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PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to explore the interaction between the economic and political imperatives of new monetarism. The breakdown of the global derivatives markets, which came into the spotlight during the 2008/2009 global debt crisis, brought up the issue of trust. The matter at hand is the loss of trust in investors' ability to make informed decisions, but trust in the self‐regulating capacity of open markets has also been seriously shaken.Design/methodology/approachRelying on Roche and McKee's analysis of the global financial crisis, the author emphasizes that new monetarism is not a new paradigm, but rather a result of economic circumstances. Although the growth of financial asset prices was indeed partly a result of the liberalization of financial markets, the decisive factor is to be found in the creation of new financial instruments. On the one hand, derivatives have drastically increased the "investment power" or "purchasing power" of money. However, on the other hand, derivatives are a form of under‐appreciated liquidity that creates bubble assets.FindingsOver the last two decades, the value of global financial assets has grown much faster than the real economy in its background, which means that in the era of new monetarism, financial markets set the tone of the real economy. Consequently, in the eyes of investors, the crucial term becomes "liquidity", rather than "real economy". As disinflation multiplied the value of financial assets, central banks progressively lost control of money. Players in financial markets that had increasing trust in cheap money started to introduce new forms of money, which allowed them to create liquidity, independently of the central bank. It has been shown that the quantity and cost of money available for investment can be frozen up to a point where it threatens the global financial system.Practical implicationsNetworks for promoting social responsibility of the corporate sector, which more and more tightly cover our small planet, wish to make transparent the connections between corporate leaders, politicians and organizations to which they are connected. Their members conduct research with the aim of making the invisible power of money visible.Originality/valueNew financial democracy in the post‐modern era presupposes financially literate citizens, which without a doubt presents a challenge for education systems, which will evidently have to incorporate a new, crucial form of literacy, in addition to linguistic, mathematical and computer literacy – financial literacy.

PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to investigate the experiences of some Arab American entrepreneurs and their motivation to enter self‐employment, in spite of the obvious obstacles and adversity immigrants can face in pursuing their dreams in this new society. The self‐recounted life histories of this group of entrepreneurs add to the existing literature and contribute to the body of knowledge of immigrants and entrepreneurs.Design/methodology/approachQualitative research, which concentrates on natural settings with their intriguing complexity of social interactions rather than laboratories was selected. Qualitative research covers several forms of inquiry that help one understand and explain the meaning of social phenomena with as little destruction to the natural setting as possible.FindingsThe questions regarding motivation for self‐employment were open ended, giving the participants the chance to list as many issues as deemed necessary and relevant in their decision to start their business. All of the participants were in total agreement that mentioned push factors are the reasons that they entered self‐employment. These factors included difficulties in finding a job, thus feeling at a disadvantage in the US job market. Difficulty in previous job also was mentioned as a push factor; the lack of English skills was not, however, mentioned as a motivator for self‐employment.Research limitations/implicationsThere were geographical and logistical constraints affecting the research and given time and resources the author would like to have conducted research that included a number of geographical areas in the Southwest USA and Northern Mexico.Practical implicationsThis research will have practical implications on two areas: first, immigration and its historical context, especially Arab immigration to the new world, why are these immigrants left their countries in the first place, and the problem they faced in terms of their degree of assimilation and its effect on their success in their new homes. Second, entrepreneurs, why immigrants find it easier to get into the sphere of entrepreneurship rather than holding regular careers and trying to assimilate in their new societies.Originality/valueThis paper will contribute to the body of literature on Arab American entrepreneurs in particular and immigrant entrepreneurs in general, and is important to education and educators as well. The paper investigates the motivations for entry into the field of entrepreneurship and becoming an entrepreneur, offering data that could be useful for developing ideas and suggestions as well as an understanding of some of the important steps necessary for the success of new immigrant entrepreneurs.

