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A paper describes challenges of globalization, Europeanization and new governance towards institution of public administration body (in the fi elds of law and public management). An author mentions basic assumptions of modern public governance and main, significant elements of processes of globalization and Europeanization. It is necessary to consider the legal institution of public administration body (especially in administrative law and science of administration). The paper describes current problems of mentioned topic (such as varied kinds of development and progress – especially connected with information society). The author suggests to appreciate the complex of global values. Finally he describes the aftermentioned phenomenons not only as threats, but also as opportunities. The author recomended to use their to a better development.

By 2014, the EU will celebrate the 10th anniversary of the biggest ever expansion of its borders. In 2004, among its members appointed countries of the region, which since the end of World War II have been isolated politically, economically and mentally from benefits of the ,,Western" integration. The upcoming anniversary is a good time for a broader rethink how Poland uses the existing opportunities that obtained with the accession to the EU. The thesis of the author is the conviction that without the accession to the EU, Poland would not have obtained the current relative stability in the political, economic and social. However, at the same time, author believes the EU would fail without Polish current role in international relations. By analyzing the above issues, author tries to answer the question of whether currently existing opportunity to strengthen the position of the Polish EU, specifically in the first circle of integration by strengthening cooperation with Germany? In addition, the article is subjected to criticism, opinions about the marginal role of Polish in the European structures. Author in the following dissertation is based on extensive literature Polish and foreign, as well as his own thoughts and previous work published in national journals."

In recent years the euro area has been characterised by a very low rate of economic growth (in some years there was even a real reduction in the volume of production). This has launched a debate among economists about the instruments to be applied in public policy to bolster the economy. In this article the author analysed the possible effects of fiscal and monetary policy on economic growth when economic stagnation in the euro area is accompanied by a high level of public debt as a percentage of GDP and a very low level of the interest rates set by the central bank as well as market interest rates. On the basis of economic theory the author considers whether expansionary fiscal policy will contribute to the growth of real output, or merely enlarge the public debt and increase the risk of sovereign debt default and currency crisis. The author also introduced the concept of quantitative easing as an instrument of expansionary monetary policy.

The place of the Union of Horodło in the Polish-Lithuanian union negotiations in the years 1492–1506 The article refers to the diplomatic talks and discussions in the years 1492–1506 whose aim was to renegotiate the conditions of the Polish-Lithuanian union. The author is of the opinion that in spite of the evolution of the Polish-Lithuanian relations, during the reign of Casimir Jagiellon, the Union of Horodło was still regarded as formally binding. The course of the political negotiations has been presented taking into account the interests of all interested parties – the Kingdom of Poland, Grand Duchy of Lithuania and the Jagiellon dynasty. Hence the author's minute analysis of the successive changes within the detailed conditions of the planned union. Apart from that, the author discusses the issue of the preparation of the union documents and their circulation. The author is of the opinion that the apparent renewal of the Union of Horodło in 1501, reported by some sources, was in reality associated with the transumptions of the Horodło and Grodzieńsk agreements, which were dated only a few months after the formulation of the act of the new Polish-Lithuanian union. Yet the purpose of transuming the documents of the old unions, does not seem to be quite clear.

Sphere of values and related to them determinants of policy making constitute current issues in the social sciences. The author presents good practices in terms of partnerships among actors in the process of creation, implementation and evaluation of public policy, emphasizing their axiological foundations. This is primarily applicable in the knowledge sector which is an area particularly sensitive on the institutional ground because of great aspirations of the creators engaged. The article explains the concept of the knowledge sector using a group of related terms such as knowledge society, information society, knowledge-based economy, knowledge management and formulates a number of recommendations for development of this sector. The author presents the institutional structure of the knowledge sector in functional terms with emphasis on the demand of their greater integration in the pro-development activities. Subsequently, there is a presentation of constitutional norms, based on which the social dialogue and partnership are suggested as fundamental principles in the knowledge sector. The author examines the mission of the state emphasizing the importance of its role as a guarantor of these values and rules. Finally, the article presents the instruments of public policy towards the knowledge sector focusing on the importance of the principles and best practices in cooperation between public policy makers and their social partners – the creators of knowledge.

The idea of a mutual relationship between an individual and the society to which this individual belongs emerged relatively early in the history of human thought. To fully understand how Maya statehood formed during the Pre-Classic period it is worth analysing sociological and anthropological theories referring to the concept of society. This is why the author tries to introduce the reader to the crucial notions and theories associated with the appearance of the first proto-state centres in the first part of my paper. The second part addresses the development and evolution of social and political structures in the Maya state directly. For a better perspective, the author has also decided to briefly present the fully developed social structure which is characteristic of the late Pre-Classic period and the classic Maya culture, which is a direct descendant of the earlier structures.

