Suchergebnisse

The paper analyses the increasingly acute problem of low voter turnout for the elections for the European Parliament. The author identifies the key determinants of electoral participation, & focuses on how election campaigns affect the electorates' mobilization. By analyzing the results of various polls & by applying Sinnott's model of voter participation to the Slovenian institutional context, the author outlines the key circumstances leading to the disturbingly low voter turnout. The author points out the weaknesses of the institutional preconditions -- in the form of certain awkward electoral institutions, primarily regarding the institutional mobilization marked by half-baked electoral strategies of political parties & the unremarkable & dull campaigns -- that are supposed to increase voter participation. The low level of institutional mobilization has evidently affected the electorate's perceptions of power & trust in political institutions. This is why the institutional incentives for taking a vote have not been sufficient. By way of conclusion the author offers some recommendations concerning how to alter & improve the electoral institutions & the practice of the ED political parties, states & institutions. Tables, Appendixes, References. Adapted from the source document.

The author describes the political & geopolitical genesis of the Kosovo crisis & offers a polemically intoned criticism of the great powers regarding their policies in the entire territory of the former Yugoslavia, particularly Kosovo. The author advocates the continuation of the military struggle of the Kosovo Albanians until they have achieved their total political independence. 5 Appendixes. Adapted from the source document.

U ovom radu autor analizira političku filozofiju minimalne države Roberta Nozicka, nasto-jeći na objektivan način predočiti njezin značaj, ali i nedostatke. Autor se fokusira na Nozickovo shvaćanje nastanka države djelovanjem nevidljive ruke dominantnog zaštitnog udruženja, preko ultraminimalne do minimalne države. Iznesen je kritički osvrt na Nozicko- vu teorija pravde u posjedima na osnovu ovlaštenja, pri čemu autor ukazuje određene sla-bosti i nedorečenosti navedene teorije. U kontekstu teorijske rasprave s Johnom Rawlsom o središnjem pitanju distributivne pravde, fokus je na kritici modeliranog koncepta pravde. Autor dovodi u pitanje i Nozickovo poimanje određenih segmenata marksističkog učenja, nerijetko nalazeći ideološku isključivost. Zaključno se osvrće na Nozickovo napuštanje libertarijanskih svjetonazora, pritom iznoseći objektivan pogled na njegovu političku filozofiju. ; The author analyzes Nozick's political philosophy of minimal state, to present its significance and disadvantages objectively. The author focuses on Nozick's view of the emergence of the state by the act of the invisible hand of the dominant protective association, from the ultraminimal state to the minimal state. The central part of the paper is Nozick's theory of justice, where the author points out its specific weaknesses and inconsistencies. In the context of a theoretical debate with John Rawls on the central issue of distributive justice, the focus is on criticizing the modelled concept of justice. The author also problematizes Nozick's perception of certain segments of Marxist theory, to find ideological exclusivity. Finally, the author comments on Nozick's abandonment of libertarian worldviews, giving an objective perspective on his political philosophy.

The author analyzes the classical postulate of Hobbes' political theory, starting from the negation of man's social character, with which Hobbes broke from the Aristotelian tradition. The author also shows through Hobbes' theory that the category of fear is a crucial notion in modern political science. During the later development of political thought, however, the category of fear remained outside the main scope of interest of political theory, it was pushed on the margins of theoretical study & was thrown out of the field of politics. The author stresses that power, & the desire for it is Hobbes' political constant, seeing the thesis on power as one Hobbes' most significant politico-sociological or even anthropological theses. It could also be said that in Hobbes' model, fear produces power, namely, that power, to use the contemporary language of psychoanalysis, is a compensation for fear & insecurity. The author also shows that Hobbes built his entire political theory on conclusions which he drew from the analysis of an extreme situation, the situation of civil war, i.e. war of all against all. His doctrine of the natural state is based one the experience of civil war. People want the same things, of which there is not enough to go around, & so they become enemies. The author draws the conclusion that the superior sovereignty of Leviathan came about in the following categorical way: instinct for self-preservation -- fear of violent death -- distrust -- a conflict of all against all -- social contract -- sovereign power of the state of Leviathan. References. Adapted from the source document.

The author describes the political situation in Columbia from its independence to the present. In the first & the second part of the article the author shows the roots of Columbia's political problems & conflicts in the period 1830-1986. In the third part of the article, the author analyses the political situation in Columbia from 1986-2008, & presents the main argument of the article. It is argued that a new category of deficient democracies should be created -- named narcodemocracies. Columbia's deficient democracy could then be placed in that new category since all non-institutional actors influencing Columbia's deficient democracy are financed by narco-money, & the main institutional (constitutional) actor, the state of Columbia, is a recipient of a substantial financial help for fighting the narco industry. Adapted from the source document.

Having reflected on the concept of direct democracy & the possibility of its implementation, the author focuses on Germany & Austria. It is not possible to hold a federal referendum in Germany, although the Basic law explicitly states that the people exercise their power also through referenda. After analyzing the Weimar experience with direct democracy, the author argues that the reasons why there are no direct democracy mechanisms at the federal level do not lie in the "bitter experience of the Weimar Republic." Having considered the implementation of direct democracy mechanisms in the German provinces & in Austria, the author concludes that Germany & Austria are not the leading countries in employing direct democracy but they are surely not at the very back of the list. Adapted from the source document.

