Suchergebnisse

The author claims that all major efforts concerning European security have always been linked with the end of a war. Thus the end of the cold war has been marked with the expansion of NATO and an attempt to create a new security. By analysing the political scope of the expansion, the military and strategic framework, the Russian reactions, and the economic significance, the author comes to the conclusion that the expansion is not conducive to the establishment of an integral system of European security. The purpose of this development by Clinton's team was primarily to outline the new European borders (the key aspect of Clinton's foreign policy) and, in the future, to create the conditions for further expansion and admittance of new members. Only in the remote future, through constant expansion and links with other European organisations, NATO could turn into the central system of European security. (SOI : PM: S. 97)

Following the military defeat of the secular strategic orientation ("Drang nach Westen") in Croatia of Serbian political and intellectual elite, a question arises: which are the feasible strategic options of Serbian nationalist elites? Theoretically, three options are possible: (1) radical strategic reorientation: giving up entirely on the existing orientation and setting up new strategic priorities; (2) a respite and mustering strength for a new round (a reprise of the tactical variant of 1991); (3) hatching a novel, long-term tactical variation which would enable the achievement of strategic objectives step by step, by "peaceful means". The author finds the third option most viable, though there are no hints that such a choice has actually been made. However, supposing this option might eventually be acted upon, the author goes on to envisage the quandaries and dilemmas which political and intellectual elites in Serbia might be faced with. (SOI : PM: S. 44)

The collapse of the communist systems has brought about the crisis of identity and the political efficacy of the left not solely in Eastern Europe but in the West as well. Due to this situation, the author claims, all the elements of the traditional leftist identity have come under scrutiny. This applies both to the political ingredients common to all leftist parties (the primacy of economy, rejection of private ownership and market, egalitarianism, collectivism and the theory of progress) as well as the elements which instigated irreconcilable differentiations within the left (internationalism vs. nationalism, parliamentary democracy, the attitude towards violence, reform vs. revolution). The author concludes that due to the complex structure of the problems facing leftist parties and other political protagonists as well, there is little possibility for the emergence of an all-embracing leftist political programme; instead, partial programme variations should be expected. (SOI : PM: S. 21)

The author primarily studies the works of Croatian and non-Croatian theologians and historians puplished since the 1980s which deal with the cultural and political activities of the Serbian Orthodox Church in Croatia and Bosnia-Hercegovina. In the article's introduction, the author stresses that in recent times there has been a growth of interest in this topic because of the increased political activity of the Serbian Orthodox Church in the former Yugoslavia and its attitude toward Serbian aggression in Croatia and Bosnia-Hercegovina. He also cites publications written by Croatians and non-Croatians that were published from 1918 to 1982. The main issues of his analysis are the jurisdiction of the Patriarchate of Pec outside of the Ottoman Empire's borders; the problem of the union of churches during the 17th and 18th centuries; the role of the Serbian Orthodox Church in the process of Serbian national integration in Croatia and Bosnia-Hercegovina during the 19th and early 20th century; and finally, the problem of theological debates and political developments during the 20th century. Special emphasis is also placed on the behaviour of the Church during the course of the Second World War, when it collaborated with German occupational forces. After the war, the Serbian Orthodox Church not only kept silent about this, but it also made unsubstantiated claims about the wartime collaboration of the Croatian Catholic Hierarchy and the Croatian people. The author concludes by saying that further research is needed into these and other related topics so that new light may be thrown on the more than three hundred year long history of the Serbian Orthodox Church in Croatia. (SOI : CSP: S. 176)

The author argues that in the debates about "democratic transition" of post- socialist societies the importance of development of state of law for the formation of democracy has not been sufficiently accounted for. The absence of state of law results in the formation of authoritarian structures of politi power which in the long run obstruct the process of democratization. Those structures include the concentration of political power in the hands of charismatic leaders, the transformation of political into economic power, the formation of clientelist structures, the development of a system of privileges and corruption, and the break-down of the state monopoly of the means of violence, resulting in the "refeudalization" of political power. In conclusion the author describes two developmental options for the post-socialist societies: the formation of a "Latin American" type of authoritarian-populist regimes or the gradual transformation towards a Western type of state of law and liberal democracy, initiated by the pressures from the international environment and internal forces. (SOI : PM: S. 85)

In this study the author looks at the life of Istria's small Jewish community during the first half of the twentieth century. He sheds light on the process of socialization and acculturation that took place in urban environments during the period of industrialization. He examines the complex relations between the Jewish and Christian communities. He studies the role played by the Jewish community in the socioeconomic and cultural life of Istria. In particular, he examines the issue of Jewish self-identity before and during the period of fascist rule. He especially studies the effects of racial laws. He also writes about the differences between Italian fascist and nazi anti-semitic policies, especially apparent after the capitulation of Italy, when German forces undertook a policy of extermination of Jewish communities on the Italian territories they occupied. Parallel to this, the author tries t show the conditions in which Jews lived at that time, when they were reduced to the status of non-citizens. (SOI : CSP: S. 95)

The author suggests that Dayton peace accord is primarily an expression of the West's (particularly American) strategic interests, both regional and global. Numerous political constellations which have surrounded the conflict in the former Yugoslavia can be explained if this proposition is accepted. The lamentations that the recognition of Slovenia and Croatia was premature is an expression of the disgruntlement over the failure to incorporate the entire Yugoslav territory within the western interest sphere and the consequent relinquishment of Serbia to Russia. In Southeastern Europe, Russia has proved the sole American strategic ally. Americans, realizing that their strategic interests became vulnerable due to the European rivalries, decided to strike o its own. The Dayton constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina as a multicultural state is built on current political principles in line with the requirements of the moment which include antifascism, anticommunism, antiterrorism, human rights and multiculturalism. author concludes that Croatian politics should fall in line with the strategic preferences of the West which would enable it to accomplish ist national interests. (SOI : PM: S. 156)

