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The subjectivity of human - being and the "J" consciousness have been the subject of reflection for many moralists, theologians, philosophers, psychologists and sociologists as well. One of the reasons of using the word "identity" in the political science language, among others, is its usefulness in many analyses of interactions among subjects of political life. The "national" identity plays a special role in this process. The determinants of identity are symbols, rules, and behaviour, which are a requisite of the sense of community. One year after the EU accession the author analyses some phenomena in Poland in the context of national feelings and their possible transformations in the direction of European society. Analysing the origins of Polish identity and its factors in a new geopolitical situation, the author estimates the essence and character of changes in the Polish society, and studies the possibility of changes in the Polish national consciousness - "a citizen of united Europe".

The author of the article analyses the idea of political change, focusing on the question whether this change in Poland after the year 1989 was carried out by way of revolution or reforms. he considerations characterise mainly the idea of Mirosław Dzielski and his community, as well as relations with their opponents. Several elements of the above-named theory are brought out in the text. Firstly, the necessity of making comprehensive social changes for the success of the planned change. Secondly, reality diagnosis is necessary. Thirdly, planning of the form of political change, and finally, creation of the project for 'the system of freedom'. The article shows the uniqueness of Dzielski's opinions as a liberal. The author puts special emphasis on the fact that according to him, the reforms program should be directed not at communists but communism. What's more, he perceived that in the Polish conditions there was a collision between freedom and democracy, whereas in his opinion the primacy should go the former.

Watching the events in the Ukraine, the Author poses the question of whether democracy is in danger. Since the relations between Ukrainian society and authorities are perceived as the most serious problem in the integration of Ukraine with the EU, democracy is at stake. It is acknowledged that even if the Ukraine develops two times faster than she is doing now, without the fulfillment of the condition of becoming a lawful state in terms of the relations between her citizens and authorities she cannot expect to elevate her status in the opinion of West European politicians. ; Watching the events in the Ukraine, the Author poses the question of whether democracy is in danger. Since the relations between Ukrainian society and authorities are perceived as the most serious problem in the integration of Ukraine with the EU, democracy is at stake. It is acknowledged that even if the Ukraine develops two times faster than she is doing now, without the fulfillment of the condition of becoming a lawful state in terms of the relations between her citizens and authorities she cannot expect to elevate her status in the opinion of West European politicians.

The European Social Fund is one of the instruments used to prevent the unemployment of people with disabilities in Poland. The Author of the paper assesses the degree to which in 2004–2006 Poland made use of the ESF financial resources under 'Measure 1.4' of the Sectoral Operational Programme for Human Resources Development. It is EFS funds and other EU resources that may, at least partially, prevent numerous problems. This may be achieved by the organization of vocational training and psychology workshops for people with disabilities and for those who collaborate with them. ; The European Social Fund is one of the instruments used to prevent the unemployment of people with disabilities in Poland. The Author of the paper assesses the degree to which in 2004–2006 Poland made use of the ESF financial resources under 'Measure 1.4' of the Sectoral Operational Programme for Human Resources Development. It is EFS funds and other EU resources that may, at least partially, prevent numerous problems. This may be achieved by the organization of vocational training and psychology workshops for people with disabilities and for those who collaborate with them.

Dynamism and complexity of international environment is reflected in Incessant rotation of values. Experience and knowledge from disaster of Two Enormous World Wars, grounded in complicated structure of contemporary world - democratic values, which have dominated circle of principles. The main role in this process was plaid by United Nations, that became promoter of peace and regard for otherness. The author analyze how international community had been changed. The awareness of circulation of values determines the way of human thinking and proclaimed such important factors in global system. Disproportions in development in different parts of the World are escalated by increasing economic cooperation between international actors, and Hi­tech achievements. Singular nation cannot solve this issue by itself. Challenges of globalization like: poverty and hunger, pollution, or gender unequal, demand transnational activity. Most of those disadvantages has argued how necessary global social movements are to neutralize global disproportions. The author notices that social activities in global assessment created new attitude for global citizens. Members of this new global community identify world as a common place. That project has been creating and in authors opinion belongs to one of the most important challenge in the future.

The Author presents the main elements of the Euroconstitution that have caused the greatest protest of French society and resulted in its rejection in the referendum of May 2005. These include: the ultra-liberal economic system of the EU, poor protection of human rights and the rights of employees, poor security of democratic functioning of the EU structures, subjecting of the EU defense policy to NATO, failure to provide for a secular character of states and insufficient guarantees of women's rights. The second part of the paper is devoted to the analysis of the activity of French civic society in the constitutional campaign and to the Author's participation in this campaign ; The Author presents the main elements of the Euroconstitution that have caused the greatest protest of French society and resulted in its rejection in the referendum of May 2005. These include: the ultra-liberal economic system of the EU, poor protection of human rights and the rights of employees, poor security of democratic functioning of the EU structures, subjecting of the EU defense policy to NATO, failure to provide for a secular character of states and insufficient guarantees of women's rights. The second part of the paper is devoted to the analysis of the activity of French civic society in the constitutional campaign and to the Author's participation in this campaign

The article brings up the issue of the attitude of the Polish liberal community towards integration with the European structures. Its objective is to show the attitudes, opinions and argumentation of the liberal pro-integrative option after the year 1989. In this regard, the standpoints of the following parties are analysed: Citizens' Movement for Democratic Action (ROAD), Democratic Union (UD), Liberal-Democratic Congress (KLD), Freedom Union (UW) and Civic Platform (PO). In further parts of the article, the author shows that to liberal parties Western Europe constituted a synonym of freedom, democracy, prosperity and progress. One can get an impression that this fascination was so strong that it was trusted without any critical reflections. As a result, the liberals contributed to the guiding of Poland's development, accepting the pro-western option that was maintained and consistently realised by all successive governments.

