Suchergebnisse

Purpose
This paper aims to suggest that gender inequality plays a significant role in explaining the prevailing magnitudes of food insecurity in the countries of Sub-Saharan Africa. It provides empirical evidence for the underlying hypothesis that removing discrimination against women, particularly, with respect to their reproductive health and rights, depicted in high adolescent fertility rates and maternal deaths, will be an important pre-condition for addressing the hunger and undernourishment challenge in the region. A theoretical linkage has been conceptualised and supported through findings from panel data analysis of a set of 20 countries in the region, over a period of 16 years (from 1999 to 2015). The key result is that the relative impact of health inequality on food insecurity is higher and significant, in comparison to disparities in education and economic participation of women. A unit increase in adolescent fertility rate leads to an increase in undernourishment by 19.4 per cent, depth of food deficit by 1.15 per cent and a decline in average dietary energy adequacy by 0.21 per cent.


Design/methodology/approach
In the paper, time series data set for 20 countries of Sub-Saharan Africa is generated by using world development indicators (World Bank) of gender inequality and food security statistics of Food and Agriculture Organisation (FAO). Data set involves trends in variables over a period of 16 years (1999 to 2015). A panel regression analysis with fixed effects is undertaken for testing the underlying hypothesis. To capture the linkage in a detailed manner, the author has fitted four models for each of the three measures of food security. First model captures the specific impact of gender differences in secondary school enrolment on food security in the region. Second model assesses the impact of gender inequality in labour force participation, and the third model explores the impact of health inequality in terms of adolescent fertility and maternal mortality on food security indicators. In the final model, the relative impact of all the four gender inequality indicators on magnitude of food insecurity in the study region is assessed.


Findings
The findings from panel data analysis provide empirical support to our hypothesis that gender disparities prevailing in Sub-Saharan Africa have an adverse impact on the level of food security in the region. Individually, increase in both, gender parity in secondary education and ratio of female to male labour force participation rate, has a negative influence on prevalence of undernourishment and depth of food deficit in the region. But, when the relative impact of gender inequality in education, economic participation and health are considered together in a single model, adolescent fertility rate, followed by maternal mortality ratio became the two most important indicators negatively influencing the magnitude of food security in SSA. A unit increase in adolescent fertility rate, leads to an increase in undernourishment by 19.4 per cent, depth of food deficit by 1.15 per cent and a decline in average dietary energy adequacy by 0.21 per cent.


Research limitations/implications
Scarcity of continuous time series data for the countries of Sub-Saharan Africa limits the scope of analysis.


Social implications
Government policies and programmes in Sub-Saharan Africa must focus on successful implementation of sexual and reproductive health and rights of women, as underlined in Goal 3 of sustainable development goals (SDGs). This would require deeper levels of interventions aimed at transforming gender roles and relations through involvement of men and boys as partners. Elimination of sexual and gender-based violence against women and girls, and ensuring easy and affordable access to sexual and reproductive health services, particularly in fragile and conflict affected areas, are some of the important measures which may facilitate movement of the countries in the region, towards the target set by SDG 3.


Originality/value
Indisputably, women play a key role in a nation's food economy, not only as food producers and income earners but also as food distributors and consumers. Nevertheless, they face discrimination in every dimension and phase of life, which hampers their ability to successfully fulfill this responsibility. The paper provides a theoretical linkage and empirical evidence on the underlying hypothesis that targeting various forms of gender disparities in the African sub-continent, particularly those relating to reproductive health and rights of women will pave the way for reducing the magnitude of hunger and food insecurity in the region of Sub-Saharan Africa. Few papers in my knowledge have explored the linkage between gender inequality and food insecurity, but none have empirically emphasised the reproductive health dimension of this association.

Este artigo tem como finalidade discutir o conceito de território para os Ye'kuana, povo que habita a Terra Indígena Yanomami, no extremo nordeste de Roraima. Os povos indígenas têm seu domínio territorial desde os tempos remotos e imemoriais, significando os locais onde seus ancestrais habitaram. A partir de levantamento junto ao povo, do conhecimento do próprio autor e em literatura sobre o conceito de território na ciência geográfica, buscou-se abordar a concepção de território para os Ye'kuana. Concluiu-se que neste território encontram-se as referências materiais e imateriais e existem os lugares onde seus ancestrais surgiram e construíram as primeiras moradias do povo. O território para ciência geográfica é, muitas vezes, limitado e refere-se a uma área específica onde um determinado grupo tem o controle que é conquistado ou concedido. Mas, para os Ye'kuana o território não é conquistado. Ele é dado pelo criador do mundo. Quando menciona-se o wätunnä, todos os habitantes da terra tem o território para viver como seus ancestrais. Nesta concepção, os habitantes da Terra viveriam em paz, sempre respeitando o território do outro. Os resultados incorporam novos elementos ao conceito de território, contribuindo para a compreensão das relações que se estabelecem no seio desse povo.Palavras-chave: Território; Povos indígnas; Ye'kuana; BrasilThe Concept of Territory for Yekuana People that Dwells in Auaris' region- Yanomami Indigenous Land- RoraimaAbstractThis article aims to discuss the concept of territory for Yekuana people, that dwells in the Yanomami indigenous land, located in the northwest of Roraima. The indigenous peoples have had their territorial domain since ancient and immemorial times, meaning the places where their ancestors lived. From the initial investigation with people, the knowledge of its author and literature on the concept of territory in geographic science, It aimed to hightlight the concept of territory for the Ye´kuana. It concludes that at its territory has the material and immaterial references and there are places where their ancestors arose and built the first dwellings of these peoples. The territory for the geographic science is mostly limited and It refers to a specific area where a particular group has its control which is won or granted. Thus, for the Ye´kuana the territory is not conquered. It is given by the mighty creator of the world. When the wätunnä is mentioned, all inhabitants of the land have the territory to live as their ancestors. Within such concept, the inhabitants of this earth could live peacefully, always respecting the territory of one another. The results incorporate new elements into the concept of territory, contributing to the understanding of their relationships that are established within the people.Keyword: land; People beneath him; Ye-kuana '; BrazilEl Concepto de Territorio para el Pueblo Ye'kuana que Habita la Región de Auaris - Tierra Indígena Yanomami - RoraimaResumenEste artículo tiene como finalidad discutir el concepto de territorio para los Ye'kuana, pueblo que habita la Tierra Indígena Yanomami, en el extremo noreste de Roraima. Los pueblos indígenas tienen su dominio territorial desde los tiempos remotos e inmemoriales, significando los lugares donde sus antepasados habitaron. A partir del levantamiento junto al pueblo, del conocimiento del propio autor y en literatura sobre el concepto de territorio en la ciencia geográfica, se buscó abordar la concepción de territorio para los Ye'kuana. Se concluyó que en este territorio se encuentran las referencias materiales e inmateriales y existen los lugares donde sus antepasados surgieron y construyeron las primeras viviendas del pueblo. El territorio para la ciencia geográfica es a menudo limitado y se refiere a un área específica donde un determinado grupo tiene el control que es conquistado o concedido. Pero para los Ye'kuana el territorio no es conquistado. Él es dado por el creador del mundo. Cuando se menciona el wätunnä, todos los habitantes de la tierra tienen el territorio para vivir como sus antepasados. En esta concepción, los habitantes de la Tierra vivirían en paz, siempre respetando el territorio del otro. Los resultados incorporan nuevos elementos al concepto de territorio, contribuyendo a la comprensión de las relaciones que se establecen en el seno de ese pueblo.Palabras clave: tierra; Personas debajo de él; Ye-kuana '; Brasil

ABSTRACT
IntroductionFor several years, Population Data Linkage initiatives around the world have been successfully linking population‐based administrative and other datasets and making extracts available for research under strong confidentiality protections1. This paper provides an overview of current approaches in a range of scenarios, then outlines current relevant trends and potential implications for population data linkage initiatives.MethodsApproaches to protecting the confidentiality of data in research can also reduce the statistical usefulness, and the trade‐off between confidentiality protection and statistical usefulness is often represented as a Risk‐Utility map [2, 3, 5, 7]. Positioning the range of current approaches on such a Risk‐Utility map can indicate the relative nature of the trade‐off in each case.Such a Risk‐Utility map is only part of the story, however. Each approach needs to be implemented with appropriate levels of governance, information technology security, and ethical oversight. In addition, there are several changes in the external environment that have potential implications for population data linkage initiatives.Results and DiscussionCurrent approaches to protecting the confidentiality of data in research fall into one of two classes. The first class comprises approaches that anonymise the data before analysis, namely:

Removal of identifying information such as names and addresses
Secure data centres on‐site at the custodian premises
Public use files made widely available
Synthetic data files made widely available
Open data files published on the internet

The second class comprises approaches that anonymise the analysis outputs, namely:

Virtual data centres that are on‐line versions of secure data centres [8]
Remote analysis centres where users can request analyses but cannot see data.