The author presents the situation and the fate of the Germans in the Danube-basin (German and Austrian minorities) in Croatia after the World War Two. He also deals with the fundamental problems (political, legal, cultural, economic demographic etc.) and points at the most important Yugoslav, Croatian and German sources and literature. (SOI : CSP: S. 233)

A democratic state's constitution ought to guarantee basic personal, political, economic, social, cultural and ecological rights and freedoms of individuals and citizens and shape an efficient system of legal and juridical protection of all the guaranteed human rights. The Republic of Croatia, since its Constitution of 22 December 1990, has undoubtedly been a democratic constitutional state. The Croatian Constitution is an example of the adoption of the constitutional option in the establishment of the constitutional regime. After seven years of its application, it is clear that there is something controversial in its content regarding the fundamental rights and freedoms of individuals and citizens as well as in their legal protection at the constitutional/legal level. Also contentious are the constitutional provisions regarding the structure of the government and local self-rule and administration. There have been many misunderstandings and dangerous constitutional/legal and constitutionallpolitical illusions regarding this matter, particularly concerning the Croatian semi-presidential system and parliamentarism. This analysis shows that semipresidential system, as a specific variant of parliamentary government, is extremely adaptable to all possible changes in both the party and the broader political setting. (SOI : PM: S. 120)

The author presents the last days of the World War Two in the Independent State of Croatia, with a special emphasis on political and military situation at the end of 1944 and beginning of 1945, as well as the development of the war situation in May 1945. The list of the most important published sources and literature is also included. (SOI : CSP: S. 505)

The author analyses the possibilities of a symbiosis of the democratic and the constitutional principle, the expression of the strain between the desire for popular sovereignty and the wish to establish the fundamental rules of political life as permanently as possible. Sieyes' distinction between the constituting and the constituted power can easily link the idea of popular sovereignty with the idea of constitutional state, but cannot answer the question of the constituting power's right to restrain the constituted power. Since its inception, the democratic constitutional state has been a dyadic entity i.e. a democratic and constitutional state. The dilemma is whether to respect the existing constitution and follow the procedure envisioned for amending it, or to make amendments following a revolutionary breach with the existing situation i.e. a direct manoeuvre of the constituting power. The author is in favour of separating what the constituting power may decide upon and what the constituted power may decide upon, since this maintains the balance of both types of powers in a constitutional state. (SOI : PM: S. 28)

The author discusses the basic structure of Mancur Olson's political economy. He highlights three concepts on which it is based - public goods, interest groups, and selective incentives. The last concept represents Olson's innovation in contemporary political science. The author's central methodical assumption is based on the insight that Olson's key theory is linked with the so-called public goods paradox. Unlike private goods, public goods are non-competitive and non-exclusive, which means that it is not possible to bar those who do not share the costs of their production from using them. On the basis of this, Olson has developed the original theory of interest groups. By looking into the costs of organizing along interest lines as a collective activity whose result is a public good, he distinguishes between large, heterogeneous, and small, homogeneous groups. Besides, he has shown that, regarding public goods, individuals tend to behave as free riders, defaulters who try to avoid the costs of securing these goods. The author shows that Olson has, notwithstanding certain flimsiness of his reductionist methodology, significantly revamped political science. (SOI : PM: S. 202)

The author analyses the genesis and the scenarios of the Kosovo crisis resolution, as well as the possible political reverberations of the NATO military intervention. The premise is that the Kosovo crisis is only a continuation of the break-up of the former Yugoslavia, that Kosovo has for centuries been a separate entity largely populated by Albanians, that the policy of Serbian nationalism has permanently discriminated against the Albanian population and that prior to the recent air strikes against Yugoslavia Serbia had systematically led an ethnic-cleansing campaign on Kosovo. Although the author recognises that the support for the NATO military action can hardly be found in the tenets of the UN Charter, he argues that it can nevertheless be justified by international law. He points out that NATO's military campaign enjoyed a broad support of the people of NATO member countries, but that it has made a rift in the European left. The new left was in the forefront of the action, while the old, dogmatic and sectarian left, found itself in the ranks of its most vocal opponents. The author claims that Milosevic, with his overall politics, and particularly his policy on Kosovo, had propelled the West into an action it could not extricate itself from. He concludes that the consequences of Belgrade's defeat will be: 1. The collapse of Milosevic' regime (the beginning of his end); 2. The final incapacitation of Milosevic' politics to create new conflicts; 3. The protectorate over Kosovo and its autonomy, with a factual independence from Serbia; 4 The independence of Montenegro; 5. Reinforcing the Dayton policy in Bosnia and Herzegovina (eliminating centrifugal tendencies); 6. The organised participation of the West in the transitional processes in this region (The Pact on the Stability of Southeast Europe); 7. Bolstering the democratic and weakening the undemocratic tendencies in the region. (SOI : S. 14)

The author discusses the history of Croatian teaching in the Independent State of Croatia, a topic seldom written about up to now. For the first time a short review of the organization of the secondary school education in Zagreb during the World War Two is presented, and particularly the development of Croatian educational concepts and practice in the Independent State of Croatia. (SOI : CSP: S. 567)

The archival material about the Croatian Parliament during the World War Two is kept in the Croatian State Archives in Zagreb and it is an important source for studying the period of the Independent State of Croatia. The author presents a short survey of the archival material, pointing out its value in studying political, social and economic situation in the Independent State of Croatia. (SOI : CSP: S. 590)