Suchergebnisse

Ovaj rad istražuje mišljenja, stavove i odnose dijela preddiplomskih i diplomskih studenata sveučilišnog studija geografije (PMF, Sveučilište u Zagrebu) prema politici u Hrvatskoj, kako je oni doživljavaju te na koji način komentiraju određene političke događaje. Istraživanje je provedeno u razdoblju od 17. do 22. svibnja 2017. na uzorku od 173 studenta što čini 64 % ukupnog broja studenata geografije na Zagrebačkom sveučilištu. Rezultati ankete pokazuju da studentska populacija, iako predstavlja buduću intelektualnu snagu Hrvatske, nema značajnijeg interesa za politiku te da je njihov angažman, sudjelovanje u političkim strankama kao i uključivanje u političke procese, na vrlo niskoj razini zbog uglavnom visoke razine nepovjerenja prema političarima, političkim institucijama, ali i političkom sustavu općenito. ; This paper examines the opinions, viewpoints and attitudes of a number of undergraduate and graduate university students of geography (Faculty of Science, University of Zagreb) related to Croatian politics, how they experience it and in what manner they comment on certain political events. The research was carried out in the period between 17 and 22 May 2017 on a sample of 173 students which makes 64% of the number of geography students at the University. The survey results show that the student population, although representing Croatia's future intellectual force, shows no significant interest in politics and that their engagement, participation in political parties as well as involvement in political processes are at a very low level mostly due to high level of distrust towards politicians, political institutions but also political system in general.

Autor se u radu bavi teorijom isprekidane ravnoteže i njezinom operacionalizacijom. Isprekidana ravnoteža opisuje proces stvaranja javnih politika u vidu dugih perioda stabilnosti politika i njezinih radikalnih promjena koje se doga- đaju naglo. S obzirom na složenost i nadograđivanje same teorije, autor je u radu želi operacionalizirati u vidu ključnih pojmova te njihovih pokazatelja. Sukladno tome autor u prvom dijelu rada rastavlja teoriju na manje pojmove koje potom definira i uvrštava u kontekst teorije. Nakon toga u drugom dijelu istražuje koliko su pojmovi proizašli iz operacionalizacije integrirani u dosadašnjim istraživanjima teorije. Na temelju rezultata i rasprave naposljetku prikazuje potencijalne pokazatelje tih pojmova slijedeći načelo metodološkog pluralizma. U zaključku se iznosi stajalište da je ta operacionalizacija dala inovativan pogled na samu teoriju, ali i na istraživanje isprekidane ravnoteže u javnim politikama koje je do sada bilo dominantno kvantitativno. ; In this paper, the author deals with the punctuated equilibrium theory and its operationalization. The punctuated equilibrium theory describes the policy-making process in terms of long periods of policy stability and its radical change that occurs suddenly. Given the complexity and upgrading of the theory, in this paper the author seeks to operationalize it in the form of key terms and their indicators. Accordingly, in the first part of the paper the author dissects theory into many key terms, which he defines and sets them in the context of theory. After that, in the second part of the paper, the author examines how terms arising from operationalization have been so far integrated into the research of the punctuated equilibrium theory. Based on results and discussion, in the end the author displays the potential indicators of key terms following the principle of methodological pluralism. He conludes that this operationalization gives an innovative look at theory, but also in terms of researching punctuated equilibrium in public policies which has been predominantly quantitative.

