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The title 'Forgetting Foucault?', minus the question mark (a very important omission, of course), is one I have borrowed from Baudrillard's famous paper of 1980 which tries to cut Foucault's thesis about power/knowledge down to size but fails to tell us exactly why Foucault should be forgotten'. 1 Racevskis describes the Baudrillard article as 'a fairly abstruse poetico-philosophic essay that indicts Foucault for collusion with prevailing myth-making strategies. Foucault,' Racevskis continues, 'is shown by Baudrillard to have become infatuated with the imagi- nary force of his own discourse, and his genealogy is depicted as a system satisfying a certain hegemonic logic of reason. ' 2 In effect, not only has Foucault not been forgotten, the contrary is the case; a Foucault industry has grown over the ten years since his death with a Centre for Foucauldian Studies set up in Paris. What were Foucault's own views about his posterity? Why would Baudrillard want us to forget Foucault and what is this continuing presence his memory constitutes? ; peer-reviewed

Volltext // 2011 digitalisiert von: Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, München. Exemplar mit der Signatur: München, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek -- Per. 254 o-22

Richard Joly. NOTRE DEMOCRATIE D'IGNORANTS INSTRUITS. Ottawa: Les Editions Leméeac Inc., 1981. 239 pp.

Gospel Herald interview with Yoder on "The Politics of Jesus", published in 1978.

[Para. 1 of Introduction]: Migration is shaping societies around the world. It has long defined settler countries, such as Canada; it is affecting communities of departure and return, ranging from the Azores to Zimbabwe; and it is increasingly impacting countries that have traditionally not considered themselves as major immigrant destinations, like many European countries. Meanwhile, individual migrants and their families experience departure, migration, and arrival differently than the communities shaped by them. From both societal and individual perspectives, we can ask whether migration accomplishes what it promises to achieve. Does migration contribute to the economic, social, and cultural well-being of societies? Do migrants and their families find a pathway to security, achieve social and economic upward mobility, and gain opportunities to participate in the political and cultural life of their arrival communities? The Promise of Migration addresses these questions through a critical lens. ; Bauder, H. (Ed.). (2019). The promise of migration : a companion to the International Metropolis Conference 2019, Ottawa, Canada. Toronto: Immigration, Refugees and Citizenship Canada; Graduate Program in Immigration and Settlement Studies, Ryerson University.

The purpose of this paper is to describe the findings of a survey of Bulgarian faculty about the extent to which their research is openly available, awareness of the European Union Competitive Council open access goal, support of the goal, and preferences for achieving it. The authors conducted a survey of 584 faculty at six universities in Bulgaria using the Qualtrics online survey software. There were 222 effectively surveyed respondents. Bulgarian researchers are aware of arguments in favor of open access and believe that it benefits researchers in their discipline. Only a little more than a third of Bulgarian faculty are familiar with the E.U. goal of open access to all publicly funded research by 2020. Once the goal is explained, they support it. Authors may not understand the intricacies of green and gold open access, but they are willing to meet the E.U. goal by either publishing in open access journals (the gold method) or depositing articles in open access repositories (the green method). The results are useful to countries and funding agencies interested in achieving open access to state funded research. To date, there has been no research that seeks to determine the degree to which researchers are aware of the E.U. Competitive Council goal or that seeks to determine faculty preferences for achieving that goal. This paper explores methods available for achieving open access to the results of publicly funded research in Bulgaria.

With new proposals and development initiatives, the government aims to maintain the momentum of economic growth. There is emphasis on keeping poverty and job losses to a minimum with no new taxes, expansion of social protection schemes, and increase in salaries. Initiatives to protect both formal and informal Small and Medium Enterprises (SMEs) have been announced in view of the stresses faced by private enterprises amid COVID-19.

This item is part of the Political & Rights Issues & Social Movements (PRISM) digital collection, a collaborative initiative between Florida Atlantic University and University of Central Florida in the Publication of Archival, Library & Museum Materials (PALMM).

Western democratic nation-states are governing (im)migrations through systemic indifference (a new form of systemic xenophobia and systemic racism). Majority self-aware ethnic groups (led by elites, i.e., the nation, the executive, the government) apply formal social control with total indifference to (and in contradiction with) social order and the rule of law. Social order and the rule of law are not honored (refusal of entry in humanitarian crisis, border outsourcing, and permanent state of exception in borders) or, in other cases, they are (dubiously) honored (approval of deportations) but not enforced. This systemic indifference has led to a Catch-22 in which immigrants are trapped (necropolitics, permanent state of exception in EU and US outside borders, border outsourcing, and hopeless free wandering in which immigrants may challenge, unintentionally and inadvertently, the internal social order). Western democratic nation-states show their deep internal contradictions in times of mass migrations, aged (and fast-aging) societies, populisms, authoritarianism, extremism and the reinforcement of whiteness. In XXI century, Western democratic nation-states´ weakness is an important challenge in front of other political systems (China with its Chinese Marxism, authoritarian regimes like Russia, Turkey…) which are gaining momentum. The EU and the US confront a catharsis of their traditional social and political paradigms: from national to post-national and multicultural societies. Majority self-aware ethnic groups oppose this paradigm change with systemic indifference, systemic xenophobia and systemic racism. ; Universidad de Málaga. Campus de Excelencia Internacional Andalucía Tech.

This chapter, being halfway between abstract economic theory and policy analysis, addresses one of the most contested issues in comparative economic studies, namely the role of human deliberation versus spontaneity at the macroeconomic level. To arrive at new insights. It adopts a cross-regional perspective and speculates, if the counter-intuitive practices of China, based on pragmatism and experimentation, trial and error, has indeed been superior to social engineering, as practiced in various forms across Europe. It also highlights the limitations to theoretical generalizations, i.e., making claims that remain valid at any time and any place, as mainstream economics suggests of its own insights.