Many such initiatives implicitly or explicitly use criteria that have been recently captured in the Five Safes model [3]. However, changes in the external environment may add potential implications to address [6].First, there is a rapid increase in scenarios for data use, many of which involve multiple datasets from multiple sources with multiple custodians. This raises the question of whether there should be centralised data integration versus a proliferation of ad‐hoc decentralised but inter‐related initiatives. In any case, harmonised and shared governance will be essential. Next, the public are becoming increasingly informed and are increasingly exercising their privacy preferences in selecting between competing service providers. It is likely that the public will demand that initiatives move beyond education gain acceptance to a model of full partnership.ConclusionsWhile Population Data Linkage initiatives have been successful to date, changes in the external environment have potential implications such as a need for harmonised and shared governance, as well as full partnership with the public. Meeting the future challenges will require sophistication in the selection, design and operation of approaches to protecting the confidentiality of data in research. Useful frameworks in this context include [1, 4]. Importantly, it is necessary to have a range of approaches in order to adequately meet the needs of a range of different scenarios.AcknowledgementsThis work was partially supported by a grant from the Simons Foundation. The author thanks the Isaac Newton Institute for Mathematical Sciences, University of Cambridge, for support and hospitality during the programme Data Linkage and Anonymisation, which was supported by EPSRC grant no EP/K032208/1.
1For a list of administrative data linkage centres around the world, see www.ipdln.org/data‐linkage‐centres
Key References[1] Desai T, Felix Ritchie F, Welpton R. Five safes: designing data access for research. Preprint 2016.[2] Duncan G, Elliot M, Salazar‐Gonzàlez JJ. Statistical Confidentiality. Springer: New York, 2011.[3] El Emam K. A Guide to the De‐identification of Health Information. CRC Press: New York, NY, 2013.[4] Elliot M, Mackey E, O'Hara K, Tudor C. The Anonymisation Decision‐Making Framework. http://ukanon.net/wp‐content/uploads/2015/05/The‐Anonymisation‐Decision‐making‐Framework.pdf[5] Hundepool A, Domingo‐Ferrer J, Franconi L, Giessing S, Nordholt E, Spicer K, deWolf PP. Statistical Disclosure Control, Wiley Series in Survey Methodology. John Wiley & Sons: United Kingdom, 2012.[6] O'Keefe CM, Gould P, Chipperfield JO. A Five Safes perspective on administrative data integration initiatives, submitted.[7] O'Keefe CM and Rubin DB. Individual Privacy versus Public Good: Protecting Confidentiality in Health Research, Statistics in Medicine 34 (2015), 3081‐3103. DOI: 10.1002/sim.6543[8] O'Keefe CM, Westcott M, O'Sullivan M, Ickowicz A, Churches T. Anonymization for outputs of population health and health services research conducted via an online data centre, JAMIA in press.

Religion, ideology and traditionalism in Japan from Meiji period. Introduction into the issueIn many ways reminiscent of the situation today, the end of the 19th century saw ethnically and religiously based political conflicts throughout the world. Within the context of global nation building the postulation of respective culturally indigenous traditions played a central role, a concept called "nativism" in cultural anthropology. In this process indigenous, usually strongly religiously influenced (national) traditions were contrasted with the modern global civilization spanning national borders. Thus, the realm of "tradition" was defined as ethnic and therefore "authentic", while modernity was potentially seen as supranational–that is to say, foreign, therefore standing in opposition to the allegedly traditional and indigenous cultures of the respective regions or nations. But when going deeper into this conflict, the highly complicated and diverse structure of the problem becomes apparent. Hardly any other academic theory has had such a revolutionary influence in this respect as that of the so called "invented traditions". Its most basic insight is that the generally used binary antagonism of "tradition" vs. "modernity", which appears so concise and stringent, is by no means sufficient to describe the complexity of the historical process, but requires at least one additional, third category: that of intentionally adjusted, created, or "invented" traditions. The late scholar Eric J. Hobsbawm and his colleagues must be thanked for their pioneering studies in this area which have shed light on the worldwide genesis of such artificial and often intentionally created national traditions which only pretend to be old. But it was another author, Dietmar Rothermund, who already before Hobsbawm et al. undertook a critical methodological step forward toward further clarification. In his research on modern India and especially the ideology of Hindu nationalism, he invented the term of "traditionalism" in this respect. Meiji Japan played a prominent role within this global process of nation building and religious nativism. So it seems especially productive to discuss the theories and problems of "invented traditions" and "traditionalism" in the light of the Japanese case. Not only for the Japanologist as a regional specialist but also for the general historian it could be extremely fruitful to take the Japanese case into account when talking about the anthropology of nation, since it is generally high time to realize that the study of history cannot be reduced to a eurocentric or western view of the world. Religia, ideologia i tradycjonalizm w Japonii od okresu Meiji. Wprowadzenie do problematykiDzisiejsza sytuacja, pod wieloma względami, przypomina XIX-wieczne światowe polityczne konflikty determinowane etnicznie i religijnie. W kontekście globalnych procesów narodowotwórczych centralną rolę nadal odgrywają postulaty wykorzystujące odwołania do indywidualnych tradycji kulturowych, nazywane w antropologii kulturowej "natywizmem". W tym procesie miejscowe – zwykle o silnie religijnych wpływach – (narodowe) tradycje zostały skontrastowane z nowoczesnymi globalnymi cywilizacjami obejmującymi granice narodowe. Sfera "tradycji" została zdefiniowana jako etniczna, a zatem "autentyczna", podczas gdy nowoczesność jest postrzegana jako potencjalnie "ponadnarodowa" – to znaczy zagraniczna – i dlatego stojąca w opozycji do rzekomo tradycyjnych i rdzennych kultur poszczególnych regionów i narodów. Struktura problemu stanie się bardziej widoczna i zróżnicowana, kiedy spojrzymy głębiej wewnątrz tego konfliktu. W żadnym innym przypadku akademicka teoria nie miała tak rewolucyjnego wpływu, jaki miała koncepcja "wynalezienia tradycji". W najbardziej podstawowym rozumieniu wykorzystany w niej bianarny antagonizm "tradycja" vs. "nowoczesność", który pojawia się zwięźle i rygorystycznie, okazuje się niewystarczający dla opisania złożoności procesu historycznego. Wymaga ona co najmniej jednej dodatkowej, trzeciej, kategorii dotyczącej celowej zmiany, tworzenia lub "wynalezienia" tradycji. Należą się podziękowania nieżyjącemu już Ericowi J. Hobsbawmowi i jego kolegom za ich pionierskie badania w tej dziedzinie, które przyczyniły się do zrozumienia genezy sztucznych i często celowo utworzonych tradycji narodowych, które tylko udają, że są stare. Innym autorem, który jeszcze przed Hobsbawmem i innymi określił podstawy metodologiczne i wyznaczył kierunek dalszego rozwoju badań, był Dietmar Rothermund. Badając nowożytne Indie, a dokładnie ideologię hinduskiego nacjonalizmu, wynalazł on pojęcie "tradycjonalizmu". Japonia w okresie Meiji odgrywała ważną rolę w globalnym procesie narodowotwórczym i religijnego natywizmu. Dlatego też szczególnie ważne jest omówienie teorii i problemu "wynalezienia tradycji" i "tradycjonalizmu" na przypadku japońskim. Okazać się to może przydatne nie tylko dla japonologów, jako specjalistów od tego regionu, lecz przede wszystkim historyków, który powinni uwzględnić przypadek Japonii w badaniach nad atropologią narodu. Nawyższy już czas, abyśmy uświadomili sobie, że badanie historii nie może być ograniczone do europocentrycznego lub zachodniocentrycznego postrzegania świata.

The Influence of Ancient Greek Culture on Macedonian Literature of the 19th CenturyIn Macedonia under the Ottoman rule during the nineteenth century, the Macedonian people-the nation is subject to political pressure and the cultural influence of Turkey and other countries. Under the influence of propaganda leading by Athens and education politics in the area of contemporary Republic of Macedonia, some Macedonian militant intellectuals embraced, at the same time, were influenced by romanticism and the Old-Greek culture, which strongly affect their literary works. In this context, two authors are viewed as the most significant-Jordan Hadji Murad Konstantinov Džinot and Grigor Prlichev. Džinot is the author of dramatized dialogue inspired by the classic Greek mythology, at the school, where he is a teacher. On the pages of the press he announces the publication of its ancient-themed dramas, however, for unknown reasons, none of them does not appear in print. Prlichev well knew the Old-Greek and is an admirer of the works of Homer. Influenced by the poetry of Homer writes in an epic poem in the archaized Greek. Wpływ starogreckiej kultury na literaturę macedońską w XIX wiekuW ramach imperium osmańskiego, którego częścią jest Macedonia w ciągu XIX wieku, macedoński lud-naród podlega politycznej presji i wpływom kulturowym ze strony Turcji i innych państw. Pod wpływem propagandy, którą prowadzą Ateny i która wyraża się m.in. w zakładaniu swoich szkół w Macedonii, niektórzy macedońscy intelektualiści, ogarnięci w tym samym czasie wpływami romantyzmu poznają kulturę starogrecką, co silnie wpłynie na ich twórczość literacką. W tym kontekście wybijają się dwie najbardziej znaczące postaci – Jordan Hadži Konstantinov-Džinot i Grigor Prličev. Džinot jest autorem dramatyzowanych dialogów inspirowanych klasyczną, starogrecką mitologią, wystawianych w szkole, w której sam jest nauczycielem. Na łamach prasy zapowiada publikację swoich dramatów o tematyce antycznej, jednak z niewiadomych przyczyn żaden z nich nie pojawia się w druku. Prličev dobrze zna starogrecki i jest znawcą twórczości Homera. Pod wpływem poezji Homera pisze w archaizowanym języku greckim poemat epicki zatytułowany 'Ο 'Aρματωλός (w macedońskim przekładzie Сердарот albo Мартолозот), który przynosi mu zwycięstwo w konkursie poetyckim w Atenach w 1860 roku. Jego drugie dzieło epickie zatytułowane Σκενδέρμπεης jest napisane także w duchu poezji Homera, głównie jeśli chodzi o styl (epitety i porównania) i kompozycję (opracowanie typowych dla eposu motywów tematycznych). Obydwaj są także tłumaczami, Džinot zapowiada w prasie przekład Antygony Sofoklesa, o losach przekładu nic nam nie wiadomo, a Prličev dokonuje poetyckiego przekładu Iliady Homera na wymyślony przez siebie język, który jest w istocie mieszanką języków słowiańskich, a sam autor nazywa go "ogólnosłowiańskim". Влијанието на старогрчката култура врз македонската литература во XIX–иот векВо рамките на Турската Империја од која Македонија е дел во текот на 19-иот, македонскиот народ е изложен на политичка пресија и културното влијание и на Турција и на некои соседни држави. Под влијание на пропагандата на владата во Атина која отвора свои школи во Македонија, а во исто време и зафатени од бранот на романтизам, некои македонски интелектуалци се запознаваат со старогрчката култура што ќе остави силен печат врз нивното литературно творештво. Во тој поглед се издвојуваат две најзначајни имиња – Јордан Хаџи Константинов Џинот и Григор Прличев.Џинот се јавува со драмски дијалози инспирирани од класичната старогрчка митологија кои се изведуваат на приредбите во школите во кои тој е учител, а во печатот најавува објавување на свои драми со античка тематика кои, од непознати причини, не се појавиле.Прличев е добро образован во старогрчкиот јазик и особено добар познавач на Хомер. Под влијание на хомерската поезија, тој пишува на еден архаизиран грчки јазик епска поема под наслов 'Ο 'Aρματωλός (во македонски превод Серадот или Мартолозот) и со неа победува на поетскиот конкурс во Атина 1860 година.Второто негово епско дело под наслов Σκενδέρμπεης исто така е напишано во духот на хомерската поезија и тоа се гледа главно во областа на стилот (епитети и споредби) и во композицијата (обработка на типични епски теми). На преведувачки план, Џинот најавува во печатот превод на трагедијата Антигона од Софокле, дело чија судбина исто така не ни е позната, а Прличев пишува препев на Хомеровата Илијада на еден посебен јазик кој претставува смеса од словенските јазици, а самиот автор го нарекува "општословенски".

