Suchergebnisse

At the turn of November 2018, the next local elections were held in Poland. However, this time, along with the next term, a number of new legal arrangements and structures have been implemented as a result of the adoption of the Act of 11 January 2018 on amending certain laws to increase the participation of citizens in the process of electing, functioning and controlling certain public bodies. The legislature has set itself the objective of adopting solutions to enable and facilitate greater influence for members of local and regional communities, especially in legislative and executive bodies of local government units. Some of these changes affect the executive body in the municipality (local government commune), i.e. village mayor (town mayor or city president), affecting the change in its scope and powers. ; Na przełomie października i listopada 2018 r. odbyły się w Polsce kolejne wybory samorządowe, jednakże tym razem wraz z kolejną kadencją władz samorządowych doszło do wdrożenia wielu nowych rozwiązań i konstrukcji prawnych będących efektem uchwalenia w dniu 11 stycznia 2018 r. ustawy o zmianie niektórych ustaw w celu zwiększenia udziału obywateli w procesie wybierania, funkcjonowania i kontrolowania niektórych organów publicznych. Ustawodawca postawił sobie za cel przyjęcie rozwiązań, które mają umożliwić i ułatwić członkom wspólnot samorządowych większy wpływ na funkcjonowanie tych wspólnot, w szczególności organów stanowiących i wykonawczych w jednostkach samorządu terytorialnego. Niektóre z tych zmian dotykają organu wykonawczego w gminie samorządowej, czyli wójta (burmistrza, prezydenta miasta), wpływając na zmianę zakresu jego działania i kompetencji.

The article deals with the most important changes in the independence and systemic autonomy of local self-government units of the 2018–2023 term. Both normative solutions and actual actions and behaviours that have a fundamental impact on the functioning of local self-government will be analysed. For a more complete picture of the current term, it will be necessary to briefly characterise the changes introduced after 2015. It is also important for the overall analysis to look from the perspective of those currently in power and characterise their vision of the state and the role of local government in the political system. The idea of a strong, effective state determines the perception of the role of local government and the relationship at the interface between local government and government administration.

Hungary has a unitary government system with 19 counties, 23 "cities with county rank" and about 3200 local (municipal) governments. The financial architectureof local governments is quite complicated and budget constraints are "halfway" between soft and hard. After an early and temporary "municipal bond boom" in the middle of 1990's, the size of indebtedness started to increase considerably, first in 2002. By the end of 2011 the size of financial obligations deriving from local borrowing amounted more than 4.7% of GDP.The paper is aimed at examining factors that might have been behind indebtedness and tries to separate the effect of internal and external variables for the period between 1990 and 2011. According to the results of the empirical analysis local authorities' borrowing activity cannot be explained only with help of quantitative macro-economical indicators such as total sub-national revenues, expenditures, CPI and GDP.Namely, the formation of debt was mainly determined by behaviour patterns of local governments and byrandom (unforeseeable) shocks caused by changes in central regulation. The short term patterns in borrowing attitude are due to the four-year long election cycle of local representatives while adapting to random shock happens quickly within one year. Four different time-phases (periods) can be determined, which can be described by different characteristics and makes explanation for the formation of local debt: Early development of subnational debt markets (1990-1995); restriction (1996-1997); moderate growth (1998-2006); municipal bond-boom (2007-2010).

The extensive amendment to the Electoral Code made by the Act of January 26, 2023 – among other solutions – introduced instruments to facilitate voters' access to polling stations, increasing the turnout level. The aim of the article is to present the adopted solutions and their assessment, made on the background of the legislative process accompanying the adoption of the act. The conducted analysis allows to assume that the discussed solutions do not take into account the interests of all entitled persons to an equal extent, ignore the consistently reported proposals of changes affecting the increase in attendance and imply organizational difficulties due to the moment of their introduction.

