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Climate change is now well recognized as a potentially significant factor in the human future, affecting ecological systems, agriculture, health, and settlement patterns. The scientific consensus, periodically assessed by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, foresees a long‐term atmospheric warming of a few degrees over a century. The accumulating knowledge of the world's climate history, however, suggests that any implied stability of trend may be illusory. The evidence comes from ice and seabed cores and tree rings, which can yield year‐by‐year information on atmospheric conditions and time‐series of mean temperatures extending back for millennia. These data show many episodes of a sudden rise or fall in temperature in particular regions, sometimes of 10°C or more in ten years, with the new mean lasting for decades or centuries. There is thus the likelihood—even the inevitability—of comparably large and abrupt changes occurring in coming years, a very different prospect from the "greenhouse warming" scenario projected by current large‐scale climate models. Moreover, the two phenomena may be connected: a continued slow temperature rise may at some point trigger an abrupt shift in climate regime through mechanisms such as the effect on ocean circulation. In 2002 a committee set up by the US National Research Council reviewed what is known about this subject in a report, Abrupt Climate Change: Inevitable Surprises (Washington, DC: National Academy Press). The Council is the operating arm of the US National Academy of Sciences; the Committee on Abrupt Climate Change comprised mostly oceanographers and climate experts and was chaired by Richard B. Alley, Professor of Geosciences, Pennsylvania State University, a glaciologist and author of The Two‐Mile Time Machine: Ice Cores, Abrupt Climate Change, and Our Future (Princeton, 2000).A recent spate of media attention to the subject has been occasioned less by the NRC report itself than by a dramatic scenario exercise derived from it, prepared under US Defense Department auspices, and by release of a disaster film with an instant‐ice‐age theme. The Pentagon study, An Abrupt Climate Change Scenario and Its Implications for United States National Security, authored by Peter Schwartz and Doug Randall, was issued in October 2003. It explores the hypothetical geopolitical consequences of a repetition in the near future of an event experienced 8,200 years ago (as recorded in an ice core from central Greenland): a sudden cooling of some 2–3° C, lasting for a century, punctuating climatic conditions broadly similar to those of the present day. In the scenario, the collapse of ocean heat‐conveying currents causes rapid cooling in the northern hemisphere and warming in the southern hemisphere. Outcomes include resource wars, large population movements, and "a significant drop in the human carrying capacity of the Earth's environment."In February 2004 the NRC reasserted the more measured voices of its committee by issuing a four‐page summary of the 2002 report, under the same title as the full document. This "report in brief" is reproduced below.

AbstractThis paper explores the basic responsibilities of those who "govern" any kind of organization, whether these be non‐profits, widely held or closely held firms, cooperatives, or voluntary agencies. It adopts a perspective that is largely philosophical and sociological rather than legal or economic, and explores the basic functions of governors in relation to their organizations. It begins its inquiry by contrasting managing and governing. It argues that the practice of governing consists fundamentally in the exercise of reflective and authoritative judgment. The paper then reflects on the basic character of organizations, using what the author refers to as a revised stakeholder model. It argues that organizations are constituted and reconstituted by their ongoing, negotiated, asset‐creating interactions with diverse constituencies. With this enlarged view of organizations as a frame of reference, the paper then spells out in order of importance the fundamental responsibilities of governors. These consist of overviewing their organizations to promote the good of their organizations as a whole, reviewing and authorizing organizational strategies, monitoring organizational performances, supervising chief administrators, as well as other tasks. In order to assume these responsibilities effectively, governing boards need to be constituted so that they can deliberate well. While recognizing merit in the view that regards governors primarily as agents of stakeholders with proprietary claims, the paper argues instead that boards should be constituted to represent the interests of their organizations as whole.RésuméCet article examine les responsabilités fondamentales de ceux qui "gouvernent" les différent types d'organisa‐tions, qu'elles soient organisations sans but lucratif, à capital privé ou cotées en bourse, coopératives, ou organisations volontaires. Il adopte une perspective essentiellement philosophique et sociologique plutôt que légate ou économique, et explore les fonctions fondamentales des gouverneurs par rapport à leurs organisations. II commence par une discussion sur la différence entre gestion et gouvernance. Nous proposons que la gouver‐nance est avant tout un exercice de réflexion et implique un jugement d'autorité. Ensuite, nous réfléchissons sur le caractère fondamental des organisations en utilisant ce que nous appelons un modèle réSvisé des parties prenantes ("stakeholders"). Notre argument est que les organisations sont constituées et reconstituées par les interactions permanentes et négociées entre différent groupes, et que ce sont ces interactions qui créent les ac‐tifs de l'organisation. Avec comme cadre de référence cette vue élargie de l'organisation, cet article énonce par ordre d'importance les responsabilités fondamentales des gouverneurs. Celles‐ci consistent à exercer une vue générate sur Vorganisation pour le bien de leur organisation dans son ensemble, de revoir et d'autoriser les stratégies organisationnelles, de suivre les performances organisationnelles, de superviser les responsables, ainsi que d'autres tâches. Les comités de gouvernance doivent être constitués de telle sorte qu 'ils assument leurs responsabilités et puissent bien délibérer. Tout en reconnaissant le mérite du modèle des gouverneurs comme agents des parties prenantes, cet article met en avant que les comités de gouvemance devraient représenter les intérêts des organisations dans leur ensemble.