The political leadership concerns a special kind of performed assignments, arriving at a decision of a greater meaning and rank than the resolutions of other kind of leaders. It is related to power domain that is bigger in comparison with the non-political leaders, because it includes more numerous and more varied measures of authority. This problem is analysed by the authors of publications in "Nasz Dziennik". They comment on the present political and social situation in Poland to show who should be their ideal. As shown by this study, this vision is characteristic of all groups connected with the daily. Due to their association with the same group of media, consumer people who are different in respect of sex, profession and social group activities, share similar opinions. A scientific background accumulated by the author of the articles, takes also the opinion of the newspaper's readers into account. The analysis of these texts is to compose the models of political leaders. personality to answer the question - what is the 'ideal' promoted by "Nasz Dziennik". Because of the radical language used in this newspaper, the author examines the positive and negative qualities of political leaders to build a true image. The article shows that the anti.model of political leaders created by the daily contains a criticism of liberals, democrats, autocrats, tripe and figure heads and career bureaucrats. They all are the worse group of leaders due to having the greatest power and access to the media. Although we find many rationalized arguments in their negative opinions, the impression is the same - bad are those who govern. The criticism not only deals with democratic.liberal parties, but it was also leveled at AWS at the end of its regime. The situation of this last party did not live up to the expectations of "Nasz Dziennik", as such models are impossible to realize. The model is not interchangeable. In the articles, we find the opinions which refuse an ideal role of a particular person in leadership, but at the same time we can hear the voices for building programmes and visions around a strong authority.

After the reform in January 1st, 1999 Polish public administration has been divided into three levels, with following basic units a community, a county and a voivodeship. These units of local self-government should provide public services for the locals but generally they fulfill their tasks below standard,an effect of which is considerable public dissatisfaction. The study undertakes to distinguish the prerequisites for the efficient realization of public services. The introduction contains a definition of public services and presents the concept of a system approach to self-government administration. It has been assumed that the improvement of the organization of self-government administration concerns two areas: the organizational structure and the administrative procedures relevant for the realization of public services. This approach enabled the author to distinguish the prerequisites for the efficient realization of public services, which were characterized in the consecutive part of the study. The conclusion presents the areas and methods for the improvement of the organization of self-government administration institutions.

The question of the so-called democracy deficit in the European Union is one of the most interesting and complex problems and, at the same time, one of the most important challenges the European Union faces at the begining of the 21st century. As emphasised by many scientists and politicians, the process of European integration requires planting, among the citizens of Member States, of firm belief that theirs is a true influence upon the process. In other words, better legitimization of the European Union activities is needed. The article deals with certain aspects of the European Union's institutional system operation in which democracy deficit reveals. Then, the Author analyzes such problems as competences, positions and interdependencies among the Council of the European Union, the European Commission, the European Parliament and the European Central Bank. Other problems addressed include qualified majority voting in the EU Council and the number of the European Parliament's members compared to the number of citizens in Member States, as well as passing of financial perspectives specifying the European Union's expenditures for several years to come.

Theories which are the base of this article refers to institutional project. Among democratic instruments we can mark out inter alia political institutions. But to find out more about mentioned aspects, It is necessary to examine and analyze fields, methods and ways of thinking about them. This particular dilemma is one of many which we can read about in famous book of James March and Johan Olsen "Rediscovering Iinstitutions. The Organizational Basis of Politics". At the beginning it's important to remind that the principle idea of theory of sovereignty is based on the fact that the people will should finally overweight. Thought, it is important to answer actual questions like who adhere to "the people", how it's possible to recognize their "will", how long does "finally" take and what exactly "overweight" means. Theories distincts in this matters. But it is crucial to straight out that those slim differences are very important, because their interpretation transfer to distinction of two opposite political processes called by their authors aggregated and integrated ones. Moreover, making short simplification, the same distinction is combined with well known contrast between contractual and collective view on social organization which grew on dissimilarities between societies defined as collectivistic and individualistic ones. This article inspired by "Rediscovering Iinstitutions. The Organizational Basis of Politics" book refers to proposition of dividing political processes into aggregated and integrated ones. After broad explanation March's and Olsen's theories, the author compare them to other conceptions like contractual and collective ones trying to find common bounds same as main fields of disagreement of mentioned theories.

Theories which are the base of this article refers to institutional project. Among democratic instruments we can mark out inter alia political institutions. But to find out more about mentioned aspects, It is necessary to examine and analyze fields, methods and ways of thinking about them. This particular dilemma is one of many which we can read about in famous book of James March and Johan Olsen "Rediscovering Iinstitutions. The Organizational Basis of Politics". At the beginning it's important to remind that the principle idea of theory of sovereignty is based on the fact that the people will should finally overweight. Thought, it is important to answer actual questions like who adhere to "the people", how it's possible to recognize their "will", how long does "finally" take and what exactly "overweight" means. Theories distincts in this matters. But it is crucial to straight out that those slim differences are very important, because their interpretation transfer to distinction of two opposite political processes called by their authors aggregated and integrated ones. Moreover, making short simplification, the same distinction is combined with well known contrast between contractual and collective view on social organization which grew on dissimilarities between societies defined as collectivistic and individualistic ones. This article inspired by "Rediscovering Iinstitutions. The Organizational Basis of Politics" book refers to proposition of dividing political processes into aggregated and integrated ones. After broad explanation March's and Olsen's theories, the author compare them to other conceptions like contractual and collective ones trying to find common bounds same as main fields of disagreement of mentioned theories