjene stanja građevinske konstrukcije, projekta obnove te konačno izvođenja radova obnove uz stručni nadzor. Posebna je pozornost usmjerena na proračun građevine nelinearnom statičkom metodom koja se temelji na pomacima, tzv. "pushover analysis" ili metoda postupnog guranja, za koju se smatra da je jedna od najprimjerenijih metoda za seizmičku analizu postojećih zidanih konstrukcija. Svi postupci koji su provedeni u sklopu ove obnove su provedeni u skladu sa zakonskom regulativom koja je stupila na snagu nakon potresa. ; The phases that must be completed so that a building damaged in earthquake that struck Zagreb on 22 March 2020 can be renovated and strengthened to the required level of seismic resistance are presented in the paper. All phases are therefore presented, starting from the rapid and then detailed inspection, and continuing with preparation of the structural condition assessment report, preparation of renovation design and, finally, ending with realisation of work with expert supervision. A special attention is paid to structural analysis that is conducted using a nonlinear static method based on displacements, the so called pushover analysis, which is considered to be one of the most appropriate methods for seismic analysis of existing masonry structures. All procedures conducted in the scope of this renovation were realised in accordance with legislation that entered into force after the earthquake.

Using the available literature, press articles, and archival material, the author analyses the relationship of a Croatian cultural association, the Society of Brethren of the Croatian Dragon (SBCD), towards World War I heritage. This analysis includes the period from the beginning of World War I to the end of World War II. Since he considers the SBCD a representative Croatian cultural association in this period, the author believes that its relationship towards World War I heritage may be an indicator of the relationship of the Croatian public in general towards this war. During his research, the author noticed that this association was significantly active in all efforts whose goal was to preserve the memory of this war for future generations. After the end of World War I and the creation of the Yugoslav state, this activity almost completely ceased, and the situation did not change after the establishment of the Independent State of Croatia. The author considers that there were multiple reasons for this lack of interest in World War I heritage. Firstly, the participation of Croats in the armed forces of Austria-Hungary, which was an enemy of Serbia, was politically problematic topic in the new state and therefore avoided, especially since the new state was dominated by Serbs and built on Serbian victory culture. The political circumstances were also important in this context. If this society fostered 'soft' Croatness until the mid-1930s, striving to find a compromise between preserving Croatian national identity and respecting the Yugoslav state framework, how can one explain that the relationship of the society towards World War I remained unchanged since the mid-1930s, when a more combative Croatian spirit had spread through the society, and especially during the Independent State of Croatia? In his answer to this question, the author proposes that the symbolism of World War I, in which Croats fought on the side of Austria-Hungary—a state that was seen as a foreign entity—did not have the capacity to support ...

Polazeći od pretpostavke da se hrvatska kazališta između dva svjetska rata u kreiranju dramskoga repertoara nisu vodila samo umjetničkim nego i političkim obzirima, autor u članku analizira inozemne i srpske drame s temom Prvoga svjetskog rata koje su se u međuraću izvodile u tri hrvatska kazališta (u Zagrebu, Osijeku i Splitu) da bi odgovorio na pitanja kako je taj rat u tom razdoblju predstavljan hrvatskoj javnosti te kako je hrvatska javnost posredovanjem kazališne kritike reagirala na takvo njegovo predstavljanje. ; In this paper, the author approaches Croatian theatres as places of memory, and the foreign and Serbian war dramas performed in them as the contents of the Croatian culture of memory regarding World War I. Drawing upon the extant research on Croatian memory of World War I, based on examining the Croatian literary heritage, according to which the predominant Croatian memory was presented in Miroslav Krleža's war cycle, the author has attempted to answer the question, how did these non-Croatian war dramas on the repertoire of Croatian theatres correspond to the stated Croatian relationship towards World War I according to their contents, frequency of performance, and public reactions to them (as seen through theatre reviews)? In this sense, the author has identified three groups of non-Croatian war dramas: British (American) and French, which were characterised by prominent pacifism; Czechoslovak, which were anti-Austrian and contained a note of Czech nationalism; and Serbian, which nurtured the Serbian victory culture, but also criticised post-war Serbian society. Analysing these dramas, the author has concluded that Serbian war dramas enjoyed the strongest 'institutional support', but were also the least popular with the Croatian public. Czechoslovak war dramas received the least 'institutional support', but were the most popular among the Croatian public. Based on this analysis, the author has concluded that the Czechoslovak dramas had the most in common with the predominant Croatian memory of World War I in the interwar period; even though they did not receive much 'institutional support', they were the closest to the Croatian memory of the war in the given circumstances.

