Suchergebnisse

Autor donosi prikaze osobnih proučavanja utvrđenih zbijenih naselja na položajima Gradina na Prizni, na sjevernom obalnom rubu Velebitskog kanala i utvrde Sutojanj na sjevernom rtu otoka Paga. To su primjeri utvrda, koje se uklapaju u cirkummediteransku sliku kastrizacije primjerene epohi cara Justinijana I. (527.-565.). Osvrtanje na spomenuta dva primjera utvrda od posebne je važnosti, jer s preostalim utvrdama uz sjevernu obalu Velebitskog kanala zapravo ocrtava početke procesa kastrizacije na arhipelagu i istočnom pročelju Jadrana. Taj je proces ujedno odredio i oblikovanje osebujnog kulturnog krajobraza na svršetku kasne antike i početku ranoga srednjeg vijeka u kojem će Bizantsko Carstvo, posredovanjem urbanih središta, dati znatan prinos. ; Taking as an example a part of the Velebit coastal area and the Pag archipelago group in the northern Dalmatian islands, in our paper dedicated to Nenad Cambi, whose work and life we are celebrating, we look at two important points in the area. Concerned are the positions of the fortification complexes of Gradina on Prizna, on the northern coastal rim of the Velebit Channel, located opposite the fortress of Sutojanj on the northern point of Pag Island. These are examples of fortified compact settlements with important components, or ports, which fit into the circum-Mediterranean image of the castrification typical of the epoch of Emperor Justinian I (527-565). Reference to these two examples of forts is particularly important, for with the other fortifications along the northern coast of the Velebit Channel the beginnings of the process of the castrification in the archipelago and along the eastern facade of the Adriatic can be depicted. This process also defined the beginnings of the Early Middle Ages. During summer and late autumn 1989 and 1990 the present author carried out a detailed reconnoitre of the field in the area from the strait of Novsko ždrilo in the south east to Donja Prizna on the south west of the Velebit Channel. Also carried out was an immediate field autopsy of the western part of the island of Pag. During these investigations an endeavour was made to verify the hypothesis that there are several new sites, or sites not well enough known to scholarship, on which there are significant characteristics of military construction from the time of the early rule of Byzantium in the Adriatic. From the field walking and remote research and the interpretation of monumental complexes and visits to the fortifications in Prizna and Sutojanj, it is possible to conclude that the archaeological facts found can persuade us that they belonged to a very important cultural and historical bridge across which Late Antiquity we gradually transited into the Early Middle Age. This is a very interesting transitional period marked by the widely ranging activity of the Eastern Roman Emperor Justinian I (537-565). The consequences of this activity are revealed on the eastern facade and the archipelago of the Adriatic and in its hinterland with a unique organisation of the physical space, with the building of new types of fort, with the renovation of the fortifications of urban centres, with marked secular and religious construction going on in every corner of the vast empire, then with the thallasocracy in the Mediterranean, and its northernmost gulf, the Adriatic. The new urbanism on the classical base, the victorious progress of Christianity marked by the policy and personality of Justinian I, the wide ranging commerce over great distances, founded on well distributed artistic and artisanal work, then warfare at several theatres of war, all changed the organisation of the space and created new cultural landscapes. Such landscapes, with their new place names, particularly the hagyotoponyms and the lasting points of reference - the forts and churches, were turned into a part of the world heritage that should be the subject of scholarly research, evaluation and presentation as added value to the tourist product. The epoch of Justinian I had a crucial influence on the beginnings of the formation of the early Middle Ages and at the same time preceded the long-lasting presence of the Byzantine Empire in the urban centres up and down the easternmshores of the Adriatic.