Humans are dependent on others for their livelihood for many years before they become economically productive and self‐supporting. In modern industrial societies productivity and the capacity to be self‐supporting also require costly investments in human capital. What is the proper division of responsibilities between parents and other members of society for rearing children and thus, collectively, reproducing the population? And how equitable is the sharing between husband and wife of the burdens that fall on the immediate family? To what extent should social responsibilities for childrearing be formalized in explicit institutional arrangements? While certainly long‐standing, these questions acquired a special urgency in industrial countries beginning with the second decade of the twentieth century as a result of the convulsive experience of the world war. (In subsequent decades, below‐replacement‐level fertility amplified such concerns.) Total mobilization for war resulted in the massive influx of female workers into industry, thus undercutting prevailing assumptions about the logic and equity of an industrial system characterized by sharp divisions of labor by sex, discrimination in hiring and remuneration in the job market, and routine reliance on unpaid female labor in childrearing.In the March 1917 issue of The Economic Journal, Eleanor F. Rathbone addressed these issues in an article titled "The remuneration of women's services." This article is reproduced below in full. "Perhaps the most important function which any State has to perform—more important even than guarding against its enemies—is to secure its own periodic renewal by providing for the rearing of fresh generations," asserted Rathbone. How is this burden paid for? She saw the existing system as iniquitous and haphazard—requiring a disproportionate and unremunerated contribution from the adult female population, a contribution supplemented only in a "hesitating and half‐hearted way" by the state. The modern state gradually accepted responsibilities to cover some of the costs of formal education and started to make minor provisions for child nurture and medical expenses. Still, she noted, "the great bulk of the main cost of [population] renewal [the state] still pays for… by the indirect and extraordinarily clumsy method of financing the male parent"—thus accomplishing the task "in a very defective and blundering way." Rathbone argued for a radical rethinking and revision of the existing system. She further elaborated her proposals in a book, The Disinherited Family, published in 1924. This book was republished posthumously in 1949 under the title Family Allowances. Lord Beveridge, father of the post–World War II British welfare state, in an Epilogue written for that book, attributes the intellectual preparation of the 1945 Family Allowances Act "first and foremost" to the author of The Disinherited Family.Eleanor Rathbone was born in 1872 to a prominent Liverpool family. Educated at Oxford in classics and philosophy, she played an active public role as a suffragist, feminist, and advocate of social reforms. She was a member of the British Parliament, as an Independent, from 1929 to her death in 1946.