Autor na temelju literature, stranačkoga tiska i arhivskih izvora, analizira ustroj i ulogu posebnih, manje ili više organiziranih dijelova Čiste stranke prava (Starčevićeve hrvatske stranke prava / Stranke prava), zaduženih za organiziranje demonstracija i obračun s političkim protivnicima. Pritom polazi od tvrdnje hrvatske historiografije da je "borbenost" bila trajna odlika ove stranke, od njezinih početaka pa sve do konca Austro-Ugarske Monarhije, te smatra da se najranije od 1902. godine može pratiti neki oblik postojanja navedenih, manje ili više organiziranih dijelova stranke, zaduženih za mobilizaciju "ulice". Budući da je društvenu strukturu tih dijelova uglavnom činilo frankovačko radništvo i frankovačka mladež, autor svoju temu dovodi u odnos prema tadašnjim studentskim organizacijama i radničkom pokretu. Osim toga, autor svoju temu promatra i u odnosu prema vanjskoj politici Monarhije, te političkom stanju u banskoj Hrvatskoj. ; Based on literature, party print and archive sources, in this paper the author analyses the structure and role of individual, more or less organized segments of the Pure Party of Right (Starčević's Croatian Party of Right / Party of Right) charged with the organisation of demonstrations and conflict with political opponents. The starting point is the claim of Croatian historiography that flrebelliousness« was a permanent characteristic of this party from its beginning to the end of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy. The author claims that some trace of such segments of the party, whose duty it was to mobilize flthe street«, can only be traced back to as far as 1902. As the social structure of these segments was mostly made up by Frankovci working-class members and youth, the author brings the topic into comparison with today's student organizations and workers' movements. The author also studies the topic in relation to the Monarchy's foreign policy and the political state of Central Croatia.

Turizam je moguće, od svih definicija, označiti kao fenomen čija je osnova kretanje i putovanje. Turizam je najprilagodljiviji od svih turističkih grana te je izložen mnogim uplivima, poput političkih, socijalnih i osobnih. Kao odgovor na brzi ritam suvremenog života intenzivno raste potražnja za nedirnutim ekološko čistim područjima, a osobna sigurnost postaje jedan od glavnih kriterija odluke, uz sve veći trend brige za vlastito zdravlje. Kamping turizam je postao globalni fenomen, ako se uzme u obzir izazovan način života u trenucima svjetske pandemije COVID-19, te savršen odgovor na sve veću potrebu za boravkom u prirodi i sigurnim načinom odmora. Isto tako, kamping turizam je u ogromnom porastu u svijetu, a Republika Hrvatska je značajna destinacija kamping turizma u Europi. Republika Hrvatska ima veliki potencijal za razvoj kamping turizma, s obzirom na to da kampovi sudjeluju s 23 posto smještajnih kapaciteta i 22 posto noćenja u ukupnom hrvatskom turizmu. U ovome se radu analizira i prikazuje postojeće stanje kamping turizma Republike Hrvatske, kako bi se mogle istaknuti daljnje mogućnosti razvoja ove vrste turizma. ; Of all definitions, tourism can be defined as a phenomenon based on movement and travel. Tourism is the most adaptable of all branches of tourism, and it is exposed to numerous influences, such as political, social, and personal. In response to the fast pace of modern life, the demand for untouched ecological areas has been intensively increasing, and personal safety has become one of the main criteria for decision-making along with increasing trend of taking care of one's health. Camping tourism has become a global phenomenon, given the challenging way of life in the times of global COVID-19 pandemic, and the perfect response to the growing need to stay in nature and have a safe vacation. Camping tourism is on the rise world-wide and the Republic of Croatia is an important camping tourism destination in Europe. The Republic of Croatia has great potential for the development of camping tourism since camps participate with 23% of accommodation capacities and 22% of overnight stays in total Croatian tourism. This paper analyses and presents the current state of camping tourism in the Republic of Croatia in order to highlight further possibilities for the development of this type of tourism.