Year 1989 marked a breakthrough in the presence and development of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in Poland. The freedom of association was restored, and the society immediately took advantage of this freedom. Since the early 1990s, decentralization has been coupled with a revived activity of the civic sector, and a clear increase in the number of 'grass-root' initiatives, stimulated by the society itself. The number of NGOs has kept growing, including the associations, foundations, and church organizations. The scope of their activity, the number of employees and the tasks they undertake have been expanding. In order to understand the essence of social economy, and primarily to notice the opportunity to develop the state on the basis of the principles of social economy, it was necessary to change the definition of the essence of the state and society, their role, and to correlate their mutual objectives and needs. The administrative reform executed in Poland in 1999, resulted in moving the burden of public tasks from the central government to the units of territorial self-government. The administrative reform introduced three layers of territorial division in order to promote self-governance, facilitate the operation of local authorities, and bring them closer to citizens. Over the last twenty years, NGOs have become a valuable partner in territorial self-government by performing various kinds of public tasks and thus becoming an exceptionally significant element of social policy. The principles regulating the co-existence of the third sector and the state are laid down in the act of law of April 24, 2003 on public benefit and volunteer work, which provides a comprehensive regulation of the activity of NGOs in the realm of public life, the principles (subsidiarity, sovereignty of parties, partnership, efficiency, fair competition, and transparency), and the form of cooperation between such organizations and the organs of public administration with respect to the performance of public tasks. It should be emphasized, however, that while NGOs have taken over services rendered in some areas, their potential has not been fully utilized. The functioning of social organizations manifests civic freedom and society's self-organization. The activities of the third sector organizations allow the fulfillment of important social needs, such as the need for spontaneous association, social initiative and organizational autonomy. The functioning of social organizations has an advantageous influence on the activity of public and private organizations. The NGOs in Poland and abroad play an increasingly significant role, both in the development of civic society of democratic states, and also in the process of performing public tasks and the development of economies. At present, forms of cooperation between NGOs and the territorial self-government are being sought. This may indicate that both local authorities and the third sector organizations have reached a point where they are ready to form a real partnership. This is an optimistic statement, especially given the opportunity to develop the sector of social economy using the financial means of the EU structural funds. Along with the ageing of affluent societies, social exclusion, poverty and unemployment are the fundamental social problems for Poland and the whole of modern Europe. The subjects of the third sector of an economy can play a key role in solving these problems.

Year 1989 marked a breakthrough in the presence and development of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in Poland. The freedom of association was restored, and the society immediately took advantage of this freedom. Since the early 1990s, decentralization has been coupled with a revived activity of the civic sector, and a clear increase in the number of 'grass-root' initiatives, stimulated by the society itself. The number of NGOs has kept growing, including the associations, foundations, and church organizations. The scope of their activity, the number of employees and the tasks they undertake have been expanding. In order to understand the essence of social economy, and primarily to notice the opportunity to develop the state on the basis of the principles of social economy, it was necessary to change the definition of the essence of the state and society, their role, and to correlate their mutual objectives and needs. The administrative reform executed in Poland in 1999, resulted in moving the burden of public tasks from the central government to the units of territorial self-government. The administrative reform introduced three layers of territorial division in order to promote self-governance, facilitate the operation of local authorities, and bring them closer to citizens. Over the last twenty years, NGOs have become a valuable partner in territorial self-government by performing various kinds of public tasks and thus becoming an exceptionally significant element of social policy. The principles regulating the co-existence of the third sector and the state are laid down in the act of law of April 24, 2003 on public benefit and volunteer work, which provides a comprehensive regulation of the activity of NGOs in the realm of public life, the principles (subsidiarity, sovereignty of parties, partnership, efficiency, fair competition, and transparency), and the form of cooperation between such organizations and the organs of public administration with respect to the performance of public tasks. It should be emphasized, however, that while NGOs have taken over services rendered in some areas, their potential has not been fully utilized. The functioning of social organizations manifests civic freedom and society's self-organization. The activities of the third sector organizations allow the fulfillment of important social needs, such as the need for spontaneous association, social initiative and organizational autonomy. The functioning of social organizations has an advantageous influence on the activity of public and private organizations. The NGOs in Poland and abroad play an increasingly significant role, both in the development of civic society of democratic states, and also in the process of performing public tasks and the development of economies. At present, forms of cooperation between NGOs and the territorial self-government are being sought. This may indicate that both local authorities and the third sector organizations have reached a point where they are ready to form a real partnership. This is an optimistic statement, especially given the opportunity to develop the sector of social economy using the financial means of the EU structural funds. Along with the ageing of affluent societies, social exclusion, poverty and unemployment are the fundamental social problems for Poland and the whole of modern Europe. The subjects of the third sector of an economy can play a key role in solving these problems.

