Suchergebnisse

By signing and ratifying the Association Agreement, Republic of Moldova reconfirmed its willingness to adjust itself to European values and standards of living. The implementation of the Agreement provisions requires extensive work to reform all spheres of life and areas of activity. These changes depend heavily on the ability of central and local public authorities to realize and carry out the imminent reforms. Thus, for a successful implementation of reforms, itis necessary to reform the administrative system itself that will put into practice the achivements of the provisions of the Association Agreement.
An important role in the well functioning of public authorities has the territorial organization of public power. A clear division of powers within the framework of the public power decentralization is one of the factors that contributes to the harmonious development of society. An effective decentralization will foster regional development and contribute to strengthening local territorial communities, and this fact will allow the provision of quality services locally.
The aim of this study is to elucidate the problems regarding the territorial organization of public power in terms of implementing the Association Agreement. Does the application of the Agreement provisions require the territorial and administrative delimitation reform of Moldova, or is it likely to make reforms in the administrative-territorial division of Soviet origin revived by the 2003 anti-reform?
The author have studied the provisions of Moldova-EU Association Agreement and documents related to it, the experience of some European countries regarding the territorial delimitation of public powers and political parties' visions on the territorial administrative division of Moldova to answer this question.

The subject of the analysis presented in this article is the legal context and political debates regarding access of illegal migrants to health care assistance and institutions of public health. Consequences of non-regulated legal status significantly impair or even deny illegal migrants the most basic access to medical care. The main condition of entitlement to specialized medical care is legal residence within a state in accordance with its legal provisions. Fearing a growth in illegal migration and increased expenditure, EU countries are not interested in extending social benefits to irregular migrants. Fearing deportation, dismissal from work and the enormous costs of private health care, they usually do not ask for professional medical assistance. By analyzing the most important health risks for migrants the author has also highlighted the current legal and political debates on this issue. Lawful residence based on migration status and rules governing the welfare state must be coordinated with migrants' access to health care on the basis of universality and non-discrimination. In many EU countries such as Sweden and Denmark, the right of undocumented migrants to free emergency care and more advanced health care is restricted and may be subject to payment. Examining international treaties and explanatory documents from the Council of Europe and the United Nations, I try to analyze relevant international laws affecting several groups of undocumented migrants concerning the right to health and access to health care institutions. This article also highlights activities undertaken in recent years by NGOs with the aim of establishing access to health for undocumented migrants in EU countries and placing this issue on the international agenda.

"This article examines the potentials and limitations of enhancing a teaching- and learning-based profile at a young, middle-sized university in Germany. The current development of the German higher education system points towards an increasing separation of the teaching function and the research function at universities. This separation might lead to a steady decline of the importance of teaching and learning. In a growing national and international competition for reputation and resources, universities seem to focus primarily on their research function today. Given this situation, the author wants to contribute to answer the question, how a better balance between a university's teaching function and its research function can be achieved. He assumes that it is necessary and useful to enhance a university's teaching- and learning-based profile in this regard. The article aims to explore under what conditions and in which way young, middle-sized universities can establish and enhance a teaching- and learning-based profile. This question should be answered with a qualitative study at University Kassel. University Kassel represents the case of young, middle-sized universities in Germany, with little chances to succeed in the competition for research 'excellence', and no ambition to become a pure 'teaching institution'. The empirical study was conducted according to the principles of the Grounded Theory. The data for the study was collected with seven expert interviews with representatives from the university's faculties and the university management, mainly administration, respectively. The method of Theoretical Sampling was used to select the experts, the data was collected according to the principle of Theoretical Saturation, and it was analysed with a five-step coding process." (Text excerpt, IAB-Doku) ((en))