Predmet ovog rada jest pravo na branitelja, i to pravo na branitelja na teret države (formalna obrana siromašnih okrivljenika) kao njegov element te kako proizlazi iz Direktive (EU) 2016/1919 Europskog parlamenta i Vijeća od 26. listopada 2016. o pravnoj pomoći za osumnjičenike i okrivljenike u kaznenom postupku i za tražene osobe u postupku na temelju europskog uhidbenog naloga i Direktive 2013/48/EU Europskog parlamenta i Vijeća od 22. listopada 2013. o pravu na pristup odvjetniku u kaznenom postupku i u postupku na temelju europskog uhidbenog naloga te o pravu na obavješćivanje treće strane u slučaju oduzimanja slobode i na komunikaciju s trećim osobama i konzularnim tijelima tijekom trajanja oduzimanja slobode. Kroz analizu mjerodavne prakse Europskog suda za ljudska prava cilj je pokazati u kojoj mjeri praksa pristupa branitelju i hrvatsko odvjetništvo odgovaraju zahtjevima direktiva. Spomenuta praktična implementacija direktiva o pravu na pristup branitelju i pravnoj pomoći u hrvatskom odvjetništvu predstavlja posebni dio rada. U tom se dijelu rada analiziraju obveze koje iz direktiva proizlaze za odvjetništvo, a poseban se naglasak stavlja na cjeloživotno obrazovanje odvjetnika, njihovu organizaciju putem braniteljskih lista unutar odvjetničkih zborova, kao i na učinkovit sustav disciplinske odgovornosti odvjetnika. ; The subject of this paper is the right to a lawyer, specifically, a lawyer financed by the state (formal defence of persons lacking sufficient means), as regulated by Directive (EU) 2016/1919 of the European Parliament and of the Council of 26 October 2016 on legal aid for suspects and accused persons in criminal proceedings and for requested persons in European arrest warrant proceedings, and by Directive 2013/48/EU of the European Parliament and of the Council of 22 October 2013 on the right of access to a lawyer in criminal proceedings and in European arrest warrant proceedings, and on the right to have a third party informed upon deprivation of liberty and to communicate with third persons and with consular authorities while deprived of liberty. By analysing the relevant jurisprudence of the European Court of Human Rights, we aim to demonstrate the degree of compliance of the Croatian lawyers` approach with the Directives. The practical implementation of the mentioned Directives is a specific part of this work. In this respect, we analyse the obligations for lawyers stemming from the directives, with an emphasis on the education of lawyers, their organisation via specific lists, as well as an effective system of disciplinary responsibility.