In 2013, the Institute for African Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences began a study of black communities in the USA. By now, the research was conducted in six states (Alabama, Illinois, Massachusetts, Minnesota, New York and Pennsylvania); in a number of towns as well as in the cities of Boston, Minneapolis, New York, Philadelphia and Chicago. The study shows that diasporas as network communities have already formed among recent migrants from many African countries in the U.S. These are diasporas of immigrants from individual countries, not a single "African diaspora". On one hand, diasporas as an important phenomenon of globalization should become objects of global governance by means of regulation at the transnational level of both migration streams and foreign-born communities norms of existence. On the other hand, diasporas can be agents of social and political global governance, of essentially transnational impact on particular societies and states sending and accepting migrants, as evidenced by the African diasporas in the USA. Most American Africans believe that diasporas must and can take an active part in the home countries' public life. However, the majority of them concentrates on targeted assistance to certain people – their loved ones back home. The forms of this assistance are diverse, but the main of them is sending remittances. At the same time, the money received from migrants by specific people makes an impact on the whole society and state. For many African states these remittances form a significant part of national income. The migrants' remittances allow the states to lower the level of social tension. Simultaneously, they have to be especially thorough while building relationships with the migrant accepting countries and with diasporas themselves. Africans constitute an absolute minority among recent migrants in the USA. Nevertheless, directly or indirectly, they exert a certain influence on the establishment of the social life principles and state politics (home and foreign), not only of native countries but also of the accepting one, the U.S. This props up the argument that elaboration of norms and setting the rules of global governance is a business of not only political actors, but of the globalizing civil society, its institutions and organizations either. The most recent example are public debates in the American establishment, including President Obama, on the problem of immigration policy and relationships with migrant sending states, provoked by the 2014 U.S.–Africa Leaders Summit. Remarkably, the African diasporas represented by their leaders actively joined the discussion and openly declared that the state pays insufficiently little attention to the migrants' needs and insisted on taking their position into account while planning immigration reform. However, Africans are becoming less and less "invisible" in the American society not only in connection with loud, but infrequent specific events. Many educated Africans who have managed to achieve a decent social status and financial position for themselves, have a desire not just to promote the adaptation of migrants from Africa, but to make their collective voice heard in American society and the state at the local and national levels. Their efforts take different forms, but most often they result in establishing and running of various diaspora organizations. These associations become new cells of the American civil society, and in this capacity affect the society itself and the government institutions best they can. Thus, the evidence on Africans in the USA shows that diasporas are both objects (to date, mainly potential) and real subjects of global governance. They influence public life, home and foreign policy of the migrant sending African countries and of migrant accepting United States, make a modest but undeniable contribution to the global phenomena and processes management principles and mechanisms. Acknowledgements. The research was supported by the grants of the Russian Foundation for Humanities: no. 14-01-00070 "African Americans and Recent African Migrants in the USA: Cultural Mythology and Reality of Intercommunity Relations", no. 13-01-18036 "The Relations between African-Americans and Recent African Migrants: Socio-Cultural Aspects of Intercommunity Perception", and by the grant of the Russian Academy of Sciences as a part of its Fundamental Research Program for 2014. The author is sincerely grateful to Veronika V. Usacheva and Alexandr E. Zhukov who participated in collecting and processing of the evidence, to Martha Aleo, Ken Baskin, Allison Blakely, Igho Natufe, Bella and Kirk Sorbo, Harold Weaver whose assistance in organization and conduction of the research was inestimable, as well as to all the informants who were so kind as to spend their time for frank communication.

Aborda-se, aqui, as causas profundas da crise e as formas que ela tomou durante os últimos cinco anos, particularmente sobre a gigantesca concorrência, verdadeira "guerra de moedas". Para além da "crônica de acontecimentos" da crise suas dimensões financeira e monetária, crise das dívidas "soberanas", o futuro e a "sobrevida" do euro busca-se a problemática que circunscreve esta crise desde 2008. O fio condutor, capaz de abarcar seu processo, continua sendo aquele da análise do processo real, baseado no método e na teoria de Marx, através da evolução do capitalismo de "concorrência". Revela-se a importância da concorrência e o fato de que, atualmente, ela também tende a se exacerbar. Evidenciam-se as novas condições de valorização do capital e a busca pelo lucro, em processos complexos de destruição-criação de valor e se ilustram, também, os mecanismos ligados à superacumulação do capital, à superprodução de mercadorias dela decorrentes. Marx nos ajuda a compreender que, para sobreviver, o capitalismo deve continuar "extorquindo" a mais-valia, a qualquer preço. É um imperativo absoluto para sua reprodução e o que hoje lhe confere um caráter predador e brutal em todos os domínios da vida social.

Straipsnyje nagrinėjamas šalies įvaizdžio kūrimas ir jo sąsaja su tapatumu. Aptariama įvaizdžio ir šalies prekės ženklo kūrimo specifika. Nagrinėjamas tapatumo, kaip įvaizdžio kūrimo atspirties, klausimas. Globalizacijos kontekste aptariamas regioninio tapatumo susiformavimas ir jo įtaka įvaizdžio kūrimui. Išskiriamas Šiaurės šalių regiono ir regioninio tapatumo susiformavimas. Nurodomos priežastys, kodėl Estijai iš dalies pasisekė sukurti sėkmingą įvaizdį, o Lietuva vis dar negali rasti jai tinkamo įvaizdžio formavimo būdo. Pateikiami nacionalinio prekės ženklo kūrimo atspirties taškai.Lithuania and Estonia – different images: "a bold country" and "a dashing Nordic"Mantas Martišius
SummaryThe importance of the nation's image today has extremely increased. A lot of states make efforts to construct their positive image. It is a long process, and the most effective way to construct a nation's image is to convey the characteristics and traits that you would like to present to a wider public. The author scrutinizes the conduct of a nation and the national brand and its interaction with self-identity. He discusses the specific features of the nation's image and the nation's brand in the context of the nation's identity and to points the importance of a region's self-identity and its impact on the nation's image. The purpose of the article is, in the context of self-identity, to discuss the nation's image of Estonia and Lithuania, to emphasize the different Estonian and Lithuanian ways of constructing the nation's image. The article
indicates the reasons why Estonia has managed to construct a successful state image, while Lithuania still cannot find the right path to constructing a suitable state image.The nation's brand notion covers such commercial and material grounds as investments or incoming tourism. The article disputes that such a way is not the best way construct nation's image. The notion of the nation's image is broader than the notion of the nation's brand. Despite commercial ground, the nation's image also encompasses such factors as state prominence, the surrounding opinion or the foreigners' associations and thoughts about the country. Therefore, the image of a nation is more suitable than the nation's brand.During the construction of the nation's image it is highly recommended to refer to the nation's identity. The nation's image should always grow from its identity. Both expressions are deeply indoctrinated in the collective sense. Today, the conduct of the nation's image should also reflect a wider context. The nation's image should overstep the nation's notion and refer to a lager regional context. Constructing the nation's image, Estonia is doing exactly so, it attaches the post-soviet state to Nordic countries, the most developed region in the world Tallinn presents itself as another Nordic country, and because of the different historical circumstances, Estonia poses itself as "Nordic with twist".Lithuania faces the crisis of self-identity, that's why it shifts form one nation's image to another. Because Lithuania disputes on self-identity, the nation's image cannot reflect or refer to the nation's identity. This causes the construction of the nation's image on such slogans as "Lithuania is a brave country". Unfortunately, such construct does not refer to the broader region extent and Lithuania cannot attach itself to an already promoted and well communicated message. Besides, the braveness of Lithuanians should be proven, and it does not refer to such important issues as, for example, the investment possibilities in the state.National brand is a construct influenced by economic and political preferences. A state can deliberately choose what to emphasize to foreign public. Estonia paid attention to its Nordic identity, and Lithuania could also do the same thing. In this case, the communication message would be modern and adaptable, although it has no solid historical roots, but the national brand does not need them. National brand, differently from national image, is oriented to future and not to the past. The present situation and future willingness are more important for creating national brand than the historical background.The Nordic always was the alternative for Lithuania. Self-identity and nation's image are constructs and can me modified or reconstructed. It is highly possible that in future Lithuania will construct its image on the Nordic ground. The possibility to present Lithuania with the slogan "Lithuania feels the Nordic heat" is still open.