Teatro Abierto ('Open Theatre') was launched in Argentina in 1981. It was the idea of a number of playwrights, directors and actors, many of whom had spent all or many of the years following the 1976 coup in exile abroad. They were determined to demonstrate that theatre was still a living art in Argentina in spite of repeated government censorship and outright repression by means of bannings, threats and blacklists. 'We reckoned that if we all appeared together, they couldn't possibly silence the whole thing,' one of the founding group commented. Their idea was to put on 21 short plays at the rate of three a day over a week, with repetitions of the plays over a month. However, halfway through the first week, just after the performance of a play which contained references to the thousands of 'disappeared' in Argentina (see Box), the theatre staging the plays was burnt out. Several people, never subsequently identified, broke into it and spread phosphorus bombs throughout the auditorium. The theatre was gutted, and since it was not insured, has remained empty ever since. The outcry against such a blatant attack on freedom of expression was so great that the season of plays was quickly offered a home in a larger theatre, where the remaining works were performed, arousing enormous public interest. Teatro Abierto 1981 was an important psychological turning point for cultural life in Argentina under the military. The fact that a group of artists had stood together and refused to allow any interference with their work greatly encouraged others. Their initiative was soon followed by similar events in dance, cinema and photography, all of them demonstrating the vitality of Argentine cultural expression despite six years of official censorship and neglect. The play which follows, Odd Man In, was one of the works presented in the 1981 series of Teatro Abierto. Its author, Eduardo Pavlovsky, returned recently to Argentina after spending several years in exile in Spain. He has described his escape from Argentina in the following fashion: 'In my play Telarañas ('Cobwebs') there is a scene in which two gas board officials force their way into a home. In fact, they are not from the gas board at all, but are torturers. Cobwebs was written in 1976 and put on at the Teatro Payró in 1977. It lasted two days. I received a letter from the Secretary of Culture of the City of Buenos Aires asking me to withdraw it. Possibly because I wasn't fully aware of the kind of situation we were really in, I took no notice, and forced them to issue a formal banning decree. Three months later, two 'gas board officials' came to my place asking for me. Luckily my secretary realised what was going on, and phoned to me upstairs. By this time, another eight 'gasmen' had appeared. If I'm here to tell the story, it's because by then I had climbed out of my window and escaped across the roofs.'

SUMMARYPeasants have frequently been observed to exhibit two patterns of political behavior which tend to inhibit the formation and consolidation of peasant economic and political organizations, namely political passivity and violence. Theories so far have usually concentrated on explaining either only one of these behavior patterns, or only one class context (either inter‐or intra‐class relations). Noting that Chinese peasants during land reform frequently adopted these behavior patterns both towards landlords and towards peasant leaders of their organizations, the author develops her own explanation based on the analysis of several case studies, one of which is presented here in detail as illustration. Her main hypothesis is that Chinese peasants make rational behavior‐choices based not only on the calculation of expected material benefits, but also on that of political risks. This latter calculation appears to rest on certain assumptions which are shared by the majority of Chinese peasants and which do not differ in content when considering the future political behavior of peasant rather than landlord power‐wielders.RÉSUMÉIl a souvent été considere que les paysans manifestent deux types de comportemcnt politique ‐ passivité d'une part et violence d'autre part ‐ ce qui tendrait à empêcher la formation et la consolidation d'organisations paysannes, tant politiques qu'économiques. Et jusqu'ici les théories se sont habituellement centrées sur l'explication soit d'un de ces types de comportement, soit sur un unique contexte de classe (relations entre classe ou internes à la classe).Observant que les paysans chinois ont, durant la réforme agraire, fréquemment adopté ces types de comportement tant à l'égard des propriétaires terriens que des leaders de leurs organisations, l'auteur développe son propre modèle explicatif à partir de plusieurs études de cas dont une sert ici d'illustration. Sa principale hypothèse est que les paysans ont en fait un comportement rationnel dans la mesure où celui‐ci n'est pas seulement basé sur un calcul économique mais aussi sur un calcul des risques politiques. Ce calcul politique sc révèle alors reposer sur certaines dispositions qui sont communes à la majorité des paysans chinois et qui ne changent pas de sens si on examine le comportement politique futur par rapport à l'exercice du pouvoir des propriétaires terriens.ZUSAMMENFASSUNGEs ist häufig beobachtet worden, daß Bauern zwei politische Verhal‐tensmuster aufweisen, welche die Bildung und Konsolidicrung von ökonomischen und politischen Bauernorganisationen tendenziell verhindern, nämlich politische Passivität und Gewalltätigkeit. Theorien haben sich bisher meist darauf konzentriert, entweder nur eins dieser Verhaltensmuster oder diese nur in einem Zusammenhang (entweder Inter‐ oder Intraklassenbeziehungen) zu erklären. Ausgehend von der Beobachtung, daß chinesische Bauern während der Bodenreformzeit häufig diese Verhaltensweisen sowohl gegenüber Großgrundbesitzern als auch gegenüber den Bauernführern ihrer eigenen Organisationen ergriffen, entwickelt die Autorin aufgrund einer Analyse mehrerer Fallstudien ‐ von dencn cine hier zu Illustration ausführlicher darge‐stellt wird ‐ ihre eigene Erklärung. Ihre Hauptthese ist, daß chinesische Bauern rationale Verhaltensentscheidungen treffen, die nicht nur auf der Berechnung von erwarteten materiellen Vorteilen, sondern auch von politischen Risiken beruhen. Dieser letzten Kalkulation scheinen einige Annahmen zugrundezuliegen, die von der Mehrheit der chinesischen Bauern geteilt werden, und die sich inhaltlich nicht un‐terscheiden, gleichviel ob es sich um das politische Verhalten von Bauern oder das von Großgrundbesitzern handelt.