This article includes some ideas on the crisis that took place in Osh, Kyrgyzstan in June 2010. Apart from a brief summary of the events, it describes viewpoints of the main 'actors' including the international organizations; it also seeks an answer to the question on what the reasons leading up to these tragic events were. Regarding possible sources of conflicts, including the factor of ethnic minorities, the question arises whether the various international mechanisms created for handling regional conflicts function properly, in a conducive way, and whether they can warn the international community of an evolving crisis and prevent conflicts. According to the facts, in the concrete case of the Osh crisis, the OSCE High Commissioner on National Minorities succeeded in fulfilling his task in the area of early warning; however, no concrete actions were taken by the above-mentioned 'actors' in regional and international politics to prevent the conflict. This paper has no intention of dwelling on this issue as it was very adequately addressed by an earlier article written by Sabine Machl. The ethnic conflicts of 1990 and 2010 in Central Asia demonstrate the vulnerability of the region, which also faces some additional challenges in the field of security. This article does not intend to examine all the aspects of the Kyrgyz crisis. However, as some experts at the time of the Osh events explicitly mentioned, the possibility of the infiltration of militants from Afghanistan and their involvement in the clashes and as Afghanistan itself is a country, where about half of the population belong to various ethnic 'minority' groups (Tajiks, Uzbeks, Hazaras, Turkmens, etc.), one cannot ignore the danger of the implication of the conflict going on in Afghanistan for its vicinity, including Central Asia. The awareness of this challenge was reflected in various ideas and suggestions (to address the Afghan crisis) emanating from these countries. The most comprehensive of these -- according to the views of the author of this article -- is the so called '6+3' initiative developed by Uzbekistan. One of the 'messages' of this article should be that, at the present, stronger and more consistent as well as concerted efforts are needed to deal with evolving conflicts and crises in the broader region of Central and West Asia, where these potential conflicts may develop not only by themselves, in separate countries or 'subregions', but they could include the danger of a 'spillover' which may also effect other countries. Adapted from the source document.

The emergence of risky behavior is characteristic in adolescence. Of all
forms of risky behavior in adolescence, the use of psychoactive substances -
cigarettes, alcohol and illegal psychoactive substances particularly stand
out, because of the frequency and degree of prevalence of use, and because of
the impact that they have on youth development in this sensitive stage of
growing up. Unfortunately, today we are witnessing the fact that such
behavior in adolescents has gained an increasingly epidemic character mainly
due to the characteristics of the social context in which young people are
growing up. The main objective of this research, conducted in the framework
of the doctoral dissertation of the author, was determining relations between
relevant sociodemographic factors: gender, age, school success, financial
status and place of residence of respondents, with the appearance and
intensity of use of three types of psychoactive substances - cigarettes,
alcohol and illegal psychoactive substances among the general population of
adolescents. The sample represents non-clinical young population, and it
consists of 529 adolescents, students of the 2nd and 4th class of secondary
school (17 and 18 years old). The data was collected by using Scale use of
PAS (psychoactive substances) in adolescents, which was designed for the
purpose of this research, as well as using a set of questions intended for
the registration of socio-demographic variables. Respondents filled in
questionnaires in groups, during the school lessons. The data show a
relationship between the three studied socio-demographic variables with the
occurrence and degree of use of psychoactive substances in the adolescence
period, such as gender, age and school success of the respondents. As regards
gender of respondents associated with the occurrence and degree of alcohol
and illegal substance use in adolescents, male adolescents more likely use
alcohol and illegal psychoactive substances. Age of respondents associated
with the use of all three types of psychoactive substances in adolescence,
found that older adolescents were more likely to use cigarettes, alcohol and
illegal psychoactive substances. School success of the respondents is
associated with the occurrence and degree of use of all three tested
categories of psychoactive substances - cigarettes, alcohol and drugs, and
the obtained findings indicate that with the decline in school success, the
prevalence of all three types of psychoactive substances increases in
adolescence. Besides the theoretical significance, the applicability of the
findings is reflected in the field of primary prevention and health
protection of youth.