U ovom radu autor analizira koliko su pitanja vezana za status etničkih manjina i dalje značajna na Zapadnom Balkanu. Autor smatra da su ona umnogome i dalje nedovoljno adekvatno riješena i da zahtijevaju da se pored valjane implementacije međunarodnih i europskih standarda promijeni i praksa, što podrazumijeva stvarno odsustvo diskriminacije. U tom smislu u radu se analizira i koliko ova pitanja utječu na bilateralne odnose između država regije Zapadnog Balkana, kao i njima susjednih, koje su već članice Europske unije (Hrvatske, Mađarske, Grčke, Rumunjske i Bugarske). Autor zaključuje da će se zbog toga u procesu pristupanja pojedinih zemalja Zapadnog Balkana europskim integracijama upravo pitanja manjina i reguliranja njihovog statusa dodatno aktualizirati, kada je riječ o njihovom članstvu u Europskoj uniji. Međutim, on ujedno naglašava da rješavanje manjinskih pitanja na Zapadnom Balkanu neće biti lako, odnosno da će taj proces potrajati dulje vremensko razdoblje. ; The author analyzes the significance of issues related to the status of ethnic minorities in the Western Balkans. According to the author, in many ways these are still inadequately resolved and require, in addition to the proper implementation of international and European standards in this respect, the change in practice, which actually involves non-discrimination. In this sense, the paper analyzes how these issues affect the bilateral relations between the countries of the Western Balkans, as well as their neighbors, that are already members of the European Union (Croatia, Hungary, Greece, Romania and Bulgaria). Therefore, the author concludes that in the future course of European integration of the Western Balkans countries, minority issues and regulation of their status will appear topical and often decisive when it comes to EU membership. However, he argues that the solution for these issues will not be easily reachable and that the process will take a longer period.

Autor u tekstu analizira utjecaj migracijske krize na Europsku uniju kroz sigurnosnu i politološku dimenziju, te recepciju tog diskursa kod političkih elita i građana. Pritom posebno naglašava humanitarnu, ali i sigurnosnu dimenziju percepcije imigranata, izbjeglica i tražitelja azila kao nekih novih "umjetnih" manjina u Europskoj uniji. S druge strane, takvi procesi sve se više izražavaju kao prijetnja sigurnosti oličena u povećanju ksenofobije i razisma, dok pojedine političke elite u Uniji imigrante percipiraju kroz prizmu "antigrađana". Nadalje, u tekstu se analizira proces sekuritizacije identiteta izbjeglica, koji se kroz govorni akt u pojedinim zemljama članicama EU karakteriziraju kao prvenstveno sigurnosna ugroza, što za posljedicu ima povećanje nasilja nad manjinama i negativno se reflektira na unutarnju koheziju Europske unije te njezinu sposobnost da upravlja migracijskom krizom. Na kraju, polazeći od određenih teorijskih i empirijskih postavki, autor želi ponuditi sveobuhvatan pregled migracijske krize na europskom tlu u cilju smanjenja negativne reverzibilnosti na ostvarivanje prava manjina u Europskoj uniji. ; In this article author is analyzing influence of migration crisis on the European Union through security and political dimension, and reception of these discourses among political elite and citizens. Author's special attention is on humanitarian, but also on security dimension of perception of immigrants, refugees and asylum seekers as "new" artificial minorities in the European Union. On other hand, such processes are increasingly being portrayed as a security threat, embodied in the increase of xenophobia and racism, whereby some political elites in the EU perceive immigrants as "anti-citizens". Author also analyzes the securitization of refugees' identity, which is being presented (through the speech acts) as the security threat in some EU member states. The consequence of such developments is the increase of violence against minorities and the negative impact on the inner cohesion within the EU, as well as its capacities to manage the migration crisis. Finally, starting from theoretical and empirical assumptions, the author offers a comprehensive review of the European migration crisis in order to reduce the negative reversibility on achieving minority rights in the EU.

Autor je obradio Medalju časti, koju svake godine dodjeljuje Europski parlament Građaninu Europe, na osnovi provedenog postupka. Ta je nagrada utemeljena 2008. godine. Ove su godine laureati iz Republike Hrvatske Tvrtko Barun i Hrvatska udruga Transplant. ; The author writes about the Medal of Honour awarded on an annual basis by the European Parliament to Citizens of Europe, following an accepted procedure. The Prize was founded in 2008. This year the laureates from the Republic of Croatia were Pater Tvrtko Barun and the Croatian Transplant Association.