SUMMARY This article criticizes the argument of Radorniro Tomić, (see 'Reflections on the Coup d'Etat in Chile', IDS Bulletin vol.7 no. 3, October 1975) according to which there was a possibility of an agreement between the Chilean Christian Democrats and the parties of Unidad Popular which would have saved Chile from the events of September 1973. The counter‐argument rests on the evidence that the Christian Democrats did all they could to prevent the UP government from fulfilling its programme, and even when partial agreements were in the air, ended up by defeating such efforts. Tomić represents a minority view in his party which is dominated by Frei, the President of Chile from 1964 to 1970, who has always rejected any deal with the Left. However, the author agrees with Tomić that an agreement would have saved the country from its present fate, even if it would have involved some sacrifice of ultimate goals.RESUME La Démocratie Chrétienne et la Gauche au Chile: Le Bilan Selon TomićL'article qui suit remet en question la thèse de Radomiro Tomić, (voir 'Réflexions au sujet du Coup d'Etat du Chile', Bulletin de 1'IDS, Vol. 7, No. 3, Octobre 1975) selon laquelle il est question de la possibilité d'un accord entre Démocrates Chrétiens Chiliens et partis de L'Union Populaire qui aurait pu éviter au Chile les evenements de September 1973. Le contre‐argument repose sur le fait que les Démocrates Chrétiens ont fait tout ce qui était en leur pouvoir pour empêcher le Gouvernement d'UP de remplir son programme, et même lorsque des accords partiaux étaient dans l'air, ont fini par mettre de tels efforts en échec. Tomić représente les vues d'une minorité au sein de son parti, dominé par Frei, Président du Chile de 1964 à 1970. qui a toujours refusé de traiter avec un parti de gauche. Cependant l'auteur pense comme Tomić qu'un accord aurait sauvé le pays de son destin actuel, même si cela avait impliqué le sacrifice d'objectifs ultérieurs.RESUMEN Tomić y la Relación entre la Democracia Cristiana y la Izquierda en Chile: Un ComentarioEste articulo critica la tesis de Radomiro Tomić (ver, 'Reflexiones sobre el Golpe de Estado en Chile', Boletín IDS Vol. 7, No. 3, octubre 1975) según la cual los partidos de la Unidad Popular hubieran podido llegar a un acuerdo sin transacciones ideológicas con la Democracia Cristiana y evitar asi la tragedia de septiembre de 1973. Tomić representa una tendencia minoritaria dentro su partido, el que está dominado por el ‐ex‐Presidente de Chile Eduardo Frei, quien nunca quiso llegar a un acuerdo. El autor concuerda con Tomić que un entendimiento con la izquierda hubiera salvado al país de su destino actual, pero cree que su ausencia se debió a que nadie apreció con claridad los riesgos que se corrían al no buscar seriamente un acuerdo.