Abstract: The proposal for a Consumer Rights Directive is to replace the existing minimum harmonization by full harmonization. Even though the proposal introduces some welcome additions to the current European legislation in the area of sales contracts in particular, the rules on transfer of risk – as a whole, the proposal is rather disappointing. If it would be enacted as it is currently drafted, the proposal would mean a significant shift in favour of sellers in most EU Member States, as further-reaching national consumer protection rules would have to be abrogated because of the full harmonization nature of the directive, whereas the level of protection offered by the directive is in some respects even lower than the existing minimum. Moreover, several provisions of the directive could in fact stand in the way of an increase in the number of cross-border contracts. The author critically evaluates the proposal with regard to sales contracts and calls for an intensive makeover of its provisions.
Résumé: La Proposition de directive du Parlement et du Conseil relative aux droits des consommateurs est destinée àremplacer l'actuelle approche d'harmonisation au niveau minimum par une approche d'harmonisation maximale. Bien que la proposition introduise quelques ajouts bienvenus à l'actuelle législation européenne dans le domaine des contrats de vente – en particulier les règles concernant le transfert de risques – en général, la proposition est plutôt décevante. Si elle était appliquée telle qu'elle a été rédigée à ce jour, la proposition entraînerait un changement majeur en faveur des vendeurs dans la plupart des Etats membres. En effet, les règles qui visent à protéger le consommateur sur le plan national seraient abrogées en raison de l'exigence d'harmonisation maximale de la Directive, tandis que le niveau de protection offert par celle-ci est, à certains égards, inférieur au minimum en vigueur actuellement. De plus, plusieurs provisions de la Directive pourraient faire obstacle à une augmentation du nombre de contrats transfrontaliers. L'auteur examine de façon critique la proposition en ce qui concerne les contrats de vente et plaide pour une nouvelle rédaction de ses dispositions.
Zusammenfassung: Der Vorschlag für eine Richtlinie betreffend die Rechte der Verbraucher soll die heutige Mindestharmonisierung durch eine Maximalharmonisierung ersetzen. Obwohl der Vorschlag einige Verbesserungen im Vergleich zu den geltenden Europäischen Union (EU)-Rechtsvorschriften im Bereich des Verbraucherkaufrechts enthält – insbesondere die Vorschriften über den Risikoübergang – ist der Vorschlag im Großen und Ganzen eher enttäuschend. Falls der Vorschlag ungeändert verabschiedet wird, würde dieses, in den meisten EU-Mitgliedstaaten, eine deutliche Verschiebung zugunsten der Verkäufer bedeuten, da für Verbraucher günstigere Regel des nationalenVerbraucherrechts aufgrund der vollständigen Harmonisierung aufgehoben werden müssten. Der von der vorgeschlagenen Richtlinie gebotene Verbraucherschutz ist in mancher Hinsicht sogar noch niedriger als das vorhandene Minimum. Darüber hinaus könnten mehrere Bestimmungen der Richtlinie faktisch dem grenzüberschreitenden Handel entgegenstehen. Der Autor wertet den Vorschlag in Bezug auf Verbraucherkaufverträge aus und fordert eine deutliche Änderung dessen Bestimmungen.

PurposeCorporate social responsibility (CSR) has often been presented as a challenge for management. This is due to the fact that the CSR debate has been associated with the business practices that are linked to it. But CSR is also an approximation to the business practices that require us to question the underlying corporate business model. Therefore, as it deals with a company's business model, the term CSR at once reveals its potential and its limitations. The ambiguity of the term "social" and the risk of not combining this with the term "economic" is by no means less significant: neither is the diversity of interpretations and approaches allowed by the term "social". Using the words of the Lewis Carrol character, Humpty Dumpty, as a metaphor–according to which a word's meaning depends on the power of the person who uses it – the purpose of this paper is to propose a shift away from talking in terms of CSR (corporate social responsibility) to talking in terms of responsible and sustainable corporation (RSC).Design/methodology/approachThe intention is not to become bogged down with questions of semantics of terminology but, rather, to bring about a change in emphasis. The author intends this to be a means of considering a more relational vision of the company (in other words, a relational corporation), taking as the point of departure the company's relationships with stakeholders. The paper proposes an analysis of the stakeholder relationship which is not reduced to mere relationship management.FindingsOnce these relationships have been established, it can be highlighted how, in each of them, the existence of economic, social and environmental dimensions can be investigated and, as a result, how these dimensions can be integrated into management. This means that the integration process should be translated into a vision of CSR (or, as is suggested, of RSC: responsible and sustainable corporation) at the same time as being a transversal management approach and an axis of corporate identity and of understanding the company as a project.Originality/valueThe paper proposes a change of emphasis regarding the approach to CSR. The aim of the paper is to contribute towards preventing the CSR debate from becoming blocked by debate on the scope of the term "social". It should be put forward directly in terms of business strategy, in order for CSR not to be reduced to a set of business practices but for it to become part of the vision of the company, leading to the proposal of: responsible and sustainable corporation.