Autor u radu obrađuje desne političke stranke. Riječ je o najbrže rastućoj stranačkoj obitelji u Europi. U tom smislu analizira i prikazuje ideologiju, pojmove i vrste desnih političkih stranaka. Posebna pozornost posvećena je ideologiji stranaka radikalne desnice kroz teorijski okvir nizozemskoga politologa Casa Muddea. ; The author deals with right-wing political parties. It is the fastest growing party family in Europe. In this sense, he analyses and displays the ideology, concepts, and types of right-wing political parties. Special attention is paid to the ideology of the parties of the radical right through the theoretical framework of the Dutch political scientist Cas Mudde.

U radu autor na temelju izvornog arhivskog gradiva, onodobne periodike i relevantne literature analizira događanja oko naftnih polja zapadnog Srijema (s posebnim naglaskom na onom u Đeletovcima), a u kontekstu provedbe triju mirovnih operacija Ujedinjenih naroda u Hrvatskoj (UNPROFOR, UNCRO i UNTAES). Imajući na umu presudnu stratešku važnost naftnih polja zapadnog Srijema, autor zaključuje da su mirovne snage, čak i unutar ograničenja tradicionalnih operacija za čuvanje mira (UNPROFOR i UNCRO), propustileaktivnim nastupom spriječiti krađu nafte, čime su ohrabrile krajinske Srbe u politici opstrukcije mirovnih operacija. Do aktivnije uloge mirovnih snaga je, iako u promijenjenim okolnostima, ipak došlo početkom operacije UNTAES, što je bio trenutak u kojem je zacrtan kasniji uspjeh mirne reintegracije hrvatskog Podunavlja. ; In this paper the author analyses occurrences connected with the oilfields of western Syrmia (with special emphasis on the oilfield in Đeletovci) based on archival material, the periodicals of the time and relevant literature in the context of the implementation of the three peacekeeping operations of the United Nations in Croatia (UNPROFOR, UNCRO and UNTAES). Bearing the decisive strategic importance of oilfields of western Syrmia in mind, the author has come to the conclusion that the peacekeeping forces, even within the limitations of traditional peacekeeping operations (UNPROFOR and UNCRO) failed to prevent oil theft by an active approach. By doing so they encouraged the Krajina Serbs in their policy of obstructing the peacekeeping operations. However, a more active role of the peacekeeping forces, albeit in altered circumstances, occurred at the beginning of the UNTAES operation, which was the moment when the later success of the peaceful reintegration of the Croatian Danube River Basin was set out.

U članku se daje kratak pregled lokalne samouprave u Bosni i Hercegovini, odnosno u Federaciji Bosne i Hercegovine, Republici Srpskoj i Distriktu Brčko Bosne i Hercegovine. Akcent je stavljen na ustavnopravni položaj lokalne samouprave u BiH, organizaciju i nadležnost jedinica lokalne samouprave te na pravne instrumente zaštite prava na lokalnu samoupravu. Autor ukazuje na specifičnosti sistema lokalne samouprave u BiH te na ulogu i značaj koji lokalna samouprava u BiH, kao razina vlasti koja je najbliža građanima, treba da ima u kreiranju poželjnog životnog ambijenta. S tim u vezi, autor ističe koherentnost interesa na lokalnoj razini, čije ostvarenje je u nadležnosti jedinica lokalne samouprave, kao prednost i adekvatan mogući odgovor na disparatnost interesa na državnoj razini vlasti u BiH. Pored toga, autor ukazuje na određene preduvjete za postizanje istinske lokalne samouprave. ; The article gives a short review of local self-government in Bosnia and Herzegovina, specifically in the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbian Republic and the Brčko District of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The emphasis was on constitutional position of local self-government in Bosnia and Herzegovina, organization and jurisdiction of local governments and the legal instruments for the protection of rights on local self-government. The author deals with specific attributes of local self-government system in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the role and the importance of the local self-government in Bosnia and Herzegovina in creating a desirable living environment, as the level of government that is the closest to the citizens. Coherence of interests at local level, whose realization is under the jurisdiction of local self-governments units is pointed out as an advantage and a possible adequate response to the disparity of interests at the state level of government in Bosnia and Herzegovina. In conclusion, the author specifies certain preconditions to achievement of genuine local self-government.