Those phenomena that are called revolutions, in the conventional sense of the word, are essentially moments of turbulent acceleration following periods of retardation; and such are the phenomena of the révolution tranquille in Québec, which are confused by some with the inclusive events of long duration. In this perspective, and as a prelude to the analysis of current conceptions of the so-called quiet revolution in Québec, the author offers a study of the economic and social history of the United States from 1920 to 1940. He sees no sharp break between the fabulous twenties and the depression decade; nor does he see a gap between the interwar period and the preceding so-called progressive period. This can be seen through the unfolding of social, political, and economic events, provided that care is taken to adopt the mental set of transcending the conflictual in order to assent to the cumulative aspects of the historical process. Seen from this angle, the issues appear more complex, and contemporaries may easily be pardoned for failing to grasp the fundamental questions or for seeing revolutions where there are none. In the freedom of dancing, smoking, and drinking with women or, again, in the freedom of teaching the theory of evolution in schools (freedoms conquered in the twenties and the early thirties), some have seen a revolution. In a like manner, the New Deal has been described as revolutionary, as has the economic theory of J.M. Keynes. But if capitalism really has undergone such trials, how then can it still carry on so vigorously? In fact, it has learned to adapt itself to the changing conditions of its survival without altering its basic character. New regimes arise and the system carries on. The New Deal created a new regime to which capitalism acclimatized itself; and in the new regime capitalism managed so well that it could take advantage of the change in mentality in order to save the system. Under the New Deal, however, capitalism reached an important stage of its politicization, as it did somewhat later, under the new fiscal policies derived from Keynes' general theory. Yet, despite all revolutionary appearances, it continued to operate on the basis of usury, and while taking hold of the new media of information it mobilized resources with a view to profit and in so doing it organized things and men with equal indifference and efficiency. The system has continued to operate on the same basis of usury and, in order to sidetrack violent protest, it has adopted the issue of social justice; it has been willing to substitute assistance for employment, destructive idleness for creative leisure. Those benefits that are labeled social security and are now distributed without much regard for human creativity have the properties of a tranquillizing pill. And so we are reminded of the panem and circenses politics of a declining Empire. Are we really prepared to swallow the tranquillizing pill?