Abstract: Constitutional values are slowly but surely gaining territory in private law relationships and disputes – see the scholarly discussion on the so–called 'Drittwirkung' (horizontal effect) of fundamental rights. While examining the example of linguistic and minority rights, this article shows that one crucial problem in the context of Drittwirkung arises from the fact that the European nations are still far from sharing a precisely and uniformly defi ned set of common values, and that there are even values like diversity, equality and non–discrimination which are bound to lead to contradictory results once applied in European legal practice. As to language–based contractual disputes, this article consequently argues that there is currently no possibility for a uniform solution model for such case patterns on European territory. The author rather opts for a multi– dimensional approach, taking account of all of the various aspects of the problem, and tries to outline some guidelines as a tool for judges confronted with such cases in everyday legal practice.
Résumé: Des valeurs constitutionelles deviennent de plus en plus importantes dans les relations et les disputes du droit privé – voir le débat académique actuel sur l'ainsi nommé Drittwirkung (effêt horizontal) des droit ondamentaux. Examinant l'exemple des droits linguistiques et des minoritées, cet article démontre qu'un problème capital dans le contexte de Drittwirkung résulte du fait que les nations européennes se trouvent encore loin d'un ensemble des valeurs défi ni d'une manière précise et homogène. Il y existent même des valeurs comme la diversité, l'égalité et la non–discrimination qui mènent, lors de leur application dans les systèmes juridiques en Europe, nécessairement à des résultats contradictoires. Quant à les disputes contractuelles résultant des problèmes lingustiques, cet article soutient qu'il ne peut pas avoir, à l'heure actuelle, un modèle de solution unitaire pour ces schémas des cas dans le territoire européen. Par contre, l'autrice se prononce en faveur d'une approche multidimensionnelle prenant en compte tous les aspects du problème et essaye de délinéer quelques directives comme instrument pour les juges ayant à traiter de tels dossiers dans leur travail quotidien.
Zusammenfassung: Verfassungswerte gewinnen in Privatrechtsbeziehungen und –streitigkeiten immer weiter an Bedeutung – vergleiche die akademische Debatte über die sogenannte Drittwirkung der Grundrechte. Anhand des Beispiels von Sprach– und Minderheitenrechten zeigt dieser Artikel, dass ein Schwerpunktproblem im Bereich der Drittwirkung aus der Tatsache herrührt, dass die europäischen Nationen noch weit von einem genau und einheitlich defi nierten gemeinsamen Wertekanon entfernt sind, und dass es sogar Werte wie Vielfalt, Gleichheit und Nichtdiskriminierung gibt, die bei ihrer praktischen Anwendung in der europäischen Rechtspraxis zwangsläufi g zu widersprüchlichen Ergebnissen führen. Hinsichtlich sprachbasierter Vertragsstreitigkeiten vertritt dieser Artikel folgerichtig die Ansicht, dass es momentan keine Möglichkeit für ein einheitliches Lösungsmodell für derartige Fallschemata auf europäischem Gebietgibt. Stattdessen entscheidet sich die Autorin für eine mehrdimensionale Herangehensweise, die alle Gesichtspunkte des Problems berücksic