The article gives a short review of local self-government in Bosnia and Herzegovina, specifically in the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbian Republic and the Brčko District of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The emphasis was on constitutional position of local self-government in Bosnia and Herzegovina, organization and jurisdiction of local governments and the legal instruments for the protection of rights on local self-government. The author deals with specific attributes of local self-government system in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the role and the importance of the local self-government in Bosnia and Herzegovina in creating a desirable living environment, as the level of government that is the closest to the citizens. Coherence of interests at local level, whose realization is under the jurisdiction of local self-governments units is pointed out as an advantage and a possible adequate response to the disparity of interests at the state level of government in Bosnia and Herzegovina. In conclusion, the author specifies certain preconditions to achievement of genuine local self-government. ; U članku se daje kratak pregled lokalne samouprave u Bosni i Hercegovini, odnosno u Federaciji Bosne i Hercegovine, Republici Srpskoj i Distriktu Brčko Bosne i Hercegovine. Akcent je stavljen na ustavnopravni položaj lokalne samouprave u BiH, organizaciju i nadležnost jedinica lokalne samouprave te na pravne instrumente zaštite prava na lokalnu samoupravu. Autor ukazuje na specifičnosti sistema lokalne samouprave u BiH te na ulogu i značaj kojeg lokalna samouprava u BiH, kao razina vlasti koja je najbliža građanima, treba da ima u kreiranju poželjnog životnog ambijenta. S tim u vezi, autor ističe koherentnost interesa na lokalnoj razini, čije ostvarenje je u nadležnosti jedinica lokalne samouprave, kao prednost i adekvatan mogući odgovor na disparatnost interesa na državnoj razini vlasti u BiH. Pored toga, autor ukazuje na određene preduvjete za postizanje istinske lokalne samouprave.

Autor objavljuje latinski i kajkavski tekst krajiških povlastica iz 1732., iznosi širi kontekst njihova nastanka u prvoj polovici 18. soljeća i ističe posebnosti ovoga dokumenta. ; The author analyzes text of Statutes of Vlachs published for frontiersmen/Grenzers of Varaždin Generalate in in the 1732 in latin and kajkavian variant of croatian language and compares this document with the older one, the Vlach Statutes / Statuta Valachorum from 1630. year. The aim of this new document was to redefined obligations and rights of frontiersmen in Varaždin Generalate after a long period of social and religious disturbances during first three decades of 18. century. Author points out that the appearance of this document must be considered in context of military reforms in Varaždin Generalate made by Count Caspar Ferdinand von Cordua. He reorganized military structure of Generalate establishing new military units, but reducing the pay of frontiersmen and raising of pay for officers was not acceptable for frontiersmen. Styrian estates although opposed his reforms warning Vienna court that financing of Varasdin Generalate under this circumstances was useless and that well established and equipped frontiersmen army cam also represent potential threat for Monarchy. As for a new Vlach Statutes, they like the old Statuta form 17th century had not consider religious and ecclesiastical issues, but restricted frontiersmens right of free disposition of posessions and forbade buying out military service. Most important change was nomination of military judges (auditors) in seat of every of four captaincies, which have accomplished the duties of previouse supreme judge and eight assessors. Auditors solved different complaints of frontiersmen, including those against military captains (vojvode), and vojvode have got the possibility of making final decisions in quarrels which can be solved without official judicial procedure. Although Vienna Court supported Cordua's plans and promulgated them in 1733 they have been accepted only partialy, but reforms caused disturbancies and resistence of frontiersmen and new Statuta for frontiersmen of Varasdin Generalate were not officialy proclaimed because authorities wanted to keep peace in Military Frontier.