"The author sets out to explain the European Union's military operations in Africa. Are they, he asks, humanitarian responses to alleviate human suffering at the other end of the world? And are they intended to react to an increasing number of internal conflicts before their sheer number and scope turn into a global risk? Burckhardt analyses the international role of the EU as great power versus civilian power by looking at the European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP), and the EU missions in the Democratic Republic of the Congo in 2003 and 2006 in particular. He argues that the activities of the EU can best be explained in the framework of realism and by considering the EU as a great power since it intervenes to gain prestige - and not to alleviate misery and stop serious violations of human rights. Thus, Burckhardt concludes, the EU undertakes military intervention to serve first and foremost its own concerns and not acting out of humanitarian concerns. With regards to global risks, it seems that the EU uses situations that are commonly perceived as (global) risks, i.e. deadly internal conflicts in Africa, to put forward its own interest in strengthening its status as a great power. This behaviour, in turn, can lead to the emergence of other, new risks: less cooperation with other actors such as the UN and hence a weakening of multilateral institutions, arbitrary (non-)reaction to or disregard of situations in which reaction is really needed (e.g. Darfur), and over-emphasis of military responses to international threats to the detriment of preventive measures and international law." (extract)

"The second contribution in this part deals with a completely different but highly topical risk. By switching focus from state actors to private actors, Joris Larik searches for ways to curtail the currently largely unfettered power of multinational corporations. With yearly turnovers that sometimes exceed the gross national product of states and corresponding political influence, such corporations not only theoretically can, but in the past repeatedly have, created detrimental effects for states and individuals in their sphere of operations. On the other hand, viable international solutions to subject multinational corporations to international rules and obligations comparable to those applicable to states are missing, except for voluntary partnerships like the UN Global Compact introduced by former UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan or efforts to make human rights obligations applicable to multinational corporations. Larik therefore explores possibilities to extent the applicability of international criminal law to legal persons such as corporations. Instead of interpreting a given treaty, the author shows how often-mentioned theoretical 'stumbling blocks' such as establishing a corporation's criminal intent (mens rea), corporate complicity, and means of punishment for corporations can be overcome. He demonstrates that all three issues are not irresolvable and that international criminal law bears the potential to give remedy to victims not only to crimes committed by states and individuals but also by multinational corporations. Only in extending the scope of international criminal law to multinational corporations, Larik argues, can the former live up to its role not only as a means to punish but also to protect." (extract)

The relationship between global war & global social unrest is investigated in the recent empirical research by Arrighi & Silver to argue that there has indeed been an intimate link that is traceable back to the late 18th century age of war & revolution in the Atlantic world, & a speeding up of social history that is visible from one world hegemonic transition to the next. The author draws on empirical research on the world historical dynamics of labor unrest to describe the cycle of war & labor unrest that characterized the first half of the 20th century. Comparative analysis of the transition from Dutch to British world hegemony in the late 18th & early 19th century to the transition from British to US world hegemony in the late 19th & early 20th century a reveals the recurrence of a "a vicious cycle" in both transitions, as well as the increased scale, scope, & speed of the cycle. The implications of these past patterns for understanding the dynamics of war, world politics, & social conflict are related to the theory that the role of aggressive new powers seeking to dominate their neighbors has lessened from transition to transition, whereas the role played by the declining hegemon attempting to cement their slipping preeminence into an exploitative hegemony, has increased. The intuitive response of mass social protests to US attempts to convert declining hegemony into empire through military force suggest particular points of strategic bargaining power for movements. The hope is that actors & global protesters will change the course of the United States, & facilitate a relatively smooth transition from the decaying hegemonic order to a more peaceful & equitable world order. References. J. Harwell