Mark Thompson deplores the decline in the public trust of government and of public service institutions such as the BBC. But there has also been a decline in another form of trust: government's trust in the ability of professionals such as doctors and teachers to deliver high quality public services. And, unlike Thompson's type of trust, this decline was inevitable, because it was based on untenable assumptions concerning professional motivation.The author discusses the importance of trust in an unwritten constitution, including trust in the use made of public resources, trust that appointments are being made on merit, trust that the civil service is 'speaking truth unto power' behind the scenes and ultimately trust that it retains the ability to serve future governments.In a world where trust in institutions is diminishing, there are still surprising levels of trust in the world of private philanthropy. The public are only too ready to give donations without seeking to question, especially in the wake of major disasters. Yet the nature of aid agencies has changed dramatically in the past thirty years into major global enterprises with sophisticated media and marketing operations. In this case a greater degree of scepticism from those who donate and paradoxically less trust might actually result in better outcomes from aid and better use of funding.Trust is critical to the mission of the FCO. The public needs to trust the competence and sound judgment of the professional diplomats. The diplomats themselves need to be able to rely on the commonsense of their fellow colleagues. Ministers and diplomats need to trust each other. And other governments need to have confidence in the discretion of their British counterparts. This is an increasing challenge in the world of instant news. Trust can be quickly lost by indiscreet or self‐serving revelations. But the key is to be as open and transparent as possible about the processes of diplomacy.A new survey commissioned by the British Journalism Review demonstrates that public confidence in journalism has collapsed over the last five years. This is particularly true for the commercial broadcasters ITV and Channel 4, whose journalism has traditionally commanded as much public esteem as the BBC. Trust in the BBC and print journalists has also declined, and journalism suffered more than any of the other 16 occupational groups being assessed. This is partly due to the cumulative effect of various "fakery" scandals that have afflicted broadcasters over the last 18 months and partly down to a more widespread cynicism directed at those in authority.

Providing a balance sheet of Kirchnerism is not a straightforward task. While clearly far from being the recasting of Argentina's political culture proclaimed by its partisans, neither of Argentina's political culture proclaimed by its partisans, neither was it a mere prolongation of the 1990s dispensation. In what follows, the author will outline Kirchnerism's characteristic features, noting both where it marked a break with the past & the elements of strong continuity. For if Kirchner can point to some genuine economic achievements & certain policy initiatives that qualitatively separate him from earlier administrations, his government otherwise presided over widening income inequalities & an increasing trend towards precarious forms of labor. His political praxis meanwhile, was marked by repeated recourse to tactics of co-option & clientelism, suggesting that the old order supposedly swept aside by the crisis of 2001-02 has clung to life, in altered guise; & that it may yet make a full recovery. The conflict with the countryside had a paradoxical result; on the one hand, it brought onto the political stage different social & economic actors, linked to the agribusiness model, while strengthening the positions of the most conservative & reactionary section. On the other hand, its denouement has imposed political limits on the government which probably signal the end of the 'K Era' -- at least in the configuration that has obtained since 2003, combining appeals for a 'new politics' & hopes of constructing a cross-party centre let force with a heightened concentration of power in the executive branch & the instrumental use of allies, even within the ruling bloc. This style of government, effective in reshaping the political scene during the first years of Kirchner's mandate, is now being questioned by a significant portion of society -- above all the middle classes -- who rejected the authoritarianism of the presidential couple, disbelieving its promises of renewal & demanding that power be further democratized. The Peronist party's election of Nestor Kirchner as its chairman in May 2008 may be a public role, but as a first step towards the reconsolidation of the Partido Justicialista which, thanks to Kirchner's changeling strategies, has ridden out the storms of devaluation more successfully than any other political force in the country. The situation as it stands is likely to mark the end of the K Era & its timid experiments with building a centre left coalition clearing the way for the traditional system of Peronist domination to return with a vengeance. Adapted from the source document.

