Suchergebnisse

Questionnaire data derived from the 1995 module of the International Social Survey Program are drawn on to examine two dimensions of nationalist attitudes -- chauvinism & patriotism -- in 22 countries. Patriotism is the feeling of pride in one's people & country but with a critical understanding that can allow for other viewpoints & other peoples. Chauvinism, on the other hand, denotes blind acceptance of one's country & people as unique & superior. This latter, negative form of nationalism is likely to promote rejection of ethnic outgroups. Varying degrees of these two nationalist attitudes were found among the 22 countries, theorized to be mediated by ethnic competition, localistic orientation, contextual characteristics, & perceived ethnic threat. Cross-national analyses indicate a distinction between a country's patriotic vs chauvinistic nationalist attitudes in determining acceptance of ethnic outgroups. Tables, Figures. J. Stanton

This chapter considers whether strong positive attitudes toward the ethnic ingroup of a given nation are related to strong exclusionist reactions to ethnic outgroups, a phenomenon defined as ethnocentrism or chauvinistic nationalism. The presence of this relation is comparatively examined among 22 countries, based on 1990s survey data. The primary aim is to discern whether the extent to which various dimensions of nationalist attitudes were related to various dimensions of exclusionist reactions differed systematically by socioeconomic population group & country, or whether these interrelations were universal & invariant, both within & across countries. The findings indicate a relatively strong relation between chauvinistic nationalism & resistance to immigrants, & this relation appears to be universal. Tables. J. Stanton

Massive waves of migrants fleeing poverty & refugees fleeing war have had a considerable effect on receiving countries. Focus here is on the emergence of latent resistance in 22 countries (based on 1995 survey data) to the influx of migrants, manifested in the negative attitudes & exclusionist reactions of their citizens toward the foreigners: the more citizens with negative attitudes, the greater the public support for immigration restriction. In a cross-country examination of this situation, a distinction is drawn between economic immigrants & refugees in search of safety. Various theories, especially those of ethnic competition or threat & localist orientation, support the findings that ethnic majority individuals who were less educated, self-employed, poorly employed (manual labor), unemployed, & poor were more likely to feel negatively toward immigrants in general, though attitudes were far less negative toward refugees than economic migrants. Tables, Figures. J. Stanton

The author considers Jurgen Habermas's conceptualization of & concern about the "pressure of the street." In the realm of the street, force or violence often overwhelm reason. In Habermas's theory, both civil society & the state hover precariously above an abyss symbolized by the street. 22 References. A. Funderburg

The author considers Jurgen Habermas's conceptualization of & concern about the "pressure of the street." In the realm of the street, force or violence often overwhelm reason. In Habermas's theory, both civil society & the state hover precariously above an abyss symbolized by the street. 22 References. A. Funderburg

Summarizes the "Summit of the Americas," held 20-22 Apr 2001 in Quebec City, along with concurrent protests against the meeting in the form of a nearby "People's Summit" & other protest activities, including sit-ins, demonstrations, & other "carnivalesque" events. Efforts at the main summit to redefine the terms of global order in the post-Bretton Woods world economy are reviewed, focusing on the goal of creating "transnational subjects" through new forms of transnational governance as the political adjunct to economic changes in the form of global neoliberalism. Oppositional politics that arose in protest to the goals of the summit are described, highlighting their global spread, particularly in the form of "transnational communities of resistance." General discussion is offered on the political construction of transnational subjects & the politics of opposition against the "hemispheric growth machine" represented by such summits. K. Hyatt Stewart

Summarizes the "Summit of the Americas," held 20-22 Apr 2001 in Quebec City, along with concurrent protests against the meeting in the form of a nearby "People's Summit" & other protest activities, including sit-ins, demonstrations, & other "carnivalesque" events. Efforts at the main summit to redefine the terms of global order in the post-Bretton Woods world economy are reviewed, focusing on the goal of creating "transnational subjects" through new forms of transnational governance as the political adjunct to economic changes in the form of global neoliberalism. Oppositional politics that arose in protest to the goals of the summit are described, highlighting their global spread, particularly in the form of "transnational communities of resistance." General discussion is offered on the political construction of transnational subjects & the politics of opposition against the "hemispheric growth machine" represented by such summits. K. Hyatt Stewart

During the apartheid era, the South African state committed systematic violence against the institution of the family among Africans. Consequently, many South Africans have experienced a dramatic gap between the ideals & the reality of family life. The author discusses individual experiences of South African family life in the context of political upheaval, state oppression, & economic manipulation. She focuses on the experiences of youthful political activists who participated in the revolt against the apartheid regime. She finds that apartheid seriously disrupted their family ties & undermined their security during the first 20 years of their lives. 1 Table, 27 References. A. Funderburg

The author asserts that the corporate & international organization efforts at liberalization of the agrifood business is undermining the small farmers in the Third World countries that must import food from the West. Regulatory agencies, such as the emerging World Trade Organization (WTO), are developing the potential to strengthen the industrialized world's power & limit the growth of Third World citizens. As the US has sought the potential market for food exports to the Pacific Asian countries, the 1994 agreement of the Uruguay Round, OECD projections predicted the decline in prices from local Third World corn producers by 20% by the year 2000, which would cut the income of 500,000 peasant households. According to Watkins, this agreement requires "developing countries to open their food markets in the name of free market principles, while allowing the US & the EU to protect their farm systems & subsidize exports" (1996). The author traces the history & developments of the Western domination of the agriculture markets including detrimental effects of the green revolution, agro-colonialism & agro-industrialism, the formation of GATT, TNCS, & world-agricultural restructuring. L. A. Hoffman

The author asserts that the corporate & international organization efforts at liberalization of the agrifood business is undermining the small farmers in the Third World countries that must import food from the West. Regulatory agencies, such as the emerging World Trade Organization (WTO), are developing the potential to strengthen the industrialized world's power & limit the growth of Third World citizens. As the US has sought the potential market for food exports to the Pacific Asian countries, the 1994 agreement of the Uruguay Round, OECD projections predicted the decline in prices from local Third World corn producers by 20% by the year 2000, which would cut the income of 500,000 peasant households. According to Watkins, this agreement requires "developing countries to open their food markets in the name of free market principles, while allowing the US & the EU to protect their farm systems & subsidize exports" (1996). The author traces the history & developments of the Western domination of the agriculture markets including detrimental effects of the green revolution, agro-colonialism & agro-industrialism, the formation of GATT, TNCS, & world-agricultural restructuring. L. A. Hoffman

Cram attempts to clarify the integration that is central to the European Union (EU). Scholarship by Spinelli, Deutsch, & Haas is cited, with the author leaning toward the last's view of integration as an organic, ongoing, & formative experience for participating nations. There is consideration of integration as the creation of a supranational political union that might outstrip & end in conflict with the momentum of individual nations. Haas's "spillover" theory is delineated. Examination of the issue of control of integration involves review of neofunctionalism & its critics, including Hoffmann. The shift of politics from between member states to within the EU has led to specialized zones of "high politics." It is suggested that the goal of determining the EU's identity may be partially satisfied by comparing it with nations or federal states. A look at the EU policy process further aids dissection, with the author focusing on the evolution of formal rules, informal aspects of policy, an outline of the policy process, examples of agenda-setting, the decision-making role of the Council of Ministers, & factors involved in implementation, enforcement, & specific policy areas. Majone's interpretation of the EU as a regulatory state is included. 20 References. M. C. Leary