Whiteheado ir Prigogine'o mokslo filosofines koncepcijas jungia tai, kad juos abu domina ontologija, grindžiama modernaus mokslo duomenimis. Mokslo filosofija ontologinį požiūrį, ypač tokį kaip Whiteheado metafizinis mąstymas, paprastai laiko spekuliatyviu, todėl vengtinu. Tačiau Ilya Prigogine'as ir Isabelle Stengers į Whiteheado metafiziką žvelgė kaip į kosmologiją ir vertino ją už tai, kad, būdama ambicingiausias, tegu spekuliatyvus, gamtos filosofijos projektas, ji vis dėlto nėra nei nukreipta prieš mokslą, nei siekia supriešinti filosofiją ir dabarties mokslą. Whiteheadas kritikavo klasikinį mokslą, tačiau netapatino jo su mokslu bendrąja prasme ir tyrimo sričių bei siekiamų tikslų požiūriu nepripažino principinio skirtumo tarp mokslo ir filosofijos. Pasak Prigogine'o ir Stengers, Whiteheado filosofija turėtų būti vertinama kaip Prigogine'o ne-klasikinio mokslo pirmtakė. Toks požiūris suteikia naują turinį Whiteheado spekuliacijoms. Prigogine'o ne-klasikinės fizikos koncepcijos atspirties taškas yra chemija. Šiame straipsnyje Prigogine'o koncepcija nagrinėjama chemijos filosofijos siūlomos teorinės mokslo sampratos požiūriu. Iš tikrųjų nei Prigogine'as ir Stengers, nei Whiteheadas nepateikė teorinės mokslo koncepcijos. Tačiau straipsnyje teigiama, kad būtent teorinė mokslo samprata duoda raktą, padedantį atrakinti ne vieną mokslo filosofijos, mokslo bendrąja prasme, taip pat ir Prigogine'o ne-klasikinio mokslo keliamą klausimą. Autorius simpatizuoja Prigogine'o optimizmui, kad mokslas išsilaisvino iš mito, tačiau, autoriaus požiūriu, šis optimizmas visgi klaidina. Gali susidaryti įspūdis, kad ne-klasikinis mokslas neturi nieko ben dra su idealizacijomis, kad jis nėra vien tyrimo būdas, priklausantis nuo konkrečių reikalavimų ir tikslų, kad naujasis mokslas iš tikrųjų supras pasaulį "tokį, koks jis yra", kad net vadinamojo žmogaus pasaulio problemos (pvz., etikos) taps iš principo moksliškai suprantamos. Tačiau jei ne-klasikinis mokslas gebėtų atsikratyti klasikinio mokslo mito, tai vienintelė skirtybė būtų ta, kad jis netapatintų mokslinio pasaulio vaizdo ir moksliškai sumodeliuotos realybės su pasauliu, "koks jis yra" iš tikrųjų. Pagrindiniai žodžiai: ne-klasikinis mokslas, chemijos filosofija, Prigogine'o mokslinė ontologija, teorinis mokslo modelis, Whiteheado metafizinė ontologija.Whitehead's Metaphysical Ontology and I. Prigogine's Scientific Ontology: From a Point of View of a Theoretical Conception of Science Rein Vihalemm
SummaryWhitehead's and Prigogine's philosophies of science are similar in this respect that they both are interested in ontology built in the light of modern science. This kind of ontological approach, especially Whitehead's metaphysical reasoning is usually regarded as speculative which should be avoided in philosophy of science. Ilya Prigogine and Isabelle Stengers appreciated, however, Whitehead's metaphysics as cosmology in that being the most ambitious attempt to elaborate a philosophy of nature that, although speculative, is not directed against science or towards separation of philosophy from the actual science. Although Whitehead criticized the classical science, he did not identify it with science in general and did not acknowledge the respective domains and tasks of science and philosophy as distinct of principle from each other. According to Prigogine and Stengers Whitehead's philosophy was somewhat the forerunner of Prigogine's non-classical science which gives a new content to the speculations of Whitehead. Chemistry was a starting point of Prigogine's non-classical physical theory. In the present paper Prigogine's conception of non-classical science is examined from the point of view of a theoretical conception of science elaborated in the context of philosophy of chemistry. Prigogine and Stengers, as well as Whitehead, have not really presented a theoretical conception of science. It is argued that the latter, however, offers a key for examining various issues in philosophy of science and understanding science in general, including Prigogine's non-classical science. Appreciating Prigogine's optimism concerning the chances of science that has liberated itself from the myth, the author still finds that this optimism can also be misleading as it can create a false impression that this new science does not deal with idealizations any more, that it is not a means of inquiry resulting from special requirements and aims, but will really understand the world "as it is" to the point that the problems of so called human world, including those of, e.g., ethics would be, in principle, scientifically understandable. In fact, however, if non-classical science manages rid itself from the myth of classical science, the only change will be that it does not equate the scientific picture of world and scientifically modelled reality with the real world "as it is". Keywords: non-classical science, philosophy of chemistry, Prigogine's scientific ontology, theoretical model of science, Whitehead's metaphysical ontology.

African countries seem to be constantly groping for the distinctive political paradigm as evinced by the fact that forms of political order have followed each other in rapid succession—the multi-party state, the one party syndrome, the charismatic presidency, the military coup d'etat and in some cases, like that of Nigeria and for a short while in Ghana, a return to civilian rule. The future of the African continent is thus viewed with deep rooted pessimism by political analysts, economists and literary writers. They prophesy in symphony that African countries are catapaulting down the path of political unrest—economic disorder, suspension of human rights, a breakdown of law and order—towards instability and general anomie. In the words of the noted author Chinuah Achebe, in Africa "things fall apart."1 Dennis Austen using the title of this book for his article, writes that since their inception African states have been in a state of flux moving with regularity in and out of misfortune: The treachery of political life has been very real: armed coups, civil wars, public executions, the threat of secession, the recurrence of famine, the fanaticism of religious beliefs, regional wars, the near genocide of entire communities, the transitory nature of military and party regimes and the indebtedness not only of corrupt dictatorships (as in Zaire) but also of governments that still struggle to preserve an element of political decency in their public life (as in Tanzania).2 The keynote of the criticisms made in this vein3 is the absence of stability and the consequent destabilization, disorganization and anarchy. However, all evidence in the African countries points to the centralization of power and authority which can lead to a kind of stability—i.e. if stability is the only end of government and politics. The post-colonial state in Africa has created strong centralized administrations to weld the various social groups in common structures. The striking feature of post-independence politics to Markovitz, is not the lack of stability, but "indeed from any long range historical perspective the rapidity with which stability has been achieved…. The military coup d'etats and civil wars, appearence of anarchy notwithstanding, have furthered this process of consolidation."4 The modern African state is one which is increasingly dominated by a powerful public sector, an overpowering bureaucracy and increasing militarization.5 The highly centralized nature of the African state is almost a throwback to the early colonial state. The colonial state was based on patterns of domination, its very raison d'etre was domination. The colonial institutional form consequently was aimed at establishing hegemony over the subject population, together with its essential militarised character and the system of irresistable power and force associated with it. In the Belgian case, the state was known as "Bula Matari" (the crusher of rocks).6 The pre-independence state forms have persisted. The observations of De Tocqueville are brought to mind. To De Tocqueville the 1789 Revolution did not bring an end to the ideas and order of the old regime in France. Springing from the chaos created by the revolution was a powerful institutional framework. Never since the fall of the Roman Empire, he commented, had the world seen a government so highly centralized. This new power was created by the Revolution, or, rather grew up almost automatically out of the havoc wrought by it. True, the governments it set up were less stable than any of those it overthrew; yet paradoxically they were infinitely more powerful.7 In Africa the heritage of colonial politics, namely power-politics, has been taken up by the post-colonial state. The colonial tradition has led to a scheme of affairs in African states where a premium has been placed on the holding and consolidation of political power. Politics has been construed strictly as a "struggle for rulership."8 Political power is seen as a means of controlling the socio-economic structures of society. What becomes important in this context is the identification of the group that wields power. What is the nature and social basis of this ruling elite? As a pre-requisite to this, is the question as to what is the nature of class in Africa, so that the nature of class domination can be comprehended,