The aim of the article is to present the development of biometric technology as a consequence of 9/11 terrorist attacks in the USA and issuing the PATRIOT ACT in 2001. Nowadays biometric technology is popular not only in the public security area (e.g. criminal data bases, face recognition surveillance systems) but is also used in everyday life (e.g. smartphones with touch ID/face recognition). The article shows both sides of biometric devices utilization: advantages and potential negative consequences for individuals.

This article examines the Upper Silesia plebiscite of 20 March 1921. The plebiscite was recognized by the Supreme Council of the Paris Peace Conference as the most effective instrument for appraising the local population's political preferences and their support for remaining in Germany or merging with Poland. Despite seemingly equal campaigning efforts and similar voter turnout, the proposed solution featured several limitations with more profound consequences for Poland. Only a part of Upper Silesia was covered by the plebiscite; the date of the plebiscite was announced less than a month before the event (both the local residents and the emigrants could vote); the German administration and representatives of the middle class (the bourgeoisie) and the upper class (aristocrats) exerted political pressure on local communities with Polish sentiments; the number of peacekeeping troops was insufficient to guarantee a fair Polish campaign and the emigrants' participation in the vote, including in the plebiscite area. Although their impact is difficult to determine, the above factors undoubtedly contributed to the absolute victory of German supporters. Despite the above, the proposed solution was not effective in dividing Upper Silesia into separate regions occupied by Polish and German communities.

Tekst traktuje o zagranicznych echach wyborów sejmowych w PRL z 1957 roku. W bloku wschodnim kampania wyborcza i same wybory budziły niepokój, ponieważ pojmowano je jako ciąg dalszy przemian polskiego Października. Stąd też, pozytywne dla władz z Warszawy wyniki głosowania, przyjęto z widoczną ulgą, podkreślając wagę wyborczego sukcesu PZPR. Inaczej wybory sejmowe w PRL interpretowano w innych państwach komunistycznych – Jugosławii i Chinach, dla których najistotniejsze w tym kontekście były własne interesy polityczne. Z kolei główne państwa Zachodu odbierały wydarzenia 1956 r. w Polsce, w tym wybory, przez głębszy pryzmat ówczesnych stosunków z blokiem wschodnim. Wyniki polskiego głosowania tłumaczono w kategoriach możliwości uzyskania większego marginesu swobody w relacjach PRL z ZSRR.The article discusses the foreign echoes of the parliamentary elections in the Polish People's Republic in 1957. The electoral campaign and the elections themselves aroused concern throughout the Eastern Bloc, as they were interpreted as a continuation of the Polish October Revolution. The outcome of the vote, which proved satisfying for the authorities in Warsaw, was received with obvious relief; the importance of the electoral success of the Polish United Workers' Party was strongly emphasised. But some communist governments, namely those of Yugoslavia and China, demonstrated a different attitude, as they interpreted these results in the light of their own political interests. At the same time, major Western countries perceived the Polish events of 1956, including the elections, in a wider context of current relations with the Eastern Bloc. The results of the vote were cited as an opportunity for Poland to obtain a greater margin of liberty in its cooperation with the USSR.