Na temelju rezultata petomjesečnog istraživačkog rada izvedenog 2017. godine u sklopu međunarodnog programa profesionalne razmjene Inicijativa za kulturno partnerstvo Ministarstva kulture, sporta i turizma Republike Koreje, autor donosi sažet pregled sustava zaštite nematerijalne kulturne baštine ove istočnoazijske zemlje. U prikazu se fokusira na okolnosti njegovog nastanka i razvoja, a posebnu pozornost posvećuje elementima poput Sustava baštinjenja i Sustava registra, adresirajući pritom problematiku koja proizlazi iz gotovo polustoljetne prakse zaštite nematerijalne kulturne baštine u Republici Koreji. ; Based on results of five-month long research carried out in 2017 within international expert exchange program Cultural partnership initiative under the auspices of the Republic of Korea's Ministry of culture, sports and tourism, the author presents a summary overview of country's intangible cultural heritage safeguarding framework. The paper focuses on circumstances of its emergence and development, and pays special attention to elements such as the Inheritance System and the Inventory System, while addressing a number of issues arising from almost half a century of its application.

Educational policy in Croatia is facing serious problems due to disagreement on introduction of sex education in the national curriculum. This article combines two perspectives in defining the theoretically and practically relevant issues of implementing the sex education curriculum. From the 'top down perspective' it observes stakeholders' arguments which are not in accordance on 'what to do' (they are not in 'practical accordance'). Later on, from the 'bottom up perspective', the author observes how practical value judgments depend on silent (unspoken) theoretical (concepts of knowledge and of what it means to be human) and practical premises (derived from normative sources). This article defines the frame of the open question of contemporary philosophy on logical procedures of fair and rational resolution of different viewpoints. When faced with practical disagreement, the author argues that the communication ethics of argumentation should consist of discussion topics on theoretical premises: can question postulates of the opposing side – their truthfulness, sincerity and desirability. While exploring differences in attitudes, this article by default analyzes tacit premises of those who implement the compulsory national curriculum on sex education. The basic assumption for problem resolution related to implementation of the sex education curriculum is in reaching an understanding about theoretical premises, and not in proving one's own attitudes and ideas of how to actualize the plan. Understanding theoretical premises provides a way to establish common ground as a basis and starting point for discussion. Although existing solutions indicate general possibility for compulsory national sex education curriculum in multicultural democracy, in this case common ground is not reached. ; Neslaganje oko uvođenja kurikuluma spolnog odgoja u Hrvatskoj predstavlja ozbiljan problem obrazovne politike. Rad kombinira dvije perspektive u definiciji teorijski i praktički relevantnog pitanja uvođenja spolnog odgoja. Iz 'ptičje perspektive' promatra argumentaciju aktera koji se ne slažu 'što treba činiti' (nisu u 'praktičnoj slozi'). Nakon toga iz 'žablje perspektive' promatra kako praktični, vrijednosni sud, ovisi o prešutnim teorijskim (antropološkim pretpostavkama i naravi znanja) i praktičnim premisama (izvedenima iz normativnih izvora). Ovaj rad definira okvir otvorenog pitanja suvremene filozofije o logici postupka ravnopravnog i racionalnog razrješenja razlike stavova tvrdeći da komunikacijska etika argumentacije u slučaju praktičnog neslaganja treba prenijeti predmet rasprave na teorijske premise: pravo preispitivanja pretpostavke suprotne strane – njezine istinitosti, iskrenosti i poželjnosti. Proučavajući razlike u stavovima u članku se analiziraju zadane prešutne premise strane koja uvodi obavezni kurikulum. Pretpostavka razrješenja problema uvođenja spolnog odgoja je u unaprjeđenju međusobnog razumijevanja teorijskih premisa, a ne u dokazu svog stava i ostvarenju nauma. Razumijevanje teorijskih premisa omogućava uspostavu točke razumijevanja kao temelja i polazišta rasprave. Točka razumijevanja nije postignuta pa iako postojeća predložena rješenja ukazuju na načelnu mogućnost uvođenja obaveznog kurikuluma spolnog odgoja u višekulturnoj demokraciji, to nije ostvareno u ovom slučaju.