Algunos autores han descrito el proceso constituyente colombiano de 1991 como la primera manifestación de una teoría constitucional que representa un punto de inflexión en la evolución constitucional mundial.[1] No obstante, si bien es cierto que en la Constitución colombiana aparecen algunos rasgos novedosos respecto al constitucionalismo clásico, son los procesos constituyentes ecuatoriano de 1998 y de 2008, venezolano de 1999, boliviano de 2009 los que permiten defender el nacimiento de un nuevo constitucionalismo latinoamericano.Un nuevo constitucionalismo que, además de resaltar la dimensión jurídica de la Constitución, dirige su atención por una parte, a la legitimidad democrática de la misma y, por otra, al perfecionamiento del reconocimiento y garantía de los derechos. Es así que, ante la debilidad del viejo modelo constitucional para resolver los problemas de la sociedad, estas constituciones proponen un nuevo modelo de Estado. Este cambio de paradigma abarca aspectos procedimentales y sustanciales.[2]Desde el punto de vista sustancial -sin que ello signifique subestimar por una parte, las innovaciones procedimentales y, por otra, la reformulación de la división clásica de poderes, la creación de nuevas formas de participación política, y la reelaboración de los contenidos de la Constitución económica- el cambio que más claramente se configura como punto a parte de las formas constitucionales anteriores, es el reconocimiento de la directa aplicabilidad e igual jerarquía de todos los derechos. En este sentido los citados textos constitucionales, han abierto una nueva época para que pueda darse con plenitud el reconocimiento y justiciabilidad de los derechos sociales.[3] Además, a diferencia del constitucionalismo clásico, que se limita a establecer fórmulas indeterminadas de reconocimiento de los derechos, en estos textos el constituyente configura cada uno de ellos, dotándolos de una potencialidad expansiva que va muchos más allá del límite impuesto por el respeto del contenido esencial.Partiendo de esta base, se intentará demostrar que una de las implicaciones del cambio de paradigma antes descrito es que, mientras en el viejo constitucionalismo los poderes encargados de cumplir con las obligaciones que se desprenden del reconocimiento de los derechos sociales son los poderes políticos, siendo el judicial solo subsidiario, en el nuevo constitucionalismo los órganos jurisdiccionales tienen un papel fundamental en la garantía de su efectividad.Con esta finalidad, se tomará como referente la Constitución de Ecuador 2008, en tanto que en ella, como en ninguna otra, los derechos se manifiestan como el núcleo axiológico de toda las demás disposiciones. Así lo pone de manifiesto el preámbulo y el artículo 1 en el que se configura un nuevo Estado de derechos y justicia, que debe ser entendido como aquel Estado en el que la garantía de los mismos y en especial las garantías de los derechos sociales, en tanto derechos capaces de garantizar "una nueva forma de convivencia ciudadana, en diversidad y armonía con la naturaleza, para alcanzar el buen vivir, el sumak kawasay",[4] deben ser consideradas como elemento primordial a la hora de interpretar y desarrollar cualquier norma constitucional y legal. En este sentido, las garantías de los derechos deberán ser el parámetro a través del cual se aplique la Constitución y se resuelvan las controversias entre ciudadanos, entre los diferentes poderes del Estado y entre este último y los ciudadanos. Hablar de Estado de derechos significa aplicar e interpretar la constitución y todas sus instituciones, reglas y principios a la luz de los derechos en ella garantizados.[5]* Agradezco a Sebastián Bernardo Vázquez Rodas la atenta lectura de este trabajo y sus atinadas sugerencias y observaciones.[1] Roberto Viciano y Ruben Martínez, "Aspectos generales del nuevo constitucionalismo latinoamericano", en Luís Fernando Ávila Lizán, edit., Política, justicia y Constitución, Quito, Corte Constitucional, 2011, p.167. Boaventura de Sousa Santos habla de "grandes prácticas transformadoras" en "La reinvención del Estado y el Estado plurinacional", en OSAL, Buenos. Aires, CLACSO, Año VIII, Nº 22, 2007, p 27. Véase también, Roberto Gargarella, y Christian Courtis. El nuevo constitucionalismo latinoamericano: promesas e interrogantes, Serie Políticas sociales, No. 153, Santiago de Chile, Cepal, 2009, pp. 31 y ss.[2] Albert Noguera Fernández y Marcos Criado de Diego, hablan de rasgos procedimentales porque: "a diferencia de los procesos constituyentes anteriores que se habían desarrollado, particularmente en América Latina, y siguiendo el ejemplo europeo, de espaldas a la población, estos serán procesos activados mediante referendo por el pueblo, que suponen un rescate de los principios de soberanía popular y de la doctrina clásica del poder constituyente mediante la elección democrática de una Asamblea Constituyente originaria con funciones de redacción de un proyecto de Constitución que debe someterse a ratificación popular". Y de rasgos de contenido. En el sentido que: "Estas últimas constituciones recogen un conjunto de innovaciones sustanciales que las diferencian claramente de sus precedentes", en "La constitución colombiana de 1991 como punto de inicio del nuevo constitucionalismo en América Latina", en Revista Estudios Socio-Jurídicos, vol. 13, No. 1, S/L, 2011, p. 18.[3] Se utiliza este concepto de derechos entendiendo que en la tradición constitucional se habla de "derechos sociales", y en el derecho internacional de los derechos humanos se habla de "derechos económicos, sociales y culturales".[4] Así recita el preámbulo de la Constitución de 2008.[5] Según Ramiro Ávila, en la Constitución de Ecuador el "estado está sometido a los derechos" por las siguientes razones: "1. Es deber primordial del estado garantizar el efectivo goce de los derechos [art. 3. (1)]; 2. El más alto deber del estado es respetar y hacer respetar los derechos [art. 11. (9)]; 3. La participación en todo asunto de interés público es un derecho [art. 95]; 4. La Asamblea Nacional y todo órgano en potestad normativa no pueden atentar contra los derechos [art. 84]; 5. La formulación, ejecución, evaluación y control de las políticas públicas, cuya rectoría la tiene el ejecutivo [art. 141], garantizan los derechos [art. 85]; 6. Los jueces y juezas administran justicia con sujeción a los derechos [art. 172]; 7. La función de transparencia y control social protegerá el ejercicio y cumplimiento de los derechos [art. 204]; 8. La función electoral garantiza los derechos de participación política [art. 204]. (…) "Toda función del estado, en suma, está vinculada y sometida a los derechos. Podríamos seguir con la enumeración y afirmar que esta relación de sometimiento a los derechos se repite en la administración pública [art. 226], en el modelo de desarrollo [art. 275], en el sistema económico [art. 233], en la deuda externa [art. 290 (2)], en la formulación del presupuesto del estado [art. 298], en el sistema financiero [art. 358], en los sectores estratégicos, en la inversión [art. 339], en la producción [art. 319]", en El neoconstitucionalismo transformador. El Estado y el derecho en la Constitución de 2008, Quito, Abya-Yala/Universidad Andina Simón Bolívar, Sede Ecuador, 2011, pp. 139-140. Y, del mismo autor: "Caracterización de la Constitución de 2008. Visión panorámica de la Constitución a partir del Estado constitucional de derechos y justicia", en La nueva Constitución del Ecuador. Estado, derechos e instituciones, Santiago Andrade, Agustín Grijalva y Claudia Storini, edits., Quito, Universidad Andina Simón Bolívar, Sede Ecuador/Corporación Editora Nacional, 2009.

Entre os dias 22 e 25 de Novembro de 2016, a Universidade Federal de Roraima (UFRR) recebeu, em seus espaços, mais de quinhentos pesquisadores – estudantes de graduação e pós-graduação, docentes e profissionais de distintas matrizes disciplinares - para realização do III Seminário Internacional Sociedade e Fronteiras (III SISF) – promovido pelo Programa de Pós-Graduação em Sociedade e Fronteiras (PPGSOF) da UFRR – e V Encontro Norte-Nordeste de Psicologia Social (V ENNABRAPSO) – auspiciado pelo Núcleo Roraima da Associação Brasileira de Psicologia Social (ABRAPSO-RR). O evento, realizado em conjunto, contou com apoio da Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES), por meio do Programa de Apoio a Eventos no País (PAEP), e teve como tema a Produção de Conhecimento e Formação Interdisciplinar, abarcando discussões relevantes sobre os processos atuais de formação e produção do conhecimento atravessando as fronteiras disciplinares.
O presente Dossiê Sociedade e Fronteiras, o terceiro publicado pela Revista Textos e Debates, traz um conjunto de artigos com temas debatidos no III SISF/V ENNABRAPSO, demonstrando o espírito do evento, marcado pela disposição coletiva, que permitiu ambiente favorável aos promissores diálogos entre Psicólogos, Historiadores, Sociólogos, Antropólogos, Cientistas Políticos, Economistas, Geógrafos, Filósofos e outras áreas afins ao campo das Ciências Humanas e Sociais. Ao longo da semana, nas mesas redondas e mesas temáticas, foram debatidos, além das potencialidades e desafios dos estudos interdisciplinares na pós-graduação, assuntos pertinentes às questões urbanas e ambientais; políticas e desafios do mundo agrário; formação, atuação e produção do conhecimento em Psicologia Social; migrações e direitos humanos; interculturalidade e suas fronteiras; subjetividades capitalizadas e os desafios para a efetivação cotidiana da democracia; memórias, narrativas e identidades. Além das conferências e mesas redondas, foram realizados vinte e dois Grupos de Trabalho cujas apresentações orais estão publicadas nos ANAIS do evento, disponíveis no site: www.ufrr.br/sisf.
A Revista Textos e Debates, ao publicar o Dossiê Sociedade e Fronteiras: produção de conhecimento e formação interdisciplinar, compartilhando com a comunidade acadêmica e demais interessados alguns dos conteúdos debatidos durante o Evento, cumpre com sua função social, disseminando conhecimento, ao mesmo tempo em que favorece a consolidação do PPGSOF como importante centro de produção de conhecimento e formação interdisciplinar na região norte do Brasil e na Amazônia.
O primeiro artigo do Dossiê versa justamente sobre a Formação, atuação e produção de conhecimento em Psicologia Social na Amazônia brasileira, de autoria de Marcelo Gustavo Aguilar Calegare e Maria Ivonete Barbosa Tamboril. Por meio de pesquisa documental e bibliográfica, os autores apresentam um balanço da graduação e pós-graduação em Psicologia (Social) no Brasil e especificamente na região norte. Calegare e Tamboril identificam a formação acadêmica como um imperativo para superação das assimetrias inter e intra regionais, e problematizam o lugar dos psicólogos nas políticas públicas.
No segundo texto, Cecília Pescatore Alves convida os leitores para conhecer as Narrativas de história de vida e projetos de futuro no estudo da identidade. partindo da experiência profissional comprometida com a realidade social e do percurso acadêmico que a possibilitou apropriação de um método de investigação para o estudo da identidade humana. Tomando referenciais dialéticos e materialistas históricos, a autora abre a possibilidade de que o narrador exponha sua atividade no mundo em relação com o outro, permitindo ao investigador conhecer as condições sociais e historicamente engendradas reunidas em torno do indivíduo.
Na sequencia temos o relato da venezuelana Alicia Moncada Acosta sobre a violência contra mulheres indígenas nos garimpos na fronteira entre Colômbia e Venezuela. Em Oro, sexo y poder: violência contra las mujeres indígenas en los contextos mineros de la frontera Amazónica colombo-venezolana, a autora analisa os múltiplos passivos socioambientais da mineração, seja legal ou ilegal, sobre os povos indígenas, ressaltando as formas de violência sexual que afetam as mulheres indígenas. Relacionando a atividade garimpeira com o poder patriarcal, Alicia sustenta que a atividade mineradora desarticula a vida comunitária dos povos indígenas transfronteiriços e cria uma economia de exploração na qual tanto as mulheres como a natureza são desvalorizadas e depredadas.
Ainda no tocante às relações com a natureza, temos a importante contribuição de José Rogério Lopes e Mauro Meirelles, no artigo Políticas culturais e ambientais, comunidades e interculturalidade: uma análise das interações entre identidades, ambiente e tecnologias patrimoniais. Apresentando sua trajetória de pesquisa junto a produtores de bens identitários ou de marcação social, os autores evidenciam o caráter sensível das interações diretas dos agentes com os contextos ambientais em que estão inseridos. Por meio de um mapa conceitual, discutem os deslocamentos de sentido (ou da percepção de si) que produzem continuidades e descontinuidades nos arranjos comunitários de identidades e matérias-primas utilizadas na produção dos seus bens de marcação social.
A questão agrária é colocada em evidência por Delma Pessanha Neves no artigo Questão agrária: projeções societais em confronto. Refletindo sobre o tema, a autora problematiza sobre os significados apriorísticos e a projeção de modelos de sociedade. Ela analisa o confronto de sentidos específicos consonantes às dinâmicas de jogos de forças sociais. O tema da questão agrária no Brasil, segundo ela, apresenta-se formulado segundo acirrados embates políticos e ideológicos associados a diversidades de formas de contraposição assumidas por agentes sociais alinhados por essas mesmas confrontações.
Passando do campo para a cidade, temos o artigo de Leandro Roberto Neves, Naoma Gordon Melville e Márcia Justino da Silva, sobre as Representações citadinas: aspectos do desenvolvimento urbano e das trincheiras espaciais em Boa Vista – RR. Os autores elegem um bairro e uma manifestação cultural, enfatizando como o material e o imaterial estão em processo de transformação, saindo de um modelo de sociedade pautada nos valores rurais para atender as necessidades do modelo urbano. O artigo analisa como são produzidas as trincheiras espaciais simbólicas por meio das habitações em uma área de vulnerabilidade social e apresenta as mudanças em uma "festa junina" face ao mercado cultural da capital roraimense.
Fechando esta coletânea, temos o artigo de Juliana da Silva Nóbrega sobre as Subjetividades capitalizadas e os desafios para a efetivação da democracia no cotidiano: uma experiência de coletivização num assentamento do MST em Rondônia. O texto discute a possibilidade de produção de subjetividades anticapitalistas no cerne da sociedade atual. A autora aborda uma ocupação de terras com mais de vinte anos, protagonizada por famílias que se organizaram de forma coletiva para o trabalho agrícola e a posse e uso do espaço. Ao longo dos anos de luta pela oficialização do assentamento, evidencia-se a formação de subjetividades e de um lugar cuja vida é guiada não pela lógica capitalista, mas por um projeto político de sociedade anticapitalista e contra-hegemônico.
Este Dossiê, como afirmado anteriormente, é um desdobramento dos debates ocorridos no III SISF/V ENNABRAPSO, que teve como propósito a reunião de especialistas de diversos campos do saber, de distintas instituições de ensino e pesquisa e de outros países, tendo como tema a reflexão sobre os desafios da produção interdisciplinar do conhecimento. Foram reunidas, nesta coletânea, algumas contribuições que acreditamos venham somar qualidade aos debates interdisciplinares de questões pertinentes não somente ao mundo acadêmico, mas também à vida em sociedade, em suas múltiplas escalas, do local ao global e do global ao local.
Desejamos uma boa leitura!