Ladislas Löb's superb translation of Otto Weininger's highly controversial but enormously influential book is a most welcome contribution to understanding Vienna circa 1900 for readers who, for whatever reason, must approach Weininger via an English edition. It replaces what Wittgenstein termed a "beastly" anonymous translation published by Heinemann in England and G. P. Putnam's Sons in 1906 in the United States; the latter was reissued in 1975 by AMS Press and again as recently as 2003 by Howard Fertig. Approaching Weininger from that translation, one has the sense of being confronted with the work of a madman, who spins thoughts off the top of his head in a way that can only be described as absurd, so absurd that their very implausibility and contrariness have a way of making it into a fascinosum. To be sure, there is enough in Weininger's original to encourage that impression. It also helps to explain his appeal to half-educated fanatics like Dietrich Eckhart. Such a seriously defective edition, expurgated, bereft of one hundred thirty-five pages of notes and references and notoriously inaccurate, made it even more difficult than it otherwise might have been to understand how Weininger attracted the attention of brilliant thinkers and writers like Karl Kraus, Elias Canetti, Ludwig Wittgenstein, and even James Joyce (whose Ulysses, improbable as it seems, is deeply indebted to Weininger). In his Translator's Note, Löb provides numerous examples of absolutely grotesque mistranslations—in one place "es ist klar" is rendered as "it does not follow"—which more than corroborate the judgment Wittgenstein passed on the 1906 English edition. Löb neglects to mention, however, that English prudery seems to have dictated that all explicit references to orgasm be deleted. The expurgated version gives the impression of being a kind of misogynistic, anti-Semitic version of Peter Pan. Only a naïve, sensitive "boy genius" could have written such nonsense. In the end, camps formed on both sides about whether the author was a genius or a madman. Nobody, however, paid much attention to the argument—or the state of the text itself. This state of affairs has persisted until recently. Only in 1982 did it become known that there were two slightly different German editions of the work, and this only became widely known in the mid-1990s thanks to the assiduous research of Waltraud Hirsch (who is currently preparing an electronic critical edition of Weininger's complete works that should finally clear up the matter of the authoritative German text). Little wonder that there has been so much confusion surrounding Weininger.

In this essay we are going to closely analyze the importance of Allyn A. Young's theory of increasing returns. In truth, we could also discuss his position on economies of scale, in that the analytical definitions suggested by the theory, as we shall shortly see, are not that helpful in understanding exactly what this writer meant by (the principle of) increasing returns: in fact, the latter are always linked to the more general, all-pervasive concept of economic progress, as is evident from the title of his most famous work. Young's contribution to the debate (one only has to think of the cost controversy of the 1920s) over returns and economies (and diseconomies) of scale, was in truth somewhat marginal. His only work that dealt with these questions, besides his 1928 celebrated paper (Young 1928), dates back to 1913, when in an important critical note (Young 1913), which we shall briefly analyze in section 2, he criticized a number of economic policy rules deriving from Arthur C. Pigou's (1912) famous work. To put it more precisely, Young did not have any substantial role to play in the construction and perfection of the neoclassical theoretical paradigm; in fact, as we argue in section 3, there is significant evidence to suggest that he was probably moving increasingly further away from such a position. The essence of Young's work, summarized in the article written in 1928, would seem to consist in the request for a theoretical redirection, in the analysis of the dynamics of capitalist economies, along the lines of some of the classical economists, thus carrying the various suggestions on this matter already present in Alfred Marshall's theoretical contribution to extremes. In sections 4 and 5, dedicated to the discussion of this article and of its appendix respectively, we maintain that the logic of Young's analysis is based on a multi-sectoral model subject to qualitative and quantitative transformations, i.e., to structural change. Such a view enables us to understand: (1) the author's emphasis on the proportionality among different productive branches needed in order to ensure balanced economic expansion; (2) the attempt (made by the author in the appendix to his 1928 article) to explain the dynamics of the economic system in the presence of different intersectoral growth rates. In the concluding section we maintain that it is the alternative nature of his position compared with the "standard theory"—the reference here is particularly to Pigou's transcription of Marshall's economics—that represents the main feature of Young's work.

SUMMARY:
The article presents the problem of the cultural rebirth of the nations on the western fringes of the Russian Empire in the historical, philosophical, and political conceptions of the Slavophiles and the prominent linguist Aleksander Hilferding. Prior to the January Uprising of 1863, Hilferding called (in a more consistent way than other Slavophiles, such as the hesitant Ivan Aksakow) for Russia to use the rising ethnic nationalisms. He also encouraged support for the development of the Byelorussian and Ukrainian languages. He saw in the Byelorussian and Ukrainian national revival movements not separatisms but regionalisms within the "triune" Russian nation, i.e., supporters of the program for a Russian nation revival and the Russification of the Empire. They were supposed to serve as a transitional stage in implanting Russian national consciousness in the peasants of the Western Province and in protecting them from Polonization. Hilferding was the author of educational reform programmes that aimed at the Slavic "re-education" of the Poles, especially by inculcating a Slavic and Russian model of culture in the peasants. This was to be accomplished by teaching them in their native language but using textbooks printed in the Russian alphabet. Attempts to introduce the Russian alphabet, especially in the primary education of the peasants, are examples of activities connected with that program. The Slavophile periodical Den' promoted extending such activities to the Estonians and Latvians.