1948. bila je prijelomna godina za jugoslavensko-američke odnose i američku vanjsku politiku prema Jugoslaviji. Nakon razlaza sa Staljinom, američka administracija formulirala je "strategiju klina" u svrhu održavanja Tita "na površini" te, osim ekonomske i vojne pomoći, pokrenula niz kulturnih programa namijenjenih približavanju Jugoslavije Sjedinjenim Američkim Državama. Članak analizira aktivnosti kao i kulturnu i intelektualnu atraktivnost Američke čitaonice u Zagrebu u jeku Hladnog rata kao dio američke javne i kulturne diplomacije. Nastao je na temelju usmenog intervjua te je popraćen međunarodnim arhivskim istraživanjem (National Archives at College Park i University of Arkansas Library, SAD; Arhiv Jugoslavije, Arhiv Josipa Broza Tita i Historijski arhiv grada Beograda, Beograd; Hrvatski državni arhiv, Zagreb; te Roosevelt Institute for American Studies Microfilm Collection). Autorica tvrdi da je kroz djelatnosti čitaonice, programe kulturnih razmjena, radio Glas Amerike, američkih paviljona na Zagrebačkom i Beogradskom velesajmu, kao i preko kulturnih gostovanja, američka vlada uspješno vezala jugoslavenski kulturni prostor za zapadne, američke trendove i tendencije. Kroz perspektivu osobnog svjedoka, direktorice United States Information Servicea (USIS) Zagreb, autorica izlaže uspjehe, granice i prostore pregovaranja američke javne diplomacije (public diplomacy) kao validnog instrumenta američke vanjske politike prema Titovoj Jugoslaviji. ; 1948 was a breakthrough year for the Yugoslav-American bilateral relations and the US foreign policy towards Yugoslavia. After the Tito-Stalin split, the US administration conceived a "wedge strategy" to "keep Tito afloat" and, besides economic and military aid, launched a series of cultural programs aimed at bringing Yugoslavia closer to the United States. The article analyzes the activities as well as the cultural and intellectual attractiveness of the American Library Zagreb at the height of the Cold War as part of the US public diplomacy strategy in socialist Yugoslavia. Based on an oral interview, the article relies on international archival research at the National Archives at College Park and the University of Arkansas Library, USA, the Yugoslav Archives, Josip Broz Tito's Archives, Belgrade's Historical Archives, Belgrade, the Croatian State Archives, and the Roosevelt Institute for American Studies Microfilm Collection. The author argues that through the library activities, the cultural exchange programs, the Voice of America, and the American pavilions at the Zagreb and Belgrade Fair, as well as through cultural visits, the US government successfully linked the Yugoslav cultural space to Western, American trends and tendencies. Through the perspective of a witness, the United States Information Service (USIS) director in Zagreb, the author presents the successes, boundaries and negotiating spaces of the US public diplomacy as a valid instrument of US foreign policy towards Tito's Yugoslavia.