Zeitliche Belastung durch die Arbeit im Haushalt. Aufteilung von Hausarbeit und Kinderbetreuung. Erwerbsbiographie. Partnerverlauf und aktuelle Partnerschaft. Geschlechtsrollenorientierung und Selbstwahrnehmung.

Themen: I. Hauptfragebogen (Zielperson)

1. Kinder- und Haushaltsmatrix und Betreuungssituation:
Angaben zu sämtlichen im Haushalt lebenden Personen: Geschlecht; Alter (Geburtsmonat und Geburtsjahr); Familienstand; Hauptbeschäftigung; eigenes Einkommen, Höhe des Nettoeinkommens; Verwandtschaftsverhältnis des Befragten zu diesen Personen; für alle leiblichen Kinder, Stiefkinder, Adoptivkinder, Pflegekinder bzw. Kinder des Partners unter 15 Jahren im Haushalt wurde zusätzlich erfragt: seit Geburt im Haushalt bzw. Zeitpunkt (Monat und Jahr) der Aufnahme in den Haushalt.

Betreuungssituation sämtlicher Kinder unter 15 Jahren: Für jedes einzelne Kind wurde erfragt: Betreuungszeit in Stunden und Betreuungsart an einem typischen Werktag zwischen 6 und 22 Uhr; Höhe der monatlichen Betreuungskosten;
Kinder außerhalb des Haushalts; Anzahl der Kinder insgesamt, die nicht oder nicht mehr im Haushalt leben; Geschlecht; Alter (Geburtsmonat und Geburtsjahr); Kind hat früher im gemeinsamen Haushalt gelebt; Kind hat seit Geburt im Haushalt gelebt; Zeitpunkt (Monat und Jahr) der Aufnahme in den Haushalt; Zeitpunkt (Auszugsmonat und Auszugsjahr), seit dem das Kind nicht mehr im Haushalt lebt; Partnerkinder: Partner bzw. Partnerin haben Kinder, die nicht oder nicht mehr im Haushalt des Befragten leben; Anzahl der Kinder des Partners insgesamt außerhalb des Haushalts; Geschlecht und Alter (Geburtsmonat und Geburtsjahr) der Kinder des Partners; Kind des Partners bzw. der Partnerin hat im Haushalt des Befragten gelebt; Kind lebte im gemeinsamen Haushalt seit Haushaltsgründung oder seit einem späteren Zeitpunkt; Zeitpunkt der Aufnahme in den gemeinsamen Haushalt bzw. des Auszugs des Kindes aus dem gemeinsamen Haushalt; Inanspruchnahme von politischen Unterstützungsmaßnahmen: derzeitiger oder früherer Bezug ausgewählter staatlicher, öffentlicher oder betrieblicher Leistungen oder Angebote (Befragter selbst bzw. Partner oder Partnerin (bei Paarhaushalten).

2. Zeitverwendung im Alltag: Zeitaufwand in Stunden (oder bei ausdrücklichem Wunsch Minuten) pro Woche sowie an einen normalen Wochenende für Erwerbstätigkeit, für Schulbesuch, Studium, Ausbildung, Fortbildung und Weiterbildung ohne Fahrzeit, für Fahrten zur Arbeit oder zur Ausbildung sowie Schlafen; Zeitaufwand in Stunden und Minuten für Tätigkeiten im Haushalt (Kochen, Tischdecken und Abwaschen, Wäsche waschen, Aufräumen, Putzen, Einkaufen, Gartenarbeit, Reparaturen und Regelung der Finanzen); Zeitaufwand in Stunden (oder Minuten) für ausgewählte Arbeiten für oder mit Kindern, die im gemeinsamen Haushalt leben; Zeitaufwand in Stunden (oder Minuten) für weitere Tätigkeiten (Betreuung und Pflege von älteren oder kranken Personen, Hilfe für Personen außerhalb des eigenen Haushalts, ehrenamtliche Tätigkeiten, Freizeit (Fernsehen, Lesen, Ausgehen, Sport, Hobbies, Shopping usw.) und Sonstiges (Mahlzeiten, Körperpflege, Anziehen).

3. Verteilung der Aufgaben im Haushalt: Personen, die sich an den Aufgaben im Haushalt beteiligen; Zeitaufwand der genannten Personen in Stunden (oder Minuten) pro Woche für Kochen, Tischdecken und Abwaschen, Wäsche waschen, Aufräumen und Putzen, Einkaufen, Gartenarbeit, Reparaturen im Haushalt, Heimwerken, Reparaturen und andere Arbeiten am Auto/Motorrad/Fahrrad, Regeln von Finanzen, Bezahlen von Rechnungen, Behördenkontakte, Verwaltungsangelegenheiten sowie für die Betreuung und Pflege von älteren oder kranken Haushaltsmitgliedern; Zeitaufwand der genannten Personen pro Woche in Stunden (oder Minuten) für Aufgaben im Rahmen der Kinderbetreuung (gemeinsame Aktivitäten, Spielen, Vorlesen, Gespräche, Fahrten zur Schule, Kindergarten, zu Veranstaltungen, Vereinen, Arzt, bei der Hausaufgabenbetreuung, falls Füttern, Anziehen und Baden falls Kleinkind im Haus.

4. Haushaltsausstattung: Ausstattung des Haushalts mit einem Auto, zwei oder mehreren Autos, Tiefkühltruhe bzw. -schrank, Geschirrspülmaschine, Waschmaschine, Wäschetrockner, Mikrowelle und PC; Wohnstatus (Haus oder Wohnung); Befragter oder Partner ist Hauptmieter, Untermieter oder Eigentümer der bewohnten Wohnung bzw. des Hauses; Anzahl der Wohnräume; Wohnfläche in Quadratmetern; eigener Garten oder Gartennutzung; Gartenfläche in Quadratmetern.

5. Schulbildung, Ausbildung, Beruf: Höchster allgemeinbildender Schulabschluss; beruflicher Ausbildungsabschluss; erlernter Beruf (offen); konkrete Berufsbezeichnung.

6. Erwerbsbiographie: Detaillierte Erfassung des Erwerbsverlaufs seit dem 18. Lebensjahr: Art sämtlicher Aktivitäten; Beginn und Ende (Monat und Jahr) der jeweiligen Aktivitäten; Andauern der Aktivität; erlernter Beruf; derzeit bzw. zuletzt ausgeübter Beruf; konkrete Berufsbezeichnung bei offener Nennung; derzeitige bzw. letzte berufliche Stellung; Beschäftigung im öffentlichen Dienst; Beschäftigungsdauer: Beschäftigungsbeginn (Monat und Jahr) beim derzeitigen Arbeitgeber; Beaufsichtigung von anderen Arbeitnehmern und Anzahl der beaufsichtigen Personen (Vorgesetztenfunktion);
Nicht-Erwerbstätige wurden gefragt: derzeit arbeitssuchend; gewünschte Wochenarbeitszeit.

7. Partnerverlauf und aktuelle Partnerschaft (nur Befragte, die mit Partner zusammenleben): für sämtliche Partnerschaften wurde erfragt: Zeitpunkt (Monat und Jahr) des Zusammenzugs mit Partner; Heirat; Heiratsdatum (Monat und Jahr); Partnerschaft bzw. Ehe besteht noch; Ende der Partnerschaft bzw. der Ehe durch Trennung, durch Scheidung oder durch den Tod des Partners; Zeitpunkt (Monat und Jahr) der Trennung oder Scheidung bzw. Sterbedatum (Monat und Jahr) des Partners.