Demokracije su u opasnosti da će ih zadaviti populistički demagozi, koji se postavljaju kao jedini i istinski vođe "naroda", i koji zanemarujući ustavnu "strukturu slobode", parlamentarnu supremaciju, kontrolu sudova i, nadasve, ustavna ograničenja dovode u izravnu vezu s odlučivanjem biračkog tijela. Referendumi se sve više koriste za donošenje određenih odluka koje ne mogu proći u parlamentu. Tvrdi se da ne smije postojati nikakva prepreka vlasti naroda. Ovaj je fenomen najpoznatiji liberalni časopis The Economist obilježio novom riječju referendumanijom u kojoj se referendum izravno povezuje s manijom. U okolnostima kada televizija i Internet pokazuje svu bijedu brojnih skupština i to ne samo u novim već i u zrelim demokracijama taj je fenomen dobio punu simpatiju šire javnosti. Nakon što je u Velikoj Britaniji toj matici svih parlamenata referendum o Brexitu iskorišten kao instrument političke borbe što je dovelo do tekućeg "pretapanja" visoko cijenjenog britanskog političkog sistema izgleda da se ispunilo najgore moguće proročanstvo o napredovanju populističkih snaga u velikom broju europskih država. Republika Hrvatska je već dugo izložena takvim ugrozama od strane političkih grupa koje se ekstremno protive politici Vlade, počam od katoličkih konzervativaca a odnedavno i sindikalista. Zahvaljujući neadekvatnoj regulaciji refrerenduma o građanskim inicijativama gdje se ne govori o nikakvom kvorumu već se odluka donosi većinom onih koji glasuju mogućnosti manipulacije su ogromne. U postojećim okolnostima trajne konfuzije, brojni političari koji su već izjavili svoju namjeru da će ukoliko budu izabrani za Predsjednika Republike takav referendum koristiti radi uklanjanja svih kontrola i provjera koje postoje između šefa države i "naroda". Imajući u vidu krizu demokracije i smatrajući takve prijetnje sasvim ozbiljnim autor naglašava potrebu da se jednim međustranačkim dogovorom stvore uvjeti kojima bi se referendum uz odgovarajuću regulaciju uklopio u deemokreatski sistem ustavne demokracije. ; Democracies are at risk to be strangled by the populist demagogues, posturing as the only and true leaders of 'the people', while disregarding constitutional "structure of liberty", meaning that, the parliamentary supremacy, judicial review and, above all, the constitutional limits to the very direct decision making by the voters' constituencies. Referenda are being used ever more, often to push certain decision, which could not pass the parliament. The claim is that there must not be any limits to the power of the people. That phenomenon the most esteemed liberal magazine "The Economist" nicknamed coining the word "referendumania", apparently combining 'a mania' with 'referenda'. It has been received with a lot of sympathy by the general public, in circumstances when the television and the Internet shows all the misery of the numerous assemblies, not only in a new but also in the mature democracies. After the referendum on the Brexit has been used as an instrument of the political struggle in the mother of parliaments, Great Britain, which lead to the ongoing "melting down" of the highly valued British political system, it seems that the worst of prophecies are realized by advancing populist forces in a number of Euroepan states. Republic of Croatia has been for a long time exposed to such treats, by the political groups extremely opposed to governmental policies, first by the Catholic conservatives and most recently by the trade unionists. Due to the very inadequate regulation of the referenda on civil initiatives, whereas the decision is to be made by a majority of those who vote, without any quorum being provided, the posibilites of manipulation are enormous. In the lasting confusion, a number of politicians has already proclaimed their intention, if elected the president of the Republic, to use such a referendum in order to remove all the checks and balances between the chief of state and "the people". Taking such treats very seriously in the existing crisis of democracy, the author emphasizes hi plead for an interparty agreement which would enable the referendum to be properly regulated and thus incorporated into the system of a democratic constitutional democracy.