Cilj je rada uputiti na jezične i figuralne mogućnosti koje je iskoristio Ivan Slamnig u pisanju pjesama, s posebnim osvrtom na manipulacije lirskim subjektom. Umjesto da se lirski subjekt proglašava maskom pjesnika Slamniga, kakvim jedinstvenim fikcionalnim humanoidnim govornikom koji u sebi objedinjuje sve manifestacije lirskog subjekta ili pak kodiranim lirskim govorim o izvanjezičnoj (autorovoj, političkoj, kulturnoj itd.) zbilji, ta se analitička kategorija promatra kao figura, učinak jezika. Na podlozi duge lirske tradicije iskazivanja iz pozicije ja, Slamnigovi razni tipovi lirskoga govora i/ili gledanja izazivaju humorističan učinak, potvrđujući takvim "upadom" u pravilan niz Slamnigovih pjesničkih prethodnika da je sâmi niz poredak s pukotinama. Potonja se tvrdnja oslanja na psihoanalitičku argumentaciju Alenke Zupančič, dok teza o dezintegraciji iskazivačkog jastva kod Slamniga ima dva argumentacijska uporišta: s jedne strane, citatna teorija performativa Judith Butler naglasak stavlja na ponovljivost i kontingenciju svakoga govornog čina; s druge strane, polifonijska teorija iskazivanja Oswalda Ducrota luči empirijskog autora, govornika i iskazivača, sugerirajući da je svakom jezičnom iskazu imanentna polifonija. ; In this paper, the lyric subject of the Croatian poet Ivan Slamnig is analyzed with an underlining idea that his modernist poetics is characterized by disintegration of the enunciating self. This premise goes agianst the grain of dominant and/or more traditional approaches to Slamnig's poetry, which have shared the assumption that the enounced of the poem has more value or authority in determining the meaning of the poem. This reductionist view has taken two distinct forms (albeit not different in kind): the lyric subject is either a human-like fictional speaker or a mask taken on by the author. Relying on the performative citational theory of Judith Butler and polyphonic theory of enunciation of Oswald Ducrot, the author demonstrates how the lyric subject is being subverted both on the levels of enunciation and the enounced. The enounced is always-already framed or produced by its enunciation. The split within the lyric subject itself, in most cases achieved by humor, reveals the purported anthropomorphic enunciating instance to be an effect of the poem, rather than the mask of its poet, or a single unique fictional character, or a secret codified speech on contextual reality. Psychoanalytic perspective of Alenka Zupančič is in this sense particularly instructive since it explains how humor breaks the illusion of wholeness and uniqness of the Symbolic order. By inserting an "odd-one" in the tradition of lyric subjects, i.e. a volatile subject with crazy-making or drunken behaviour, or an infantile observer and/or an invalidated speaking subject in any other way, shape or form – Slamnig demonstrated how this analytical category is being speech-produced, rather than speech-producing. The latter corresponds to Austin's speech act theory main idea – that language is performative, rather than constative, which is crucial for understanding how Slamnig's poetry performs within what has received from without.

U radu se razmatraju implikacije braniteljskih naknada na socijalnu politiku i fiskalnu održivost u jednom od dva entiteta Bosne i Hercegovine, Federaciji Bosne i Hercegovine. Autor nastoji obuhvatiti promjene tijekom vremena i povezati ih s procesom demilitarizacije, kao i s utjecajem i pritiskom braniteljskih udruga, što je rezultiralo mjerama koje pogoduju određenim grupama branitelja, često nauštrb drugih korisnika i dugoročne održivosti sustava. Socijalna politika i zakonodavstvo koje regulira status branitelja u Federaciji Bosne i Hercegovine temelji se na statusu, što vladinim dužnosnicima daje prostor za značajne diskrecijske odluke o dodjeli sredstava. Time se destabiliziraju javne financije, dok se malo toga poduzima u borni protiv siromaštva. ; The paper addresses the implications of war veteran benefits on social policy and fiscal sustainability in one of the two B&H entities, the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The author attempts to address changes over time and relate these to the process of demilitarisation, as well as the influence and pressures exerted by war veteran associations, which resulted in policies favourable to certain war veteran groups, often at the expense of other beneficiaries and the system's long term sustainability. Social policy and war veteran legislation in the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina is status based, which provides scope for considerable discretion by government officials in deciding where to allocate funds. This, in turn, is destabilising public finances, while little is being done to address poverty alleviation.