U radu se uz kratki politički portret političkog djelovanja Stjepana Radića tijekom Velikog rata (1914. — 1918.) autor fokusira na jedan povijesni izvor, odlomak iz memoara člana češke Maffie Hrvata i Dubrovčanina Rudolfa Giunia koji govori o "političkom preokretu" Stjepana Radića u proljeće 1918. godine iz habsburškog legitimista u pristašu južnoslavenskog ujedinjenja. Rad razmatra kako su taj izvor hrvatska i jugoslavenska historiografija tumačile i upotrebljavale. Prema izglednim pretpostavkama hrvatski povjesničar Bogdan Krizman pronašao je taj izvor krajem 1950-ih i često ga koristio u svojim radovima, uglavnom samo prepričavajući ili sažimajući njegov sadržaj, ali nikada ga ne navodeći u cjelini ili kao povijesnu građu u bilješkama. Stoga se ovdje taj odlomak iz Giunijevih memoara, koji govori o Radićevu djelovanju u to vrijeme, zbog njegove važnosti daje na kraju ovoga rada u prijepisu. Cjeloviti memoari R. Giunia čuvaju se u rukopisu u Nacionalnoj i sveučilišnoj knjižnici u Zagrebu. ; In addition to presenting a short political biography of Stjepan Radić and his political activities during the Great War (1914 — 1918), the author of this article focuses on one particular historical source: a paragraph from the memoirs of a member of Czech "Maffia" Rudolf Giunio, a Croat from Dubrovnik, in which he wrote about a "political turnabout" of Stjepan Radić in Spring 1918 – from legitimising the Habsburg system to a supporter of unification of South Slavs. This paper examines the existing interpretation of this source by Croatian and Yugoslav historiography so far. The author argues that Croatian historian Bogdan Krizman had often used Giunio's memoirs since 1950s by retelling or summarizing its contents, sometimes without fully acknowledging it as historical source. For this reason, the author publishes this paragraph of Giunio's memoirs in full at the end of this paper. The original manuscript of Giunio's memoirs are kept in National and University Library in Zagreb.

Autor razmatra okolnosti u kojima je planiran, pokrenut i izveden pohod kojim je Karlo Robert prebačen s juga Italije na istočnu obalu Jadrana, kako bi odatle krenuo u ostvarivanje svoga nasljednog prava na krunu sv. Stjepana i prijestol Ugarsko-Hrvatskog Kraljevstva. Nasuprot uvriježenim stajalištima dosadašnje historiografije, autor zastupa tezu da je pohod organiziran ne s ciljem da Karlo doista ostvari to svoje pravo, već s nakanom da ga se ukloni iz Napulja, gdje je zbog prava nasljeđa tamošnje krune predstavljao potencijalni izvor političkih prijepora i sukoba. Argumente za takvo stajalište autor nalazi u raščlambi svih okolnosti pohoda, kao i u pogledima suvremenika na njega koji su dostupni u sačuvanome materijalu vrela. K tomu autor razmatra razloge koji su u prvim godinama 14. stoljeća stvorili posve novu političku situaciju u kojoj je Karlo Robert iznenada došao u situaciju da može stvarno realizirati svoje potencijalno nasljedno pravo na kraljevski položaj. ; The author is analyzing the circumstances surrounding the planning, launching and carrying out the expedition intended to transfer Charles Robert from Southern Italy to Eastern Adriatic so that he could realize his inherited right to Crown of St. Stephen and the throne of the Kingdom of Hungary-Croatia. Contrary to the conventional wisdom in historiography, the author advocates a thesis that the expedition was organized not to enable Charles to realize his claim, but to remove him from Naples where he, being the heir to the local throne, was a potential source of political disputes and conflicts. Analyzing the details of the expedition and the contemporaries' views on it (as found in the preserved sources), the author finds arguments for such a viewpoint. He also analyzes the developments that, in the early 14th century, generated a whole new political situation that in turn created an opportunity for Charles Robert to actually realize his potential claim to the throne.