Papinske poruke mira već imaju svoju polustoljetnu tradiciju. Sve ovore o ugrozi mira među ljudima i narodima, njihovim vanjskim i duhovnim uzrocima, sve predlažu neka rješenja, svaka poziva na poštivanje temeljnih ljudskih prava, na nenasilni put rješavanja svih konflikata, na pravednije društvene odnose i sl. Za razliku od mnogih sličnih svjetskih poruka i poziva, konvencija i dogovora, njihova posebnost leži u teološko-antropološkom pristupu. Autor na primjeru 23 od 51 papinske poruke od 1996. godine istražuje transcendentnu i antropološku gramatiku mira i kulturu dijaloga koje pape u svojim porukama mira neumorno ističu, a svijet stalno zaobilazi. Papinske poruke ukazuju da je transcendentni mir temelj i polazište antropološkom miru. Mir je kao realna mogućnost Božji dar čovjeku, kojemu globalno tržište donosi više nemira, negoli mira, pa je čovjek neprestano pozvan raditi oko mira. Bog je transcendentni izvor mira, a čovjek je antropološko srce mira. Da bi se izgradilo istinsko drvo mira u svijetu, valja nužno mijenjati sliku o čovjeku i sliku o Bogu. Pape stalno upozoravaju da se mir kao opće dobro čovječanstva ne može ostvariti samo pozitivnim zakonima i kojekakvim konvencijama. Stoga zaključuju da moralni i teološki aspekti trebaju prožeti i oploditi one pravne norme i forme, da ljubav treba prožeti istinu i pravdu, a da pravda u pravednosti treba biti povezana ljubavlju. Tako oni grade most između transcendentne i antropološke razine, između mira i ljudskih prava, između ljudskih prava i pravednosti, između pravednosti i praštanja, između praštanja i pomirenja, između pomirenja i mira. Put dijaloga preko praštanja i pomirenja put je do pravoga mira koji se temelji na istini, pravednosti, ljubavi i slobodi. Dakle, kulturu rata i nasilja treba zamijeniti kulturom mira, a ostvarivati kulturom dijaloga i dijalogom kultura i religija. ; Papal messages of peace have already had a half-century tradition. Everybody speaks of threat to peace among people and nations, their external and spiritual causes; everybody proposes some solutions, calls for respecting the basic human rights, for a non-violent way of solving all the conflicts, for just human relationships, and the like. Unlike many similar world messages and calls, conventions and agreements, the specifics of papal messages lie in their theological-anthropological approach. Using the example of 23 of the 51 papal messages from the year 1996, the author investigates the transcendental and anthropological grammar of peace and culture of dialogue that popes tirelessly point out in their messages of peace, but the world constantly avoids them. Papal messages indicate that transcendental peace is the foundation and starting point for anthropological peace. Peace is, as a real possibility, God's gift to man. The global market brings a man more restlessness than peace, and that is why man is called to constantly strive for peace. God is the transcendent source of peace and man is the anthropological heart of peace. To build a genuine tree of peace in the world, it is necessary to change the image of man and the image of God. Popes constantly keep warning that peace as the common good of mankind cannot be achieved only through positive laws and all sorts of conventions. Therefore, they conclude that moral and theological aspects need to pervade and impregnate legal norms and forms, love must permeate truth and justice and justice in righteousness should be related to love. Thus, they build a bridge between the transcendent and anthropological level, between peace and human rights, between human rights and justice, between justice and forgiveness, between forgiveness and reconciliation, between reconciliation and peace. The path of dialogue, through forgiveness and reconciliation, is the path to true peace based on truth, justice, love and freedom. Thus, the culture of war and violence needs to be replaced by a culture of peace, which should be achieved through a culture of dialogue and through a dialogue between cultures and religions.