Hilferding's projects on the Polish matter, however, became the basis for a complete program concerning the Western provinces. Thanks to the "liberal bureaucrats", Hilferding was able to present his program for all the western provinces in the periodical Russkii Invalid . He suggested supporting the autochthonous distinctiveness of the peasantry on ethnic and cultural levels. Hilferding wanted Russia to take over the function of the awakening and protecting force in the revival and national liberation of Eastern Europe and the Balkans. In his view, a pan-Slavism that was limited to the Slavic nations could not successfully compete with other pan-nationalisms, which, like pan-Germanism and pan-Scandinavism also tried to influence the nations of the Russian Empire.

Hilferding did not foresee the consequences of the national awakening and the natural evolution of ethno-nationalisms from cultural and linguistic distinctiveness to a national movement expressing political demands. He assumed those processes would be stopped under Russian control at the cultural distinctiveness stage. Hilferding's complete program, however, was not realized by the Russian administration. It was treated as utilitarian.

SUMMARY:
Serhy Yekelchyk's article proceeds from the assumption that an imperial state creates room for the articulation of ethnic difference rather than pursues some kind of an assimilationist project. Moreover, the imperial rule necessitates the development of homogenizing and essentializing devices such as "India" or "Ukraine" that are useful both for the imperial definitions of what or who is being ruled and for the indigenous elites. The author argues that understanding Stalinist historical memory as a subspecies of an imperial discourse allows us to make sense of the hierarchy of many national pasts within it. Moreover, such an approach also throws some new light on the question of agency in the Stalinist cultural production. In the article, bureaucrats and intellectuals in the republics who interpreted the vague yet powerful signals from the Kremlin emerge as major players in the shaping of the Stalinist historical imagination. In his assessment of the role of this social group, Yekelchyk relies on the insights from post-colonial theory, which, in his view, is particularly helpful for making sense of the limits and possibilities in the promotion of non-Russian historical memory under Stalinism. Yekelchyk shows that the Stalinist project of memory was disadvantaged from the beginning by the state's inability to control individual interpretations of historical narratives. But this was not its only problem. When in the 1930s the Stalinist USSR became the self-conscious successor of the Russian Empire, it had to incorporate into its narrative the story of tsarist conquests and territorial acquisitions. However, it never quite reconciled this narrative with the previous notion of "class history" or with the separate historical mythologies of the non-Russian peoples. In addition, residual counter-memories of the pre-Bolshevik nationalist historical narratives survived in Ukraine well after World War II. The German occupation further undermined the Soviet authorities' control over public memory. The Kremlin sought to prescribe and homogenize social memory, but internal tensions within the Stalinist historical narrative and their inability to prescribe only one possible reading of cultural products undermined their efforts. The authorities could not fix the meaning of the past, from which the Soviet nations supposedly got their sense of orientation for the future. In the end, the Stalinist empire of memory was kept together by state intimidation – and began disintegrating as soon as the threat of political violence was removed. Yekelchyk develops these arguments in the sections of the article dedicated to the post-war pantheon of "Ukrainian classics", Sovietization of Ukranian museums and the mnemo-projects of monuments and memorials.