To place the Marxist observation that ". the country that is more developed industrially only shows the country that is less developed, the image of its own future" in its proper context requires reading the preface to that phrase that "social antagonisms that spring from the natural laws of capitalist production (of)." Read in this way, the incompleteness of the development of capitalist production that Marx noted throughout the European continent can be applied to "signs of the times" in Latin America. The author explores three aspects of the internal reorganization of the state in Latin America, & the evidence of an emphatic turn across the region to the systematic pursuit of international competitiveness & the opening up of a new phase of class struggle. Competition authorities have proliferated across the region over the last decade, reflecting a fundamental reorientation in the political economy of the region. Current hyperactivity around the issue competitiveness is demonstrably a reaction to the "palpable evidence" of rapid development in East Asia, & the poor performance of the region. The international organizations are engaged in a shared project of building "competition cultures" at global & regional levels. The current projects of "market led development based on international competition" in Latin America goes beyond the adjustment oriented policies promoted by the IMF to internalize at a national level the logic of capitalist reproduction & hegemony. US empire in the region is concluded to be part of the rivalry between the advanced capitalist countries that extends the social relations of capitalism across the multiplicity of nation-states. Imperialism, it turns out, is the pioneer of capitalism after all. References. J. Harwell

Der Beitrag berichtet über die Ergebnisse zweier Studien, die den Zusammenhang zwischen staatsbürgerlichen Wissen und zivilgesellschaftlichen Orientierungen - hauptsächlich die Einstellung gegenüber Fremden - näher untersuchen. In der ersten quasi-experimentellen Studie wird den Effekten von kognitiven Komponenten (Wissen) auf die (politischen) Einstellungen (Attitüden) in ihrer Varianz vom Alter bei Adoleszenten nachgegangen, während die zweite Studie mittels einer Befragung von Schülern die Korrelation zwischen schulischer Leistung und den Einstellungen untersucht. Beide Studien zeigen, dass staatsbürgerkundliches Wissen nur eine geringe Rolle bei der Entwicklung einer toleranten Einstellung gegenüber Ausländern spielt. Die geringe Relevanz der traditionellen staatsbürgerkundlichen Erziehung erzwingt für den Autor eine grundsätzliche Revision der Ziele und Curricula politischer Bildung. (ICA). Die Untersuchung enthält quantitative Daten. Die Untersuchung bezieht sich auf den Zeitraum 2002 bis 2004.;;;Different ways in which school may affect adolescents' attitudes are briefly addressed, with a particular focus on the acquisition of knowledge. After that, some empirical findings are presented that shed light on the role which knowledge may play in the formation of tolerance in the political and social domain. ... In the following... two examples, taken from the research, that address the relationship between civic knowledge and civic orientations, namely concerning attitudes towards foreigners [are presented]. In the first study, an experimental intervention is used to examine the effects of knowledge on attitudes, while checking for spurious associations due to age-graded changes in both variables. Based on a larger set of questionnaire data collected in schools, the second study examines correlations between knowledge and attitudes depending on the students' grade levels. [The author concludes], if knowledge has any effect on tolerance, this seems to be mainly the case among students in the higher-grade levels. It has to be noted that the research presented could contribute to [the] thinking about civic socialization in school, but it falls short of providing conclusive evidence. More research is needed before arriving at a solid judgment on information-based civic instruction as a way to foster students' tolerance. (DIPF/orig.).

Am Beispiel der historischen Entwicklung der Schreibmaschine thematisiert der Autor das Prinzip des "golden standard", mit dem verdeutlicht werden soll, wie der flexible Umgang mit einer entwickelten Technologie bzw. die vielschichtigen Möglichkeiten einer technischen Erfindung im Laufe der weiteren Industrialisierung verschwanden und sich stattdessen zu nur einem möglichen standardisierten System stabilisierten und institutionalisierten. Die These lautet, daß dieser Prozeß dem Konsensus über eine Konsolidierung unter den Praktikern entsprang, die, geleitet von der Idee des "golden standard", nach der bestmöglichen Lösung suchten, die den Bedürfnissen eines technischen Designs im Sinne der Massenproduktion entsprachen. Am Beispiel des "Querty keyboards" wird verdeutlicht, wie durch diese frühe Konsolidierung die Möglichkeiten für bestimmte zukünftige innovatorische Aktivitäten eingeschränkt und wie die Arbeit zukünftiger Technikdesigner durch bereits etablierte Technikformen behindert wird. (ICE)