U radu autor analizira djelovanje Samostalne demokratske stranke (SDS) u Slavoniji i Srijemu 1924.-1929. Čitatelj se upućuje na okolnosti nastanka stranke, ustroj stranačke infrastrukture, etničku i socijalnu strukturu, tisak te rezultate na parlamentarnim, oblasnim i lokalnim izborima. SDS je, usprkos isticanju unitarističke dogme o jedinstvenom jugoslavenskom narodu, počivao na podršci srpskih birača i nalazio se u stalnom nadmetanju s radikalima za poziciju najjače srpske stranke slavonsko-srijemskog prostora. ; In this paper the author analyses the activities of the Independent Democratic Party (SDS) in Slavonia and Syrmia from 1924 to 1929. The reader will be familiarised with the circumstances of the development of the party, the organization of the party's infrastructure, the ethnic and social structure, the press and the results of parliamentary, regional and local elections. Although the Independent Democratic Party advocated the unitary dogma of a single Yugoslav nation, it was drew on the support of Serbian voters and constantly competed with the Radicals for the position of the most powerful Serbian party in the Slavonian-Syrmian territory. The Independent Democratic Party in Slavonia and Syrmia managed during the last four and a half years of the parliamentary regime of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes to make itself into a significant political factor. In the territories of the Virovitica and Požega County it was in a constant struggle with the Radicals for the position of the second most important political power, while in the territory of the Syrmian County it lagged behind the Radicals. However, it did not succeed in approaching Radić's Party which during that period succeeded in keeping the position of dominant political party. With respect to the Democratic Party that it had emerged from, the conclusion can be drawn that it attracted the majority of the members and adherents of the former united Democrats. The Independent Democratic Party in Slavonia and Syrmia drew heavily on the support of the Serbian electorate. On the one hand, this implies that the party had not entirely succeeded in affirming its unitary Yugoslav political platform, since it was evident that it was rejected by the Croats, the majority population. The struggle for the sympathy of the Serbian voters naturally led to fierce political confrontations with the Radicals, which were only temporarily calmed by the coalitions of the two parties at the level of the state as a whole. At the same time the Independent Democratic Party above all proved to be the political representative of the Serbian peasantry of the Slavonian-Syrmian area which implied confrontations with the Radicals and also with the ever-greatger influence of farmers. Various forms of para-political organization on which the unique Democratic Party had been successfully working before the party split (Peasant Councils, Voluntary Association and the Organization of Yugoslav Nationalists) considerably supplemented and thereby strengthened the power of the Independent Democratic Party after spring 1924. While monarchism and the Serbian electoral base considerably facilitated a short-term coalition with the Radicals in 1925 (National Block), the Independent Democratic Party and the Croatian Peasant Party (Peasant Democratic Coalition) shared lesser connecting features. The party leadership and certain sincere supporters of a coalition with Radić's Party (the leader of the Party in Osijek, Milan Stijić or the Pakrac Orthodox priest Danilo Podunavac) endeavoured to ease the ideological and programme differences by emphasizing the mutual menace to both the Croats and Serbs of the transriparian Serb areas. However, other Slavonian-Syrmian party leaders (Svetislav Popović and Milenko Marković) considered an alliance with the Croatian Peasant Party to be a great violation of the dogma of the national unity of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes or a threat to the centralistic state. Hence, it would be no exaggeration to state that Alexander's undemocratic act (probably) pre-empted a schism within the Independent Democratic Party.

S razvojem tehnologije i ulaskom u globalno doba dolazi do potrebe za izmjenama i unutar knjižnica kao stupova društva. Knjižnice su s izmjenama u informacijskoj, komunikacijskoj i prije svega u tehnološkoj sferi zahtijevale brzu prilagodbu novu načinu rada. Digitalizacija knjižnične građe koja se obrađuje u radu dugotrajan je i financijski i stručno zahtjevan proces koji treba doprinijeti poboljšanju rada knjižnica, pomoći korisnicima, poboljšati informacijsko opismenjavanje te potaknuti niz drugih čimbenika. Znanstvena zajednica, ali i šira društvena zajednica, s procesom digitalizacije imala bi veći pristup informacijama, a time i mogućnost usvajanja većega znanja. Da bismo govorili o procesu digitalizacije i njegovim prednostima, moramo prvo razlikovati pojmove poput digitalne knjižnice, hibridne knjižnice i elektroničke