The subject matter of the essay is the tasks of the President of the Energy Regulatory Authority in relation to energy policy in Poland. The essay is divided into two parts. The first part presents basic information about the national regulatory authority, regulation and kinds of energy policy. The second focuses on the tasks of the President of the Energy Regulatory Authority in various areas, such as: energy effectiveness, energy security, renewable forms of energy and competition in the energy market. The article examines the tasks carried out by the President in the past and those which must come into force in the future to modernize the Polish energy market. Finally, the author thrashes out the legal relations between the functions of the President of the Energy Regulatory Authority and the aims mentioned in Polish energy policy. The author pays special attention to the problems of liberalisation in the energy market in Poland.

The author of the paper presents a typology of parliamentary parties in Poland on the basis of what he deems to be the key element when establishing a party, namely its political platform. He outlines social-democratic, liberal, Christian-democratic, conservative, people's parties, independence parties and the parties he terms as non-standard ones. He concludes by presenting a table with an interesting list of all the parliamentary parties from the first to the seventh term. ; The author of the paper presents a typology of parliamentary parties in Poland on the basis of what he deems to be the key element when establishing a party, namely its political platform. He outlines social-democratic, liberal, Christian-democratic, conservative, people's parties, independence parties and the parties he terms as non-standard ones. He concludes by presenting a table with an interesting list of all the parliamentary parties from the first to the seventh term.

Young Citizen – Nonvoter? Students of Institute of Political Science (Pedagogical University in Cracow) as Participations of Electoral ProcessesTh e author concentrates on the problem of a role of young citizens in a contemporarystate and society. For this reason he assumes that their social and political attitudes,which are shaped today, will determine the quality of democracy in the future. In descriptionof motivation for voting we should notice not only the problem of internalapathy but also external alienation. Th e author, relating to empirical data from hisown research among students of Pedagogical University in Cracow, attempts to showreasons of their political passivity. Nonvoter in this study is understood as a personwho declares an absence in all kinds of election (local, parliamentary, presidential,European). Th e analysis of group of students who are potentially nonvoters leads tothe conclusion that young citizens are unplugged. Th ey are disappointed with contemporarypolitics and generally not connected with any political, social and localorganizations.

The article discusses the concept of civil society. The author briefly elaborates on how this concept developed and enumerates the factors that determine its condition. The problem of social incapability of civil behaviour in public life continues to be an issue. The author points to the era of socialism and transformation processes as the causes of the current situation. A very important part in raising children and youngsters as future citizens is played, among others, by schools. Formally, this happens by means of implementing civil education. Various initiatives are launched nationwide and across Europe to promote civil education and prepare individuals for the role of active citizens in democratic societies. Do Polish citizens know their rights and responsibilities? Do they engage in any forms of civil activity? Are they aware of the mechanisms that are at work in civil societies? This article attempts to answer the question of what it means to be a citizen nowadays. ; 31 ; 167 ; 175 ; 9 ; Studia Edukacyjne

The purpose of this article is to capture one of the key features of the political thought that developed in the United States of America. Assuming that the USA's political culture is indeed exceptional, the author attempts to find the common denominator that would reflect the singularity of the American political mind. The author states that such a feature is the radical anti-historicality of the American mode of thinking about politics. It is a phenomenon that is deeply-rooted in the political and spiritual past of the United States and seems to be crucial because it never developed to such an extent in other traditions. Furthermore, even today to a large extent it defines both the American left and right. It is also very much present in academic discussion as well as in ordinary political activities. By anti-historicality the author means the rejection of the thesis that politics within a given society depends on that society's past experience. The phenomenon defies simple normative assessments. On the one hand, it protects American politics from the perils of radical historicism; on the other hand, it hinders the USA's contacts with other political bodies. However, the author concludes that understanding American anti-historicality is crucial when entering into any relations with the USA. Celem artykułu jest porównanie i przeciwstawienie brytyjskiej polityki wobec kryzysu w Libii i w Syrii odpowiednio w 2011 i w 2013 roku. Szuka się w nim odpowiedzi na pytanie, dlaczego parlament brytyjski, który w 2011 roku tak zdecydowanie poparł użycie siły przeciwko Libii, wstrzymał swoje poparcie dla akcji militarnej w Syrii w sierpniu 2013 roku. Autor wskazuje, że perspektywa masakry w libańskim mieście Benghazi przekonała brytyjskiego premiera, że akcja międzynarodowa była pilną koniecznością. Rezolucja Rady Bezpieczeństwa ONZ pozwalająca na akcję militarną w celu ochrony libijskiej ludności cywilnej oraz fakt, iż interwencję poparło kilka rządów na Bliskim Wschodzie, również przyczyniły się do uznania jej przez rząd brytyjski za w pełni uprawnioną. Jednakże dwa lata później brytyjski parlament skutecznie zawetował udział Wielkiej Brytanii w atakach powietrznych przeciwko Syrii. Było to skutkiem, jak argumentuje autor, braku rezolucji ONZ w tej kwestii i wsparcia rządów w regionie dla Syrii oraz wątpliwości co do skuteczności akcji militarnej. W artykule podejmowane jest również pytanie, czy brak brytyjskiej interwencji w Syrii oznacza początek zwrotu w brytyjskiej polityce zagranicznej.