This article brings regulation theory and the broader post‐Fordist debate together with an empirical study of the emergence and consequences of tourism in Harlem. It shows that the valorization of cultural diversity, as well as under‐served markets, has helped reposition this formerly unmarketable area in relation to city, state and capital markets. Moreover, as development occurs, the nature of regulation pertaining to Harlem begins to change. The author argues that the failure to disaggregate – to link the elements of the restructuring economy to outcomes for specific areas and residents, leads to an overly pessimistic view. Tourism‐based development may act as an equalizing force, helping to rebalance the uneven urban spatial development characteristic of Fordism and symbolized by the social isolation and concentrated poverty of the racial ghetto in the US. The role of cultural capital as the engine of growth in Harlem, has meant that revitalization promotes cultural differentiation along with standardization. Overall, cultural tourism requires substantial civic engagement. This gives the community control, but at the same time disciplines and stabilizes. Urban tourism thus incorporates a new mode of regulation, making for greater social/political and economic inclusion, but with the associated costs as well as benefits.Cet article allie la théorie de la régulation et le débat plus large du post‐Fordisme, à une étude empirique sur l'apparition et les conséquences du tourisme à Harlem. Il montre que la valorisation de la diversité culturelle, de mäme que les marchés sous‐approvisionnés, ont aidéà repositionner cette zone auparavant sans attrait commercial dans une relation avec les marchés de la ville, de l'État et des capitaux. En outre, avec l'expansion, la nature de la régulation propre à Harlem a commencéà changer. L'absence de désagrégation – qui associe les éléments de l'économie en restructuration aux résultats en faveur de zones et résidents particuliers – conduit à une vision des plus pessimiste. Toutefois, un essor basé sur le tourisme peut avoir une force compensatrice, aidant à rééquilibrer l'aménagement spatial urbain inégal, caractéristique fordienne symbolisée par l'isolement culturel et la pauvreté concentrée dans les ghettos raciaux aux Etats‐Unis. Le rôle du capital social en tant que moteur de croissance d'Harlem s'est traduit par une revitalisation favorisant à la fois différenciation culturelle et normalisation. Le tourisme culturel implique surtout un engagement civique réel, celui‐ci donnant la maä'trise à la communauté, tout en apportant discipline et stabilité. Le tourisme urbain amène donc un nouveau mode de régulation, créant une meilleure inclusion socio‐politique et économique, mais avec les coûts (et avantages) associés.

SUMMARY:
In his article Alexander Etkind scrutinizes the applicability of Said's theory of Orientalism to the history of Russia and, critically revising the basic premises of that theory, suggests an array of political, cultural, and intellectual phenomena in Russian history that could be placed in and interpreted within the perspective of Orientalism. Etkind starts with recapitulation of Said's theory, pointing to the well-known fact that it was based on the specifics of the colonial relationships within the French and British modern empires. He notes that historical Orientalism, alon with postcolonial discourse, tends to reify seemingly discrete entities of the colonizing West and the colonized East, thus obscuring national differences among the modern colonial and semi-colonial powers. Applied to a historical variety of colonial and post colonial situations beyond the realm of typical colonial empires, the thesis of Orientalism reveals its core, which, according to Etkind, is a complex of practices designed to create and manipulate the cultural distance, which can be formulated in geographic, racial, ethnic, religious, and class terms. Marrying Said to Gellner, Etkind states that in a traditional society and on a scarcely populated territory of the Russian empire the colonization and orientalization were directed inward rather than outward; that is, the population of the core of the empire was viewed as culturally different (in case of romanticism, as inferiority or superiority) by the westernized elite and subjected to a civilizing mission of the state. Etkind illustrates this thesis by drawing on an array of examples, including the settlement of foreign colonists, the military colonies during the reign of Alexander I, the historiography of "Russian colonization," and the relationship between external expansion and internal colonization. Tracing the intellectual origins of the thesis on internal colonization, the author turns to Chaadaev and his radical interpretation of the process of Europeanization of Russia as a colonial one. Emphasizing the centrality of intellectual and cultural production for maintaining and manipulating cultural distance, Etkind analyzes the discourse of "the people" as developed both by Russian intelligentsia of the populist creed and in Russian ethnography, suggesting that beginning with the Slavophiles and ending with the collapse of the Ancien Regime in 1917 the educated and political elite of Russia fell under the influence of a postcolonial attitude toward the colonized people, which contributed to the "internal" decolonization of Russia. In conclusion, Etkind argues that colonialism and the associated practices of cultural distancing returned in a cyclical manner during the Soviet period.