knjižnice, što ovaj rad i prikazuje. Bez potpora vlada, međunarodnih organizacija i raznih drugih pokrovitelja knjižnice ne mogu postati spoj kulture, obrazovanja, znanosti i cjelokupnoga razvoja. Kroz pregled povijesnoga nastanka i razvoja digitalnih knjižnica možemo uočiti da su najvećim dijelom digitalizirana djela prije 20. stoljeća, a jedan od uzroka tomu je autorsko pravo koje onemogućava digitalizaciju djela 20. i 21. stoljeća bez autorova pristanka. Rad navodi niz prednosti digitalizacije knjižnične građe od očuvanja intelektualnoga sadržaja, smanjivanja mehaničkoga oštećenja, uštede prostora, povećanja dostupnosti građe, učestalosti korištenja građe itd. Da bi se građa digitalizirala, autori prema nizu različitih stručnjaka navode koji su to elementi koje treba uzeti u obzir prilikom postupka digitalizacije. Djela siročad, djela bez autora, najveći su problem u procesu digitalizacije i procesu stvaranja digitalnih knjižnica. Direktiva koja je donesena na razini Europske unije vezana za ova djela još uvijek nije usvojena iako bi doprinijela postupku digitalizacije i dostupnosti takvih djela. Dio rada govori i o pojmu e-knjige, njezinu nastanku, definiranju, prednostima, ali i nedostatcima te formalnim i intelektualnim obilježjima e-knjige. Istraživački dio rada govori o trima velikim projektima digitalizacije na svjetskoj razini: o projektu Gutenberg, Million Book i Google Books. Kroz ove projekte započeo je velik projekt masovne digitalizacije knjižnične građe. Motiv ovih projekata bio je omogućavanje dostupnosti građe i informacija korisnicima. ; With the technological development and having entered the global age we are faced with a need to change the libraries too, libraries as the pillars of the society. Considering the changes in the information, communication and above all technological sphere there was a need for the libraries for a quick adjustment to the new ways of working. Digitalization of library archives, which is discussed in this paper, is a long and financially and professionally engaging process that is supposed to contribute to the efficiency of the libraries, help the users, advance information knowledge and prompt a number of other factors. Through the digitalization process the scientific community, as well as society as a whole, would have a larger information access, meaning possibility of acquiring more knowledge. In order to speak of the digitalization process and its advantages, we should first differenciate between the terms like digital library, hybrid library and electronic library, which this paper offers an overview of. Without the help of governments, international organizations and various other sponsors libraries cannot become an important factor in culture, education, science and overal development. Looking through the overview of historical development of the digital libraries, we can notice that it is mostly 20th ct. works that are digitalized. One of the reasons is the copyright that prevents digitalization of the 20th and 21st ct. works without the author's consent. The paper enumerates a number of advantages of the digitalization of library archives like intelectual content protection, smaller mechanical damages, space saving, larger access to the materials, frequency of usage of the archives,etc. According to a number of experts, the authors of this paper state the elements that should be taken into consideration in order to digitalize the archives. Orphan works, works without an author, are the largest problem in the digitalization process and the process of making digital libraries. A directive made at the level of EU is still not implemented although it would contribute to the digitalization process and availability of such works. A part of this paper is also about the term e-book, its etymology, definition, advantages and disadvantages, as well as about formal and intelectual properties of an e-book. The reseach part of the paper focuses onto three large digitalization processes in the world: Gutenberg project, Million Book and Google Books. These projects initiated the project of mass digitalization of the library archives. The motiv of these projects was to enable the users to have access to the archives and information.

U tekstu se prikazuju prvi poratni napori u očuvanju i restauriranju spomenika bombardiranog Senja te planovi za njegovo revitaliziranje. Stanje u Senju stavlja se u povijesnu perspektivu istraživanja započetih u drugoj polovici 19. stoljeća, a prvih pet godina konzervatorskog djelovanja prikazuje se prema arhivskim vrelima u tekstu i slici. Uz već poznata imena hrvatskih konzervatora, u tekstu se donose podaci o ulozi Vuka Krajača u planiranju očuvanja i razvitka toga povijesnoga grada. ; The paper examines information from the history of research and preservation of both individual monuments and the urban image of Senj. While the focus of interest is on the years following the Second World War, the frst section of the text recalls the pre-war national tradition