On the eastern Adriatic coast and the surrounding areas, there is an entire range of excavated and recorded amphitheatres located in individual former Roman colonies (Pola, Iader, Aequum, Salona, Epidaurum and Dyrrachium) and military camps (Burnum and Tilurium). Through topographic, typological and chronological classification, the author explores the Roman amphitheatre in Burnum. Likewise, in an interdisciplinary approach, the author supports his conclusions with historical sources, displaying materials, archaeological remains, numismatic material, toponomastic records, reconstructions, as well as archival, cartographic, urban and other types of data. ; Na jugozapadnoj periferiji kompleksa vojnog logora u Burnumu iskopan je rimski amfiteatar na mikrolokaciji Karlovac, izvan bedema samog logora. Centralno područje amfiteatra bilo je 44 x 33 m veliko borilište, gdje su se izvodile gladijatorske borbe i ostali sadržaji. Sam ovalno koncipirani tlocrtni oblik amfiteatra čini više-manje pravilna elipsa, što potvrđuju i same dimenzije amfiteatra, 118 x 87 m. Na građevini možemo razlikovati dvije građevinske faze. Prva građevinska faza iz doba cara Klaudija arheološki je potvrđena. Sve potrebne predradnje u vezi s pripremom i nivelacijom terena i potom gradnjom građevine amfiteatra izvršili su pripadnici XI. legije koja od 42. godine nosi spomenuti počasni naziv legio XI Claudia pia fidelis. Završnu građevinsku fazu amfiteatra u Burnumu potrebno je datirati u vrijeme vladavine cara Vespazijana koji je novčano pomogao njezino dovršenje.

The multinational corporations of today are more powerful than are many states. In this paper the author questions the structure of the corporation and its built-in mechanisms of responsibility to the citizens of the state in which it operates. With this in mind, the author examines and compares the organizational structures of corporations versus states. At first sight, the structure of a corporation resembles the structure of the state, however, were we to examine its structural mechanisms of responsibilty, we would come to see that it does not resemble a true democratic state, but rather the structure of a totalitarian one-party state. The structure of a corporation allows for mechanisms of supervision for the realization of shareholders' interests, but as yet has no established mechanisms to elicit legal, responsible, moral action toward all others. ; Multinacionalne korporacije danas su snažnije od brojnih država. U ovom radu želimo istražiti postoje li u strukturi korporacije ugrađeni mehanizmi odgovornosti prema građanima država u kojima djeluju. S tim ciljem razmotrili smo i usporedili organizacijske strukture korporacije i države. Iako je na prvi pogled po svojoj strukturi korporacija nalik strukturi države, pogledamo li ustrojstvene mehanizme odgovornosti, dolazimo do spoznaje da nije nalik pravoj demokratskoj državi, već ustroju totalitarne jednopartijske države. U svojoj strukturi ima mehanizme nadzora ostvarenja interesa dioničara, ali još nema izgrađene mehanizme koji bi je poticali na zakonito, odgovorno i moralno djelovanje prema svima ostalima.

Iz teksta: ''Knjiga The Border Dispute Between Croatia and Slovenia: The Stages of a Protracted Conflict and Its Implications for EU Enlargement (u prijevodu Granični spor između Hrvatske i Slovenije: faze dugotrajnog sukoba i njihov odraz na proširenje Europske unije) autora dr. sc. Thomasa Bickla objavljena je 2020. godine na engleskom jeziku u izdanju nakladničke kuće Springer. Knjiga predstavlja autorovu doktorsku disertaciju obranjenu 2019. godine pri Fakultetu društvenih znanosti Sveučilišta Duisburg-Essen u Njemačkoj pod vodstvom mentora prof. dr. sc. Susanne Pickel i prof. dr. sc. Michaela Kaedinga. Autorovo su područje zanimanja političke znanosti i međunarodno pravo, posebice sukobi i europske integracije u razdoblju nakon raspada Jugoslavije. Bavi se proučavanjem teritorijalnih i drugih otvorenih bilateralnih pitanja među državama na području bivše Jugoslavije. Predmet je ove knjige granični spor na kopnu i moru između Hrvatske i Slovenije [.] '' ; From the text: ''This book in its six chapters and four appendices deals with the unresolved legal matter between the two countries related to the land and sea border. The two main sources of data used for the author's research are interviews and documents. The author held 76 interviews with stakeholders directly involved in the various phases of resolving the border dispute: prime ministers, ministers of foreign affairs, civil servants, scholars, and many others. In particular, the interview with our esteemed Professor Emeritus Vladimir-Đuro Degan should be mentioned. The author analyses relevant public documents together with drafts and undisclosed documents, such as drafts of the arbitration agreement.'' [.]