Für den aktuellen Partner bzw. die aktuellen Partnerin wurde erfragt: höchster allgemeinbildender Schulabschluss; beruflicher Ausbildungsabschluss; erlernter Beruf; derzeitige Hauptbeschäftigung bzw. derzeit ausgeübter Beruf; aktuelle berufliche Stellung; Beschäftigung im öffentlichen Dienst; Beschäftigungsdauer: Beschäftigungsbeginn (Monat und Jahr) beim derzeitigen Arbeitgeber; Beaufsichtigung von anderen Arbeitnehmern und Anzahl der beaufsichtigen Personen (Vorgesetztenfunktion); falls Partner zum Erhebungszeitpunkt nicht erwerbstätig: Erwerbstätigkeit seit dem 18. Lebensjahr; Charakteristika der zuletzt ausgeübten Erwerbstätigkeit; Zeitpunkt des Endes der letzten Erwerbstätigkeit (Monat und Jahr); Partner ist arbeitssuchend; gewünschte Wochenarbeitszeit; Höhe des persönlichen Nettoeinkommens (offene Nennung und gruppiert); Geburtsort (Westdeutschland / Westberlin, DDR / Ostberlin, östliche Nachbarländer bzw. Osteuropa, europäisches Ausland oder außerhalb Europas); Wohnort am 01.01.1989 (damalige Bundesrepublik, damalige DDR oder im Ausland); Religionsgemeinschaft.

8. Qualität der aktuellen Partnerschaft (nur Befragte, die mit Partner zusammenleben): Häufigkeit von: Trennungs- bzw. Scheidungsgedanken, Verlassen des Hauses nach einem Streit, guter Verlauf der Partnerschaft, Streit mit dem Partner, Partner gehen sich gegenseitig auf die Nerven; Bedauern über Heirat bzw. Zusammenleben; Verlass auf den Partner; Bewertung des persönlichen Beitrags und des Beitrags des Partners / der Partnerin für die Partnerschaft; Bewertung des Gewinns aus der Partnerschaft für den Befragten persönlich und für den Partner / die Partnerin; Zufriedenheit mit der Beziehung insgesamt.

9. Geschlechtsrollenorientierung: Einstellung zur Rolle von Frauen und Männern in Beruf und Familie (Skalen Geschlechtsrollenorientierung).

10. Selbstwahrnehmung: Selbstcharakterisierung anhand ausgewählter Eigenschaften (Führungseigenschaften, bestimmtes Auftreten, respekteinflößend, verteidigt eigene Meinung, entschlossen, unerschrocken, hartnäckig, kraftvoll, sicher, konsequent, etc.).

Demographie: Geschlecht; Alter (Geburtsmonat und Geburtsjahr); Staatsangehörigkeit; Höhe des persönlichen Nettoeinkommens und des Haushaltsnettoeinkommens (offene Nennung und gruppiert); Geburtsort (Westdeutschland / Westberlin, DDR / Ostberlin, östliche Nachbarländer bzw. Osteuropa, europäisches Ausland oder außerhalb Europas); Wohnort am 01.01.1989 (damalige Bundesrepublik, damalige DDR oder im Ausland); Religionsgemeinschaft; Familienstand; fester Partner / feste Partnerin.

Zusätzlich verkodet wurde: Befragten-ID (Interviewnummer); Interviewer-ID; Interviewdauer (in Sekunden); Screen count; Interviewdatum; Zeitpunkt des Interviewbeginns und des Interviewendes; Bundesland; RLD; Fragen zur Haushaltsgröße, Zielgruppenmerkmalen und reduzierter Haushaltsgröße; Interviewbereitschaft; Interview soll auf Tonband aufgezeichnet werden; Tonbandaufzeichnung; Einverständnis mit der Tonbandaufzeichnung; Befragungszeit für die Befragungsmodule; Übergang Partnerinterview sofort im Anschluss möglich oder zu einem anderen Zeitpunkt; Terminvereinbarung (Tag, Monat, Uhrzeit); sofortige Interviewbereitschaft des Partners.

II. Fragebogen Partner

1. Zeitverwendung im Alltag: Zeitaufwand in Stunden (oder bei ausdrücklichem Wunsch Minuten) pro Woche sowie an einen normalen Wochenende für Erwerbstätigkeit, für Schulbesuch, Studium, Ausbildung, Fortbildung und Weiterbildung ohne Fahrzeit, für Fahrten zur Arbeit oder zur Ausbildung sowie Schlafen; Zeitaufwand in Stunden und Minuten für Tätigkeiten im Haushalt (Kochen, Tischdecken und Abwaschen, Wäsche waschen, Aufräumen, Putzen, Einkaufen, Gartenarbeit, Reparaturen und Regelung der Finanzen); Zeitaufwand in Stunden (oder Minuten) für ausgewählte Arbeiten für oder mit Kindern, die im gemeinsamen Haushalt leben; Zeitaufwand in Stunden (oder Minuten) für weitere Tätigkeiten (Betreuung und Pflege von älteren oder kranken Personen, Hilfe für Personen außerhalb des eigenen Haushalts, ehrenamtliche Tätigkeiten, Freizeit (Fernsehen, Lesen, Ausgehen, Sport, Hobbies, Shopping usw.) und Sonstiges (Mahlzeiten, Körperpflege, Anziehen).

2. Verteilung der Aufgaben im Haushalt: Personen, die sich an den Aufgaben im Haushalt beteiligen; Zeitaufwand der genannten Personen in Stunden (oder Minuten) pro Woche für Kochen, Tischdecken und Abwaschen, Wäsche waschen, Aufräumen und Putzen, Einkaufen, Gartenarbeit, Reparaturen im Haushalt, Heimwerken, Reparaturen und andere Arbeiten am Auto/Motorrad/Fahrrad, Regeln von Finanzen, Bezahlen von Rechnungen, Behördenkontakte, Verwaltungsangelegenheiten sowie für die Betreuung und Pflege von älteren oder kranken Haushaltsmitgliedern; Zeitaufwand der genannten Personen pro Woche in Stunden (oder Minuten) für Aufgaben im Rahmen der Kinderbetreuung (gemeinsame Aktivitäten, Spielen, Vorlesen, Gespräche, Fahrten zur Schule, Kindergarten, zu Veranstaltungen, Vereinen, Arzt, bei der Hausaufgabenbetreuung, falls Füttern, Anziehen und Baden falls Kleinkind im Haus.

3. Erwerbsbiographie: Detaillierte Erfassung des Erwerbsverlaufs seit dem 18. Lebensjahr: Art sämtlicher Aktivitäten; Beginn und Ende (Monat und Jahr) der jeweiligen Aktivitäten; Andauern der Aktivität; erlernter Beruf; derzeit bzw. zuletzt ausgeübter Beruf; konkrete Berufsbezeichnung bei offener Nennung; derzeitige bzw. letzte berufliche Stellung; Beschäftigung im öffentlichen Dienst; Beschäftigungsdauer: Beschäftigungsbeginn (Monat und Jahr) beim derzeitigen Arbeitgeber; Beaufsichtigung von anderen Arbeitnehmern und Anzahl der beaufsichtigen Personen (Vorgesetztenfunktion).
Nicht-Erwerbstätige wurden gefragt: derzeit arbeitssuchend; gewünschte Wochenarbeitszeit.

4. Partnerverlauf: für sämtliche Partnerschaften wurde erfragt: Zeitpunkt (Monat und Jahr) des Zusammenzugs mit Partner; Heirat; Heiratsdatum (Monat und Jahr); Partnerschaft bzw. Ehe besteht noch; Ende der Partnerschaft bzw. der Ehe durch Trennung, durch Scheidung oder durch den Tod des Partners; Zeitpunkt (Monat und Jahr) der Trennung oder Scheidung bzw. Sterbedatum (Monat und Jahr) des Partners.

5. Qualität der Partnerschaft: Häufigkeit von: Trennungs- bzw. Scheidungsgedanken, Verlassen des Hauses nach einem Streit, guter Verlauf der Partnerschaft, Streit mit dem Partner, Partner gehen sich gegenseitig auf die Nerven; Bedauern über Heirat bzw. Zusammenleben; Verlass auf den Partner; Bewertung des persönlichen Beitrags und des Beitrags des Partners / der Partnerin für die Partnerschaft; Bewertung des Gewinns aus der Partnerschaft für den Befragten persönlich und für den Partner / die Partnerin; Zufriedenheit mit der Beziehung insgesamt.

6. Geschlechtsrollenorientierung: Einstellung zur Rolle von Frauen und Männern in Beruf und Familie (Skala).

7. Selbstwahrnehmung: Selbstcharakterisierung anhand ausgewählter Eigenschaften (Führungseigenschaften, bestimmtes Auftreten, respekteinflößend, verteidigt eigene Meinung, entschlossen, unerschrocken, hartnäckig, kraftvoll, sicher, konsequent, etc.).

Demographie: Geschlecht; Alter (Geburtsmonat und Geburtsjahr); Staatsangehörigkeit; Höhe des persönlichen Nettoeinkommens (offene Nennung und gruppiert).

Zusätzlich verkodet wurde: Tonbandaufzeichnung für Partnerinterview; Einverständnis des Partners mit der Tonbandaufzeichnung; Hauptinterview, kein Partner; Hauptinterview, Partner verweigert; Haupt- und Partnerinterview erfolgt; Hauptinterview, Partner auf Termin; Gewichtungsfaktoren; Befragungszeit für die Befragungsmodule.

Abgeleitete Indizes: Berufsvercodung gemäß ISCO-68, ISCO-88 (International Standard Classification of Occupations), Berufsprestige SIOPS und Magnitude-Prestigeskala (MPS), ISEI (International Socio-Economic Index of Occupational Status).

Interviewerrating: Abbruchgründe; Probleme bei der Durchführung des Interviews (Verständnisschwierigkeiten, Erinnerungsprobleme, Störungen durch Dritte, andere Gründe (offen).