This article is part of the publication of contributions delivered at the 24th annual conference of the Association for Teacher Education in Europe (ATEE), held at the University of Leipzig, 30.08.-05.09.1999. "A change of perspective has taken place in teacher education: It is no longer seen as the problem-solving agent of education but rather as just another source of educational problems. In this article, the author tries to trace the roots of such a negative image. The most obvious approach is a historical one. An enormous number of attempts have been made to reform teacher education. The most important and positive among these attempts has been the academic orientation of teacher education. Yet, seen from the educationalists' perspective, there have appeared a number of traps and false conclusions, possibly due to a misinterpretation of what the role of science in education should be. The reorientation of teacher education, i. e. the turn from purely didactical and practice-oriented courses at educational colleges to mainly academically oriented courses at universities, have brought up new problems that urgently need to be solved. The author discovers major problems in the fact that the great variety of research interests have to be brought in order to make them accessible to students. Didactics which are said to be the most important of all professional disciplines for teachers need to be applied to the structure of the educational discipline as a whole. An agreement on a fundamental canon of topics, methods and knowledge is necessary. This demand is, however, not meant to minimize the range of areas of study; instead, it should rather be considered to broaden specific fields of interest in order to avoid one sided academic points of view. The still unsolved problem of theory and practice is another point to be discussed. The author's question here is: "Where should educational knowledge be grounded - in the discipline or in the profession?" As it is not possible to make a clear distinction between theory and practice but rather to distinguish between the production and the application of knowledge, a curriculum is needed where those two aspects can be put together interactively. This seems to be a solution to many unsolved problems, as it would lead to a more specified target of academic teacher education. In Germany, the academic foundations for the teaching profession are laid in the initial phase of training at university. One should be careful not to ascribe tasks to academic studies that can realistically only be part of the probational second phase of teacher education. Yet, as education needs to be perceived as an action-oriented system of reflection, a significantly stronger combination of practical school experience and theoretical reflection is needed. Ideally, there would be greater stress on the combination of observation and analysis of school work which could be a means to reflect on professional practice. Also, the didactical aspects of teacher training, which are constantly being claimed as being of major importance to teachers, need to be rethought on the level of university teaching. This is a demand going with professionality on the side of academic teachers but it is also meant as a kind of compensation for the lack of practice-related teaching. Seminars and lectures would then be turned into didactical workshops. Another field of possible improvement is seen in an intensified form of investigative learning where school research is seen as a task for both students and teachers. For matters of quality ensurance university teachers need to be willing to co-operate and start to develop ideals and criteria which can later be evaluated. But as the great day of general consent on the national level can not be expected and as new regulations only will not bring real change, innovation can alone be expected by people bearing responsibility at the basis of different universities. The financial crisis of public households should not focus an saddening thoughts an economic efficiency that keep real innovation in the minds of idealists without being ever put to practice." (DIPF/Orig.).

"The current European Commission policies are guided by the 'Europe 2020' strategy paper under which the 'Innovation Union' forms one of the mayor policy flagship initiatives for the years to come. These policies are led by the Commissioner of Research and Innovation. The Innovation Union document understands innovation in a much broader sense than it was traditionally the case with seeing innovation as a technology-based process. This recent policy consensus includes social innovation as an integral part of the Innovation Union Flagship Initiative and the documents foresee a monitoring of innovation in order to control the progress made by innovative actions at European Union and at Member State level. Measuring innovation and in particular social innovation is quite a new and challenging approach in methodological and practical terms. Therefore, the author reflects on the feasibility of measuring progress caused by social innovations and on pre-conditions to monitoring policy impact in relation to social innovations at international level. Currently, innovation monitoring chiefly is applied with an economic focus although social data base developments have been funded by the European Commission research and development programs over years. The paper presents selected EU research activities as well as the method and policy relevance of two innovation monitoring approaches targeting the economic dimension in the EU: the Innovation Union Scoreboard (IUS) and the Community Innovation Survey (CIS). The approaches shed some light on how monitoring instruments of social innovation may be developed. The paper concludes that a high obstacle to monitoring social innovation is its proliferation of targets in various policy fields. Therefore, the notion of social innovations may be blurred too much in the current policy debate in order to be instrumental for measurement. Consensus needs to be reached on the point of view if either targets of specific policies (innovation, security, health, social, environment, transport, etc.) shall be monitored to which social innovation is instrumental, or if social innovation is a subject in its own to be monitored." (author's abstract)