Tekst traktuje o zagranicznych echach wyborów sejmowych w PRL z 1957 roku. W bloku wschodnim kampania wyborcza i same wybory budziły niepokój, ponieważ pojmowano je jako ciąg dalszy przemian polskiego Października. Stąd też, pozytywne dla władz z Warszawy wyniki głosowania, przyjęto z widoczną ulgą, podkreślając wagę wyborczego sukcesu PZPR. Inaczej wybory sejmowe w PRL interpretowano w innych państwach komunistycznych – Jugosławii i Chinach, dla których najistotniejsze w tym kontekście były własne interesy polityczne. Z kolei główne państwa Zachodu odbierały wydarzenia 1956 r. w Polsce, w tym wybory, przez głębszy pryzmat ówczesnych stosunków z blokiem wschodnim. Wyniki polskiego głosowania tłumaczono w kategoriach możliwości uzyskania większego marginesu swobody w relacjach PRL z ZSRR.The article discusses the foreign echoes of the parliamentary elections in the Polish People's Republic in 1957. The electoral campaign and the elections themselves aroused concern throughout the Eastern Bloc, as they were interpreted as a continuation of the Polish October Revolution. The outcome of the vote, which proved satisfying for the authorities in Warsaw, was received with obvious relief; the importance of the electoral success of the Polish United Workers' Party was strongly emphasised. But some communist governments, namely those of Yugoslavia and China, demonstrated a different attitude, as they interpreted these results in the light of their own political interests. At the same time, major Western countries perceived the Polish events of 1956, including the elections, in a wider context of current relations with the Eastern Bloc. The results of the vote were cited as an opportunity for Poland to obtain a greater margin of liberty in its cooperation with the USSR.

The reform of the civil service is one of the crucial issues of the political transformation in Poland after 1989. Constructing of the appropriate system of values, principles and procedures aiming to fulfill State's duties through the operating numerous clerks still poses a number of problems for the legislator. Thereby, the authors are also making an attempt to evaluate the regulations concerning the civil service from the perspective of anticipation of new directions of further changes in order to guarantee them compliance with the Polish Constitution from 2 April 1997 and the assurance of the effectiveness of the civil service. ; Reforma służby cywilnej należy do istotnych zagadnień w procesie transformacji ustrojowych w Polsce po 1989 r. Skonstruowanie odpowiedniego systemu wartości, zasad i procedur służących realizacji zadań państwa przez działający w jego strukturach korpus urzędników nastręczało i w dalszym ciągu stwarza ustawodawcy wiele problemów. Dlatego autorzy niniejszego opracowania podjęli próbę oceny regulacji prawnych dotyczących służby cywilnej pod kątem wskazania kierunków dalszych zmian w celu zagwarantowania ich zgodności z Konstytucją RP z dnia 2 kwietnia 1997 r. oraz zapewnienia efektywności działania administracji publicznej.

The article deals with resonance, development, and changes in various forms of atheism in the works of Czech, especially Marxist, intellectuals in the second half of the 20th century. Attention is also paid to their influence on public opinion, especially in connection with a rise in negative attitude of a large part of the Czech public towards religion. The study is based primarily on historical and discursive analyses of the works of principal authors from the 1950s to 1989. Among the authors discussed are important figures such as Ivan Sviták, Milan Machovec, and Vítězslav Gardavský.

According to a contemporary Pole, Ukraine is a country which, having broken out of the clutches of communism, makes its way towards Europe, the place it has always belonged to. The proof of that are the Ukrainians' European aspirations—to become a member of the EU or NATO, as well as the events of the Orange Revolution, which proved that Ukrainians are mature enough to break free from Russia for the sake of democratization of the country, following the example of Western European countries. However, Ukrainians themselves are no longer so unanimous. A careful look at the country of our neighbours makes it evident that both in the sphere of politics as well as culture the Ukrainian nation is strongly divided. This was demonstrated by the Orange Revolution, which made the West realise that in Ukraine a fight is taking place, where the choice of an eastern or western variant is at stake. Ukrainians are also divided as far as their identity is concerned, both cultural and national, for whose roots they are still searching, both in Russia and Western Europe. We may say that as far as the matter of their place on earth is concerned, Ukrainians are almost in exactly the same place as they were eighty years ago.