Vor über einhundertdreißig Jahren (am 17. November 1881) wurde mit dem Verlesen der Kaiserlichen Botschaft zur Eröffnung der fünften Sitzungsperiode des Reichstages die Ära der staatlichen Sozialpolitik eingeleitet. Als erstes Land Europas ergriff das Deutsche Reich damit die Initiative zur Errichtung obligatorischer staatlicher Sozialversicherungen Zwei Jahre später wurde das erste Sozialversicherungsgesetz im Reichstag verabschiedet, 1884 trat die obligatorische Krankenversicherung in Kraft. Noch im gleichen Jahrzehnt folgten auch die Unfall- und die Rentenversicherung. Seither haben auch alle anderen Länder Westeuropas staatliche Versicherungen gegen Arbeitsunfälle, Krankheit, Alter und Arbeitslosigkeit geschaffen, die auch gegenwärtig den institutionellen Schwerpunkt des Wohlfahrtsstaates darstellen. Die vorliegende Studie zur historischen Entwicklung der Sozialversicherung in Westeuropa ist im Rahmen des HIWED-Projektes (Historische Indikatoren der Westeuropäischen Demokratien, Projektleiter: Wolfgang Zapf und Peter Flora) entstanden. Dieses Projekt wurde von 1973 bis 1979 von der Stiftung Volkswagenwerk finanziert. Sein wesentliches Produkt ist ein umfassendes Datenhandbuch über politische, gesellschaftliche und wirtschaftliche Entwicklungen in Westeuropa im Zeitraum von 1815 bis 1975. Die Studie von Jens Alber mit komparativen Statistiken zur historischen Entwicklung der Sozialversicherung in westeuropäischen Ländern in historischer Perspektive bildet das neunte Kapitel in dem ersten Band des Datenhandbuchs. Untersucht werden alle Länder Westeuropas außer Griechenland, Portugal und Spanien. Im Vordergrund stehen die quantitative Beschreibung des Wachstums der Sozialausgaben und der Bevölkerungsanteile, die von den sozialen Programmen und Leistungen erfasst werden. Die Datensammlung umfasst Einnahme- und Ausgabendaten der Unfall-, Kranken-, Renten- und Arbeitslosenversicherung für 13 westeuropäische Länder, soweit sie in den nationalen statistischen Jahrbüchern seit Einführung der Programme verfügbar waren. Die Finanzdaten sind nach Ausgabenarten und Einnahmekategorien gegliedert. Als ein Maß für die sozialpolitischen Anstrengungen eines Landes wird in dieser Studie – wie allgemein üblich - die Sozialleistungsquote verwendet. Dabei werden die Sozialausgaben ins Verhältnis zum Sozialprodukt (Bruttoinlandsprodukt) gesetzt ("expenditure ratios"). Schließlich bildet die Darstellung der Entwicklung von Mitgliederdaten (der jeweils erfasste Personenkreis der vier Sozialversicherungen) einen weiteren Datenschwerpunkt.
Neben der Datensammlung publizierte Jens Alber eine makrosoziologische Untersuchung mit Analysen zur Entwicklung der Sozialversicherung in Westeuropa. "Die Beschreibung der zusammengestellten komparativen Daten soll die grundlegenden Gemeinsamkeiten und Variationen der Sozialversicherungsentwicklung in Westeuropa deutlich machen. Die Analysen sollen dann einige der Bedingungsfaktoren der Entstehung und Entwicklung der sozialen Sicherungssysteme aufzeigen, um erklärungskräftige von weniger fruchtbaren sozialwissenschaftlichen Hypothesen zu trennen und zu einer kumulativ fortschreitenden Theoriebildung über den Wohlfahrtsstaat beizutragen. Das erste Kapitel schildert zunächst die Ursprünge der staatlichen Sozialversicherungspolitik und stellt die Entstehung der Sicherungssysteme in den Kontext des gesellschaftlichen Strukturwandels Europas im 19. Jahrhundert. Das zweite Kapitel untersucht, welche sozialwissenschaftlichen Erklärungen der Entstehung und Entwicklung der Systeme bislang verfügbar sind. Ziel dieses Kapitels ist eine Bestandaufnahme der bisherigen sozialwissenschaftlichen Erkenntnisse über den Wohlfahrtsstaat, die auf bislang offene Fragen verweist, welche in den Analysen des dritten Kapitels aufgegriffen werden. Die erste Analyse untersucht die zeitlichen Variationen der Einführung der Sozialversicherung. Im Vordergrund steht die Frage, ob die Sozialversicherung primär ein Erfordernis der sozio-ökonomischen Entwicklung darstellte, oder ob sie besser als Produkt politischer Auseinandersetzungen verstanden wird. Die zweite Analyse untersucht die Ausdehnung der westeuropäischen Sozialversicherungssysteme anhand der quantitativen Daten über ihren Mitgliederkreis. Die dritte Analyse hat die institutionelle Entwicklung der Systeme am Beispiel der Arbeitslosenversicherung zum Gegenstand. Das vierte Kapitel fasst die wichtigsten Analyseergebnisse zusammen und formuliert Schlussfolgerungen für die sozialwissenschaftliche Theorie des Wohlfahrtsstaates" (Alber, J., 1982: Vom Armenhaus zum Wohlfahrtsstaat. Analysen zur Entwicklung der Sozialversicherung in Europa. Frankfurt/Main/New York: Campus, S. 20-22).
Das neunte Kapitel des Datenhandbuchs (Jens Alber: Income Maintenance) "… presents data on the development of the major public social programmes. 'Social security' is defined following the practice of the International Labour Office. It embraces the four social insurance schemes (occupational injuries, health, pension, and unemployment insurance), public health, family allowances, social assistance, benefits to war victims, and the special transfers to civil servants. Data on the coverage of the four social insurance schemes are presented for the period from the introduction of a given type of insurance programme to 1975. Data on the expenditure and receipts of social security programmes are reported for the period from 1949 to 1974.
Data are mainly presented country by country, in the form of tables and graphs. The chapter begins, however, with six comparative tables with selected ratios for all 13 countries. The first three of these comparative tables give ratios of various expenditure categories as percentages of gross domestic product (social security expenditure and social insurance and public health expenditure, both including administrative costs; benefit expenditure, excluding these costs for pensions, health, unemployment, and family allowances). The fourth table shows the part taken by public authorities and employers in the financing of social security and the last two of the comparative tables give coverage ratios, i.e. the members of insurance schemes (pension, medical benefit, occupational injuries and unemployment insurance) as a percentage of the labour force.
The comparative part is followed by a series of tables and graphs with the national data on social security expenditure, its financing, and coverage of insurance schemes for each country. The first table gives the aggregate amounts of social security and social insurance expenditure, as well as its breakdown according to major programmes (public assistance, family allowances, public health, and the fur insurance schemes for health, pensions, occupational injuries and unemployment). All figures pertain to net expenditure, excluding transfers among single schemes. They refer either to calendar years or – in the case of Denmark, Ireland and the United Kingdom - to financial years ending in the stated calendar year. Expenditures for the single programmes do not add up to the reported total social security expenditure, because the outlays for a war victims and public employees are not included in the tables. Information on the percentage of total social security benefit expenditure spent for public employees, however, is contained in one of the graphs. Total social insurance expenditure corresponds to the sum of the four reported insurance schemes. The tables on the financing of social security report the receipts for total social security and total social insurance for the period from 1949 to 1974, as well as the receipts for the four major social insurance programmes in selected years. In addition to the aggregate figures, the percentage distribution of receipts by source of contribution is given. The three major sources are: insured persons, employers, and public authorities (summing up contributions by central government, receipts from local government bodies and special taxes allocated to social security). The last category, "other", includes income from capital and contributions classified by the International Labour Office as "other receipts".
The final table on social insurance coverage gives the figures of the members of the four major insurance schemes" (Alber, J., 1983: Income Maintenance, in: Flora, P., u. a., 1983: State, Economy, and Society in Western European 1815 – 1975. Vol. I: The Growth of Mass Democracies and Welfare States; Chapter 9. Frankfurt/Main u. a.: Campus u. a. , S. 453f).

Datentabellen in HISTAT:
A. Übersichten, westeuropäischer Ländervergleich
A.01a Die Entwicklung der Sozialversicherungsausgaben: Anteile am Bruttoinlandsprodukt (1900-1975)
A.01b Die Entwicklung der Ausgaben für die soziale Sicherung: Anteile am Bruttoinlandsprodukt (1949-1974)
A.01c Leistungen der Rentenversicherung: Anteile am Bruttoinlandsprodukt (1949-1974)
A.01d Leistungen der Krankenversicherung: Anteile am Bruttoinlandsprodukt (1949-1974)
A.01e Leistungen der Arbeitslosenversicherung: Anteile am Bruttoinlandsprodukt (1949-1974)
A.01f Leistungen der Familienbeihilfe: Anteile am Bruttoinlandsprodukt (1949-1974)
A.02 Die Ausdehnung der Sozialversicherung in Westeuropa (1885-1975)
A.03a Mitgliederkreis der Unfallversicherung, in % der Erwerbsbevölkerung in Westeuropa (1885-1975)
A.03b Mitgliederkreis der Krankenversicherung, in % der Erwerbsbevölkerung in Westeuropa (1885-1975)
A.03c Mitgliederkreis der Rentenversicherung, in % der Erwerbsbevölkerung in Westeuropa (1885-1975)
A.03d Mitgliederkreis der Arbeitslosenversicherung, in % der Erwerbsbevölkerung in Westeuropa (1885-1975)
A.04 Fünfjährlicher Zuwachs des Index der Sozialversicherungsausdehnung (1880-1975)
A.05 Ausdehnungsniveau und Wachstum der Sozialversicherung nach Perioden (1900-1975)
A.06 Finanzierungsanteile in der sozialen Sicherung: In Prozent der Gesamteinnahmen (1949-1974)
B. Die sozialen Sicherungsprogramme in den einzelnen Ländern
Der Datenbestand im Teil B umfasst jeweils drei Tabellentypen für jedes europäische Land:
B.1a Gesamtausgaben für die soziale Sicherung (1949-1974)
B.1b Die Entwicklung der Leistungsausgaben für die soziale Sicherung (1949-1974)
B.2 Finanzierung der sozialen Sicherungsprogramme (1949-1974)
B.3 Reichweite (Versicherte) der Sozialversicherungsprogramme (1888-1975)