Suchergebnisse

Was the Egyptian revolution simply a coup d'etat, or was it responsive to a specific ideology. Is this ideology definable & what are its practical applications. If, in July, 1952, the Egyptian military rulers, apparently inspired by Naguib, tried to show their disinterestedness by their attachment to the democratic regime, granting liberty to pol'al parties, the exterior evolution showed quickly, under Nasser, that the coup d'etat was in fact a revolution & showed an ideological aspect unknown in coup d'etats. Nasser, in effect, wished to connect the coup d'etat of 22 Jul 1952 with the distant past (1882); he wished to free Egypt from imperialist control with the help of the army, & tries now to give to Egypt, in the midst of its own changing soc structure a mission with 3 goals: (1) in the area of Arab nationalism, (2) in the Moslem world, & (3) on the African continent. These are doctrines that are confused & contradictory, but they are not far removed from the first objectives of Naguib & his associates. Opposition within Egypt was quickly throttled, & Nasser became the undisputed master of the nation. Arab nationalistic xenophobia reached its greatest satisfaction in the Suez conflict resulting from the nationalization of the Canal, though domestic policies had less spectacular results. The regime should not be condemned since its attempts to establish democracy have met with the same checks that have been faced in other areas & which are in a certain sense the fault of the West. Tr by J. A. Broussard from IPSA.

In a brief survey of the general econ situation in Jordan the author outlines the evolution of its econ system from a sheep & wheat based economy to one increasingly based upon commercial activities. The problems faced by a southern tribe are examined. The daughters of this group faced a change from seminomadic agri'al occup's to a sedentary commercial life. The modifications in family learning, work, leisure, & religion brought about by this change are described. The programs designed to meet this new state of affairs are examined. It is concluded that there should be: further educ for illiterate girls, direct & full preparation for marriage, playing fields, & sessions on soc training in the villages. Such educ measures meet the needs of the young women in the new situation. J. E. Hughes.

In France there exists a traditional connection between the intellectuals & pol'al life: they have a more extensive relationship than in other nations. The intellectuals involved in politics are mainly writers, but their circle has gradually increased to include scholars, publishers, & academicians. Their pol'al behavior has specific characteristics: they express themselves through manifestos, through taking public stands, & through petitions. Their concern for pol'al issues stems from their concern with the moral & philosophical consequences of these issues. The history of the pol'al participation of the intellectuals varies between periods of activity & periods which see a return to pol'al unconcern. In the Dreyfus case the intellectuals were divided, the writers tending toward the Right & the professors toward the Left. The situation changed little during the following 20 yrs. The intellectual prestige of radicalism eclipsed around 1930, while Communism became increasingly attractive. After 1934, events of the time saw a polarization of the intellectuals at 2 extremes: anti-fascism & nationalism. These 2 camps were no less divided, notably the Left with regard to Communism. Since 1940, the concern of intellectuals with pol'al life was directly related to the great national crises: resistance & collaboration, relationship to Communism, overseas problems, & most recently, the relationship of the U to the army. Tr by J. A. Broussard from IPSA.