The author's starting assumption is the domination of two undemocratic ideological orientations: liberalism & republicanism. The author sees republicanism & liberalism as the ideas proximate to the political or the democratic. These ideas operate semantically but cannot be identified with the political or the democratic. This is not possible as they are not commensurable structures. By providing a theoretical account of various historical traditions the author shows that European republicanism ignored democracy & considered it to be the worst form of government. This is partly true of the liberal political doctrine that evolved later. The author argues it is possible to convert republicanism to democratic pluralism i.e. that this is the biggest common good today. In this way republicanism may be spared its controversies. References. Adapted from the source document.

The author looks into the usefulness of the theoretical concepts that have popped up in the riveting perennial debate between liberals & multiculturalists that revolves around the states of the developed liberal democracy. The question is: how enlightening the theoretical categories of the Anglo-Saxon tradition are for us, & can the solutions from that tradition serve as a guideline in a transitional country such as Croatia. The argument unravels in three steps. In the first two parts the author presents some of the key theoretical concepts by outlining the discussions by Iris M. Young & Brian Barry, & in the third he challenges their usability. The author points out the theoretical as well as the practical-political problems stemming from the politicization of culture. References. Adapted from the source document.

Unlike the debates on terrorism in everyday discourse & the media that, as a rule, imply that terrorism is an activity of nonstate groups & organizations, the author defines "terrorism" by means of its acts' nature & goals & not by its perpetrators -- hence, state terrorism. The author outlines a typology of the state's involvement in terrorism & highlights the question of terrorism's moral status. His assumption is that any act of terrorism is an ultimate moral evil, but that state terrorism is a greater evil than terrorism as practiced by nonstate actors. The author offers four arguments to corroborate this view. The last paragraph of this article speaks about counterterrorism &, finally, about the "war on terrorism" waged today by the US & its allies. 18 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author outlines Haberle's theory of constitution in five parts: (1) the concept of the constitution; (2) the constitution as a public process; (3) the constitution as culture; (4) the "fifth" method of interpretation; (5) critical objections. With this division the author covers, if not all, then at least the essential features of Haberle's concept of the constitution. In the author's opinion, Haberle, after Savigny, worked out a new principle for interpreting the constitution -- the cultural principle. At the time of the decline of nation-states & the era of intensive international concurrence of constitutions, this principle -- apart from the classic methods of the interpretation of constitutions -- has been gaining importance. Finally, the author looks into the controversies triggered by Haberle's theory of constitutions. Adapted from the source document.

In the introductory part of the essay, the author looks into the connection between the establishment & attributes of the so-called state of law & the legal system of continental Europe. This is followed by his summary of the origins of the idea of the state of law & its historical setting. In the middle part of the essay the author offers a list of values, value principles & the premises of the so-called state of law with the corresponding conclusions about a marked, multilevel/multiple restricted meaning & scope of the (mostly) dogmatic, formal/legal principles of the so-called state of law. The author concludes the essay with a rough appraisal of the condition of the so-called state of art in the Republic of Croatia. 51 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author deals with one of the "classic" components of the state governed by law -- the principle of judges' autonomy -- using the example of the German legal system & its practice after the unification of 1990. Following a short outline of the evolution of the postulate of judges' autonomy, the author depicts the institutional framework of the present-day German judiciary, & then the quandaries ensuing from the unification of the legal systems of the two Germanies. Finally, the author describes Croatian problems. The Republic of Croatia, as a country in transition, & due to the specific circumstances caused by the Patriotic War, has found itself in a similar predicament. It has responded to these challenges, but not as successfully as Germany. Adapted from the source document.

The author is of the opinion that with the fall of the Berlin wall, not all obstacles to the free circulation of goods & people were eliminated -- either in Europe or in other regions of the world -- since there are numerous other walls standing in the way of establishing a global world or even a European order. In that context, agreement among the members of the European Union on the comprehensive control of "its borders" against nonmember European countries is considered by the author as a type of new "curtain," not "iron" any longer, but electronic. Its function, the author claims, is to divide Europe into EU & non-EU, which is harmful for the promotion of the European idea in the spiritual & material senses in many ways. Adapted from the source document.

This article's starting point is the fact that the modern state emerged in the course of the French revolution. The author looks into the political consequences of the creation of the modern state & nationalism. His thesis is that it is not possible to provide a general definition of these two phenomena, since their role & the theoretical foundations can be grasped only within a social & historical context. The author first expounds on the historical role of the nation in the formation of the French, American, & German states, & then goes on to explain the systematic role of the creation of nation in the formation of modern societies. In closing, the author applies his theoretical model of nation research to Croatia. 8 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author analyzes Arendt's attempt at a rehabilitation of political thinking. He describes the influence of Greek & Roman practical philosophy on Arendt as well as her distancing from Martin Heidegger as a nonpolitical thinker. In the end, the author offers an insight into the failure of the Western metaphysics of the political when confronted with the factuality of a specific political life. Adapted from the source document.