of town research. The author argues that, in depicting events in the wake of wartime devastation, an account could to be given either of continuity or of the setting up of new principles in conservation and urban planning. Thus the frst portion of the paper centres on researchers who, prior to the bombardments, had set up a kind of cult of monuments in Senj as a nationally relevant town. This was a tradition launched by Ivan Kukuljević Sakcinski in his travelogues and topographic descriptions of the monuments and then picked up by local researchers Stjepan Sabljak, Mile Magdić and Pavao Tijan. From the mid-19th to the mid-20th century, this creation of the image of Senj as a heritage setting was equally the work of travel writers, painters and photographers. The nearly hundred-year-old tradition saw contributions from renowned scholars Gjuro Szabo and Artur Schneider, as well as photographers Ivan Standl, Ljudevit Griesbach and Josip Kratochwill. After the bombardments, Senj awoke to the end of the Second World War as one of the most devastated of Croatian towns. Following the initial reactions of Senj photographer Ivan Stella in 1943 and the first inspection by conservator Tihomil Stahuljak in 1945, life in the ravaged town continued in the new state. The official attitude to Senj also indicates problems in the setting up of a new conservation system in the People's Republic of Croatia. The town was relatively far away from both Zagreb and Rijeka, situated at the ends of the regional offices' jurisdictions. In the months after the war, the town was inspected by Zagreb conservators Ljubo Karaman, Anđela Horvat and Ana Deanović, and, once the Conservation Department in Rijeka was established, the task was taken up by Mladen and Branko Fučić, Aleksandar Perc and Iva Perčić. The paper reveals records from the archives of the Conservation Department in Zagreb, kept by the Croatian Ministry of Culture. In a chronological overview, information is presented from travel reports, studies and correspondence from the time of the Five-Year Plans, a period that was quite promising for Senj. These practical assessments and recommendations are examined in their social context, i.e. within the framework of political reforms by the new communist state. While the Zagreb and Rijeka conservators drafted basic documents such as the Protocol on the Protection of Heritage in the Town of Senj of 1947, insisting on the concepts of maximum preservation of the historical setting, the inability to set up a permanent conservator in the town opened the way for appointments of honorary conservators. Although only appointed in 1949, Vuk Krajač was recognized soon after the war as an important ally of conservation ofcials. He authored the Study on the Regulation of the Town and Port of Senj of February 1949, where he discussed the preservation of the character of the historical town setting (as seen by the influential Gjuro Szabo prior to the devastation) and its development into a socialist town: one wellconnected and with developed industry and tourism, growth of population, cultural activity, physical culture and trade. The article draws attention to how the ravaged historical setting of Senj was treated. Krajač, as a man with the confdence of Zagreb and Rijeka conservators, fought in his home town for procedures of reconstruction (Gulden Tower and Lipica Tower) and adaptation with stylistic restoration (transformations of Vukasović Palace into the City Museum, Ježić Palace into a theatre building and the Grand Magazines into state ofces and ofcials' residences), as well as for substitutional new architecture with commemorative features (project for the Uskok Mausoleum at the site of the demolished St. Francis' Church). He took the city walls with their towers, as depicted by Valvasor, as a model for the efforts to bring the town back to life.

U radu se obrađuju emisije optjecajnog kovinskog novca država članica Europske unije koje koriste nacionalni novac kao zakonsko sredstvo plaćanja (države članice s odstupanjem) sa aspekta utjecaja tih okolnosti na obvezu uvođenja zajedničke valute. Godine 2021. to su Bugarska, Češka, Danska, Hrvatska, Mađarska, Poljska, Rumunjska i Švedska. Prema Ugovoru o osnivanju Europske unije države članice ove asocijacije su obvezne (uz dvije iznimke) uvesti zajedničku valutu Unije - euro u trenutku kada ispune uvjete za to. Ovakvo uređenje novčanog suvereniteta u Europskoj uniji implicira da u ovoj zajednici sada postoji devet različitih valutnih područja. Jedno, ujedno i najveće novčano područje je eurozona sa zajedničkom valutom i čini ga devetnaest država članica Unije te osam novčanih područja (država) s nacionalnom valutom. Države članice s odstupanjem su dužne ispunjavati svoje obveze u odnosu na ostvarenje ekonomske i monetarne unije kao najvišeg stupnja integracije. Ove aktivnosti su predmet valorizacije najmanje svake dvije godine ili po zahtjevu države članice s odstupanjem. Novčana rješenja u segmentu optjecajnog kovinskog