It is the authors' ambition to answer the following question: to ‎what extend does the political parties of national minorities influence‎ on the cultural autonomy in Serbia. With an intention of answering ‎the research question the author analize the role of minority parties ‎in establishing of National Minorities Councils (NMCs). NMCs are ‎the main institution of cultural autonomy in Serbia. There are twenty three ‎minority groups who have established National Minority Council,‎ there for author of this paper selected two minority groups as case‎ studies: Hungarian and Croats. Political parties of national minorities‎ play a major role in the integration process, their role in the field ‎of political integration is clear, however, the influence of these parties,‎ as the main generators of national minority interests, on cultural ‎autonomy and social integration has not been sufficiently explored.‎ The aim of this paper is to examine the following hypothesis: Cultural ‎autonomy in Serbia is primarily domain, even monopolized by minorities' ‎parties. In order to determine the character of the impact of‎ political parties on the work of NMCs first step will be to distinguish‎ main features of the model of cultural autonomy applied in Serbia. In ‎following will be given a brief overview of minority parties development ‎with special emphasis on their position in political and party‎ system of Serbia. Finally the impact of minority parties on the functioning‎ of NMCs will be presented, through two parameters: participation ‎in elections for NMCS and decision-making process. The first ‎parameter is dedicated to analysis of the results and the subjects of the ‎campaigns. The second parameter relates to the degree of inclusiveness ‎of the decision-making process.‎

Autor u članku daje pregled programa hrvatskoga književnog predromantizma i romantizma i s njima preklapajućega narodnog preporoda i ilirizma te pokazuje kako su se u programskim tekstovima, u okolnostima mađarsko-hrvatskih napetosti i neoapsolutizma, izmjenjivale tendencije nacionalnoga romantizma i romantičnoga nacionalizma, kako ih je u europskim okvirima definirao Joep Leerssen. ; In this article the author gives an overview of the programmes of Croatian literary pre-Romanticism and Romanticism and the National Revival and Illyrian Movement that overlap with them. He also shows how the tendencies of national Romanticism and Romantic nationalism, as defined by Joep Leerssen in European terms, interchanged in the programmatic texts in circumstances defined by Hungarian-Croatian tensions and neo-absolutism.

U radu se razmatra uloga vrednota u političkom određenju stranaka i birača u Hrvatskoj na primjeru izbora za Europski parlament 2019. godine. Daje se pregled političkog određenja, ciljeva i vrednota klubova stranaka u Europskom parlamentu i stranaka u Hrvatskoj koje su osvojile više od 1% glasova u izborima za Europski parlament 2019. godine. Potom se uspoređuju rezultati hrvatskih istraživanja vrednota s rezultatima izbora za Europski parlament po regijama u Hrvatskoj. Dolazi se do spoznaje da se klubovi stranaka u Europskom parlamentu i stranke u Hrvatskoj na sličan način politički određuju po vrednotama koje deklariraju. Uočene su i podudarnosti koje ukazuju na vjerojatnost da se odluka birača na izborima državne razine temelji na istovjetnosti vrednota do kojih birači drže i vrednota koje stranke i kandidati zastupaju. ; The article discusses the role of values in political determination of parties and voters in Croatia on the example of elections for the European Parliament 2019. The article offers an overview of political determination, goals, and values of clubs of parties in the European Parliament and parties in Croatia that have managed to win more than 1% of votes at the election for the European Parliament 2019. After that, the author compares results of Croatian value study with results of the election for the European Parliament according to regions in Croatia. The author concludes that clubs of parties in the European Parliament and parties in Croatia are similarly politically determined according to values that they declare to hold. There are also other similarities that point towards the probability that decisions of voters at state elections are based on similarity of values between those who vote and those declared by parties and candidates.