AbstractIn the 15‐year period since the Syrian military entry into Lebanon on June 1, 1976, allegedly to put an end to the civil war that broke out there a year earlier, Syria firmly solidified its control of the country, as evidenced by the signing of the "Treaty of Brotherhood, Cooperation and Coordination between Syria and Lebanon," on May 22, 1991, which granted Syria a special status. Yet, 14 years later, on April 24, 2005, the Syrian forces withdrew from Lebanon. This article seeks to explain this relatively rapid decline in Syria's standing in Lebanon by examining the strategies of the two Syrian rulers who indirectly controlled this country during those years. It examines what was right in Hafiz al‐Asad's strategy in Lebanon, and what did not work in Bashar's policy.In 2000, the year of Hafiz al‐Asad's death, Syria's status in Lebanon seemed unshakable: 1) Lebanon's president (Emile Lahoud) acted as Damascus's puppet; 2) Hezbollah, the Shi'a militia Hezbollah largely accepted Syria's authority while it simultaneously tightened its control over southern Lebanon and also began gaining popularity in the rest of the country; and 3) finally the politics of the noble families, which had characterized Lebanon since its establishment, began to gradually give way to a politics where a political figure is measured by the level of his connections to the country's power base in Damascus. Yet, merely five years later, Syria was under immense pressure to withdraw its forces from Lebanon. This suggests that we must look at the difference between the strategies of Hafiz al‐Asad and his son Bashar for controlling Lebanon to better understand the rapid deterioration in Syria's standing in the country.We argue that the difference in the degree of anti‐Syrian pressures from Lebanon's society and political elements between the two tenures is largely rooted in the different strategies that the two Syrian presidents adopted for informally ruling Lebanon. We identify three main areas where Bashar al‐Asad made mistakes due to his failure to continue his father's methods. First, Bashar put all his cards on Hezbollah, thus antagonizing all the other groups which resented that Shi'a dominance. Second, in stark contrast to his father, Bashar distanced himself from the regular management of Lebanon's ethnic politics. Hafiz al‐Asad made sure that all the leaders of the different ethnic groups would visit Damascus and update him on their inter‐ethnic conflicts, and then he would be the one who would either arbitrate between them or, for expediency reasons, exacerbate these feuds. Once the ethnic leaders had to manage without Damascus, they learned to get along, making him far less indispensable for the running of the country. Finally, Bashar, unlike his father, did not make a real effort to gain international and regional legitimacy (or at least de‐facto acceptance) for Syria's continued control over Lebanon. Most conspicuously, while Hafiz participated in the First Gulf War against Iraq, his son supported Sunni rebels who fought against the United States‐led coalition forces there. This foreign acquiescence was significant since the Lebanese felt they had a backing when they demanded Syria's withdrawal in 2005.These different strategic approaches of the two rulers meant that the father's policies wisely laid the ground for some of the most controversial measures which were needed as part of any attempt to monopolize control over another country, such as Lebanon (assassinating popular but too independent‐minded Lebanese presidents/prime ministers or extending tenures of loyalist ones), whereas the son's policies myopically failed to do so properly. Indeed, the article will show that while both the father and the son took these same controversial measures, the responses of the Lebanese were completely different.Admittedly, some historical developments increased the Lebanese propensity to rise up against Syria, and these meant that Bashar did in fact face a harder task than his father in maintaining Syria's informal occupation. The Israeli withdrawal from its so‐called "security zone" in south Lebanon meant that one justification for the Syrian presence was gone. More importantly, the risk of renewed eruption of the civil war (which in turn had meant for many years a greater willingness by the locals to tolerate the Syrian presence which prevented the war's resumption) declined significantly due to a variety of processes that could not have been halted even with better "management" of the interethnic strife from Damascus (i.e., making sure that the ethnic groups remained in deep conflict with each other). Nevertheless, as we will show, Bashar's mistakes played a crucial role in bringing the rival ethnic groups together by making Damascus their joint enemy.

Background Good hand hygiene adherence is a key factor in the prevention of hospital-acquired infections. The guidelines offered by the World Health Organization for interventions to improve hand hygiene adherence in human health care can only in part be applied to veterinary medicine, and current observations of hygiene adherence in veterinary environments stress a need for decisive action. There is great potential for improvement, especially in situations in which people act habitually. Focus of the Article The focus of this article is to identify the barriers and benefits that influence hand hygiene habits in veterinary care facilities and to derive intervention strategies to promote hand hygiene habits informed by theory and formative research. Research Question This article examines two research questions. What contextual, social, and personal factors promote (benefits) and hinder (barriers) hand hygiene habits in veterinary care facilities? Which intervention strategies can be derived from the identified barriers and benefits to foster hand hygiene habits? Approach The identification of the target behavior and group was based on the literature, talks within the author team, and daily observations. Barriers and benefits were identified by means of qualitative focus groups. The focus group interview schedule was informed by the risks, attitudes, norms, abilities, and self-regulation (RANAS) approach. The intervention strategy was based on the elicited barriers and benefits and guided by the framework of habit formation. Importance to the Social Marketing Field For the first time, barriers and benefits regarding hand hygiene habits were systematically elicited in a small animal clinic in Switzerland. The article focuses on hand hygiene as a habit and offers evidence-based and behavior-oriented intervention strategies. Our findings can thus be used as a basis for developing a theoretically sound intervention to promote hand hygiene habits in veterinary clinics and practices and serve as a springboard for future social marketing research, especially with a focus on habit formation. Methods Primary data were gathered using eight structured in-depth focus group interviews ( N = 32 participants) in a small animal clinic in Switzerland. Two focus groups each were conducted with the following professional groups: veterinary assistants, students, residents and interns, and senior clinicians. Results The overarching theme across the participants' talk was that building habits is promising but challenging to implement. In examining the key barriers and benefits, five themes were discussed: (1) animal welfare as a reason to act, (2) not about the why but about the how, (3) clash of generations, (4) lack of feedback mechanisms, and (5) the invisible enemy. Strategies were derived based on these findings and the theoretical framework of a habit formation intervention. Recommendations for Practice and Research The themes that emerged in the focus groups are connected to the theoretical framework of habit formation to derive possible intervention strategies. The supplemental material delves into these strategies and provides implementation steps for practitioners facing a similar challenge. Further research is needed to experimentally test the effect of the intervention strategies and to validate the results for other clinics.