Evolution of Polish position towards European Union Common Security and Defence Policy The objective of this article is to present the evolution of Polish government position towards CSDP. The author points out the main stages of the Polish government attitude towards CSDP that were shaped by the consecutive governments. The author indicates that since 1999, when the CSDP was created, the position of Polish government has been changing from a very reserved or critical one to an opened approval and major involvement in the CSDP development. In author's opinion, there are three stages in regard to Polish position towards CSDP and the European Security and Defence Identity (ESDI) that led to CSDP creation. First stage dates back to 1990s and is related to ESDI and the way the European Union countries tried to implement its objectives; second one takes place between 1999 and 2004, when the CSDP was created and when Poland was participating in adhesion talks; third one, between 2004 and 2014, is characterized by a growing Polish support for the CSDP and stronger engagement of consecutive governments in the development of this process. Nonetheless, it should be mentioned that the CSDP has never been a priority in the Polish security policy.

The author analyses the selected aspects of capitalism in the countries of Central Europe. The author presents the various theoretical concepts that refer to the issue in question involving the concept coined by L. King and I. Szelenyi, which holds that the systemic changes in the countries of this region are specifically characterised by the perspective of 'from without' capitalism. They believe that the specificity of the capitalist system lies in the fact that in the key times of the post-communist changes of the political system, the issue of the absence of an important class of private owners was not addressed. In the West private proprietors were the ones that constituted the main driving force of an open-market economy. The article presents the advantages and drawbacks of an economic model formed by the dominant share of foreign capital, with an emphasis placed on the consequences of the issue in question on the limitations of the subjectivity of economic policy of a state as well as the development chances of local businesses. It manifests the fears that the model created in Poland (and in other countries of the region) after the year 1989 sets the role model for local enterprises of corporate subcontractors of mainly traditional or niche products and services.

Considerations included in the article by Robert Pyka concern tensions between a national country losing influence and still developing logic of the government of the globalised world. The crux of the matter is notions such as Pierr Rosanvalon's "counter‑democracy". The author asks about a contemporary sense of representative democracy, pointing to the contracting role of the country in the light of growing expectations of the citizens. Showing dangers coming from a global market, the sense of being lost in an abruptly changing reality, as well as alienation and the lack of understanding of actions of selected government representatives threaten with the arrival of post‑democracy in which the citizens stop treating a democratic system seriously and, in consequence, leave it. Critical considerations are confirmed by the author who quotes the studies pointing to the fall of election frequency among teenagers and a small engagement of the members of party organizations. An increase in a neutral or a negative attitude to institutionalized forms of representative democracy is accompanied by simultaneous searching for direct and more effective forms of political participation. In the end of the article Pyka admits that "democratic movements" are right believing that they will motivate the citizens to efficient actions shaping a new and better democracy in the 21st century.

The author claims that the development of the discipline of policy analysis and the professionalization of state activities in policymaking (from public education, public administration or political activities) takes the high quality policy studies. The policy analysis craft has plays many public role. Generally, its main task is to achieve the maximum of rational judgments relating to the key components in policymaking. It helps to diagnose the policy problems which affect the society and must be resolved, including capturing their dynamics before the damages are done. It supports as well the agenda setting which is to reflect the hierarchy of public problems. It helps to crystallize the evidence base which are to prove the effectiveness of policy intervention which has been planned. The author describes the historical circumstances in Poland shaping the cultural bias in policy analysis. He points to some public life practices which limit the inclination for analyzing policies or affect their quality. At the same time he emphasizes the significance of the professional policy analysis to make sure the decision making process is effective. It enables to detect many sorts of risks hidden on the stage of policy formulation and policy implementation. The public administration, political class, and many analytical institutions like think tanks have troubles in policy analysis.