"The question at hand seems relatively simple and straightforward: whether and to what extent the protection and promotion of human rights is necessary for efforts to address conflict and build peace. The issue has been much debated over time. The 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights forcefully associated the protection of human rights with the prevention of violent conflict, stating that 'it is essential, if man is not to be compelled to have recourse, as a last resort, to rebellion against tyranny and oppression, that human rights should be protected by the rule of law' (UN 1948, preamble). Yet in 1996, an anonymous author in Human Rights Quarterly accused the international human rights movement of prolonging the war in Bosnia Herzegovina. There, human rights activists had rejected pragmatic deals that could have ended the violence and, from hindsight, were no worse than the eventual agreement in rewarding ethnic cleansing and aggression. In that author's view, it made 'today's living the dead of tomorrow' by pursuing a perfectly just and moral peace that would bring 'justice for yesterday's victims of atrocities' (Anonymous 1996, 259). Since then, the idea that the normative nature of human rights standards may complicate the practical demands of peacemaking has been a recurrent theme in discussions on the relationship between human rights and efforts to address violent conflict. This is especially the case when the latter is conceived of in terms of conflict settlement or resolution. Questions of definitions and objectives are thus key. Also relevant are the time frame, context and level of intervention one focuses on, though few authors on the subject make this explicit. In addition, narrow perceptions and generalizations abound in this debate as people working on human rights, peace and conflict have been grouped into categories of 'human rights activists' and 'conflict resolvers' as if these were homogenous and coherent clusters of actors. In this chapter, the authoress argues that considering human rights and conflict transformation in conjunction deepens one's analysis of what is involved in moving from violence to sustainable peace. It is informed by the idea that the two fill 'gaps' in one another, in that each contributes to a better understanding of the other by highlighting elements that are relatively under-explored in the theory and practice of each separate field. For conflict transformation, which will be the main focus here, the perspective of human rights forces a greater emphasis on structural conditions, especially the role of the state, systems of governance and issues of power in generating, escalating and transforming violent conflict. Considering human rights in relation to conflict transformation, moreover, highlights the need to employ a holistic, multidimensional understanding of human rights that does not reduce them to their legal foundations. This chapter suggests that conflict transformation, because of its explicit grounding in social justice, and hence inherently normative foundation, may provide a more nuanced and fruitful conceptual space for thinking about human rights, conflict and peace than conflict resolution and conflict management. Placing constructive social change at its core, conflict transformation acknowledges the need for addressing power imbalances and recognizes a role for advocacy and the importance of voices that challenge the status quo. Its concern with direct, structural and cultural violence is thus also highly relevant from a rights perspective. In order to place these ideas in context, the chapter will briefly comment on literature that has been published on human rights and approaches for addressing conflict and building peace (section 2). Section 3 proposes a framework for understanding the relationship between human rights and conflict transformation, using the metaphor of an iceberg, with its graphic image of things visible connected to matters unseen. It also introduces four dimensions of human rights that need to be taken into account in processes to build a just and sustainable peace. Section 4 discusses some of the practical implications of adopting a human rights perspective on conflict transformation. Nepal, South Africa, and other countries where the authoress has worked over the past 15 years, are used as illustrative examples throughout sections 3 and 4. Finally, section 5 concludes and points to some areas for further research." (excerpt)