Purpose
The purpose of this paper is to update the core data set of self-neglect safeguarding adult reviews (SARs) and accompanying thematic analysis. The initial data set was published in this journal in 2015 and has since been updated annually. The complete data set is available from the author. The second purpose is to reflect on the narratives about adult safeguarding and self-neglect by focusing on the stories that are told and untold in the reviews.


Design/methodology/approach
Further published reviews are added to the core data set, drawn from the national SAR library and the websites of Safeguarding Adults Boards (SABs). Thematic analysis is updated using the domains used previously, direct work, the team around the person, organisational support and governance. SAR findings and recommendations are also critiqued using three further domains: knowledge production, explanation and aesthetics.


Findings
Familiar findings emerge from the thematic analysis and reinforce the evidence-base of good practice with individuals who self-neglect and for policies and procedures with which to support those practitioners working with such cases. SAR findings emphasise the knowledge domain, namely, what is actually found, rather than the explanatory domain that seeks to answer the question "why?" Findings and recommendations appear to assume that learning can be implemented within the existing architecture of services rather than challenging taken-for-granted assumptions about the context within which adult safeguarding is situated.


Research limitations/implications
A national database of reviews completed by SABs has been established (www.nationalnetwork.org.uk), but this data set remains incomplete. Drawing together the findings from the reviews nonetheless reinforces what is known about the components of effective practice, and effective policy and organisational arrangements for practice. Although individual reviews might comment on good practice alongside shortfalls, there is little analysis that seeks to explain rather than just report findings.


Practical implications
Answering the question "why?" remains a significant challenge for SARs, where concerns about how agencies worked together prompted review but also where positive outcomes have been achieved. The findings confirm the relevance of the evidence-base for effective practice, but SARs are limited in their analysis of what enables and what obstructs the components of best practice. The challenge for SAR authors and for partners within SABs is to reflect on the stories that are told and those that remain untold or untellable. This is an exercise of power and of ethical and political decision-making.


Originality/value
The paper extends the thematic analysis of available reviews that focus on work with adults who self-neglect, further reinforcing the evidence base for practice. The paper analyses the degree to which SARs answer the question "why?" as opposed simply to answering the question "what?" It also explores the degree to which SARs appear to accept or challenge the context for adult safeguarding. The paper suggests that SABs and SAR authors should focus explicitly on what enables and what obstructs the realisation of best practice, and on the choices they make about the stories that are told.

In March 2021, during a time of loss and longing, the theatre company, Seyyar Kumpanya, under the artistic directorship of Naz Yeni, created a digital project called 'Migrant Shakespeare'. Seyyar Kumpanya is a collective of Turkish-speaking actors who now, for various reasons, all live and work in and around London. Their project evolved into a sequential performance of ten monologues taken from different Shakespeare plays, each spoken by ten different actors who have English as a second, sometimes third, language. The directorial decision was made to transpose Shakespeare's characters to the day-to-day contexts that socially and politically transform and define the migrant experience: Caliban becomes a hotel cleaner, King Lear a construction worker, Hamlet a meat packer and Katerina Minola a barmaid, simultaneously subservient while also ironically sarcastic and physically strong. Thus, at one level, all the actors were performing their own migrant identity. In this article my primary aim is to analyse the digital text of the 'Migrant Shakespeare' project. Methodologically, I describe the ten performances and record my personal attempt to make meaning within the dialogic relationship between myself as spectator, the author and the migrant actors. Shakespeare often imagined that it is only in faraway places and in displaced realities that we discover other possibilities that exist within ourselves. His plays feature (among many instances) a penniless and homeless old man, King Lear, thrust out into the wilderness, Prospero, the displaced Duke of Milan, who is exiled to an unpopulated isolated island and Prince Hamlet, a privileged young man who is transposed to an unrecognizable world of grief and loss. The migrant is similarly decentred on a daily basis, repeatedly required to redress the balance between old and new identities while being simultaneously present in both. This article attempts to understand how the experience of contemporary migration may be explored through the similar destabilization inherent in Shakespeare's dramaturgy. Furthermore, I argue that the craft of acting mirrors the experience of the migrant. At one level, all actors are 'foreign', as their profession requires them to migrate from their individual identity to that of the character they are playing. A working actor is thus always concurrently present within two selves. Consequently, they are polysemic, that is, in performance actors signify the characters they portray, while simultaneously remaining different, functioning human beings. Generally audiences may, or may not, be directed to a meta-theatrical awareness of the actor's two identities and herein can lie much of the enjoyment and/or meaning of performance. This article concludes that, where 'Migrant Shakespeare' is concerned, the spectator is directorially guided to incorporate a personal recognition of the migrant identity or 'other' within a reading of the performance text. Audiences are confronted by a strong awareness of the polysemic body of the migrant actor embodying Shakespeare's often decentred and destabilized characters. I suggest that this process of complex signification destabilizes the text in performance creating new readings and, consequently, suggests a new decentred understanding of the concept of contemporary 'Britishness'.

The subject of this paper is the analysis of court proceedings conducted in connection with the criminal offense of violation of a grave (Article 354 CC) which were held before the courts on the territory of Autonomous Province of Vojvodina. The analysis covers all finalized court cases of the aforementioned courts for the period from 01.01.2010. (i.e. from the introduction of the current organization of courts in the Republic of Serbia) to 01.07.2018. The research is primarily focused on the statistical presentation and analysis of data obtained from court decisions (which the author independently obtained from courts in original, raw form), as well as the identification of relevant criminal (material and procedural) and criminological characteristics. On the basis of the totality of the results, different regularities were noticed, with regard to the spatial and temporal distribution of the court proceedings, the types of court decisions, the type and amount of criminal sanctions imposed, as well as with regard to the characteristics of the perpetrators of the criminal offense in question. As a unifying conclusion, it can be stated that the crime of violation of a grave is relatively less represented in the practice of courts in the territory of AP Vojvodina, and that its spatial and temporal distribution is uneven (due to the absence of more specific regularities considering criminal expression). The penal policy regarding the crime in question can be characterized as in principle harmonized with the one at the level of the entire state regarding the same criminal offense. On the other hand, it is noticeable that the mentioned penal policy is somewhat stricter in relation to the general penal policy of the courts in the Republic of Serbia. However, this factual situation is potentially somewhat relativized by the specific features of the analyzed court proceedings (above all, the high percentage of recidivism and the frequent presence of other aggravating circumstances), as well as by the fact that all prison sentences were imposed only in the lower third of the envisaged range of the sentence (from one month to one year, although this criminal offense is punishable by up to three years in prison). Regarding the characteristics of the prosecuted perpetrators, it is noticeable that the convicts for the crime of violation of a grave were mainly nationals, and dominated by: adults over juvenile offenders; male over female; general recidivists over special recidivists; persons without education, with primary and secondary education over (non-existent) highly educated offenders; unemployed persons and persons without permanent employment over permanent employees. Considering possible strategies for prevention, it was concluded that important criminogenic factors are the low level of education of most perpetrators and their unfavorable socio-economic status, which gives grounds for assuming that timely educational work and providing conditions for improving their material opportunities could achieve significant results in the domain of both general and special prevention, especially in relation to the identified most risky categories of potential perpetrators (recidivists, illiterate persons, persons without primary education and persons in a state of severe social vulnerability).