novca u državama Europske unije sa nacionalnim novcem su različita i drukčija od uređenja u eurozoni. Prije svega se to odnosi na gospodarenje ovim novcem, ali i numizmatičkim aspektima njihovih izdanja kao i tradicijom u pojedinim sredinama. Stoga ovakvo stanje ima i utjecaj na proces uvođenja zajedničkog novca u tim državama. Zajednički optjecajni kovinski novac u Europskoj uniji je euro i njegov stoti dio euro cent. Ovaj je novac zakonsko sredstvo plaćanja na području svih država koje su ga prihvatile i one čine eurozonu. Svaka država emitent ovoga novca samostalno uređuje njegov avers dok je revers zajednički. Optjecajni kovinski novac, unatoč činjenici da bezgotovinska plaćanja postaju sve zastupljenija, i dalje, posebno u nekim sredinama, je izuzetno prisutan i značajan novčani oblik. Kroz analizu veličine apoenskog niza emisija optjecajnog kovinskog novca u svakoj državi koja koristi nacionalnu valutu, materijala koji se koristi u njihovoj izradi, vremenu puštanja ovih apoena u optjecaj te njihovoj kupovnoj snazi zaključuje se o monetarnim politikama u segmentu optjecajnog novca ovih država i odrazu istih na prihvaćanje zajedničkog novca. U radu se daje prikaz značajnijih novčanih unija u povijesti te osnovne specifičnosti novčanih rješenja u Europskoj uniji. ; The article addresses the issue of circulating coins of the EU member states that use their national currency as legal tender (member states with a derogation), from the aspect of how these circumstances affect the obligation to introduce the common currency. In 2021, these were Bulgaria, Croatia, Czech Republic, Denmark, Hungary, Poland, Rumania and Sweden. In accordance with the Founding Treaties of the EU, the member states of this association have the obligation (with two exceptions) to introduce the common EU currency – the euro, at the moment when they meet conditions to do so. This way of regulating EU monetary sovereignty implies that this community at present has nine different currency areas. The largest currency region is the Eurozone with a common currency, and it consists of nineteen EU member states, and there are also eight currency regions (states) that use their national currencies. The member states with a derogation have the obligation to fulfil their commitments with respect to joining the economic and monetary union as the highest level of integration. These activities are evaluated at least every two years, or on demand of a member state with derogation. The monetary solutions concerning the circulating coins in the EU states with national currency are different from the regulation in the Eurozone. In the first place this refers to managing this currency, but also to numismatic aspects of their issuing and the tradition of particular countries. This state of affairs also influences the process of introducing the common currency in these countries. The common circulating coins in the EU are the euro and its hundredth part, the euro cent. This currency is legal tender in all the states that introduced it and they make up the Eurozone. Each country that issued these coins independently regulated their obverse, while the reverse is common. The circulating coins are still, although noncash payment is increasing, a very present and important form of payment, especially in some communities. Through analysing the denominations of the currency in each state that uses the national currency, the material used to produce it, the time when these denominations were issued and their market value, the author concludes about the monetary policies concerning the circulating currency in these states and how they will be reflected on accepting the common currency. The article also gives a survey of the more important monetary unions in history and the basic specifics of the monetary solutions in the EU.

Crkva sv. Mihajla u Stonu važan je spomenik srednjovjekovne graditeljske baštine šireg dubrovačkog prostora i jedini je sigurno potvrđeni spomenik tzv. južnodalmatinskog jednobrodnog kupolnog tipa na prostoru nekadašnjeg Zahumlja. Podignuta je na vrhu uzvisine Gradac, tj. brdu sv. Mihajla (kota 107), na mjestu ranijeg utvrđenja. Na temelju analize arhitekture Sv. Mihajla, kao i pripadajuće mu kamene opreme nastojalo se ukazati da je crkva predromaničkog podrijetla. Također, predloženo je da je zvonik (zapadno zdanje) izgrađen zajedno sa crkvom, jer tlocrtna zamisao stonske građevine (odnos dužine i širine, neznatno istaknuta apsida), njezine male dimenzije, kao i vertikalna stratigrafija (zvonik, ali i kupola), upućuju na funkciju tog zdanja podignutog kao dvorske kapele. Po svemu sudeći, crkva je od vremena podizanja bila posvećena arhanđelu Mihovilu, budući da je štovanje tog nebeskog vojskovođe, kao zaštitnika vladara i njihovih vojnih pohoda, bilo osobito rašireno među vladajućim slojem u ranom srednjem vijeku, pa bi ta znakovita posveta bila u skladu s njezinom funkcijom. Vrijeme izgradnje vladarske kapele sv. Mihajla najvjerojatnije bi trebalo dovesti u vezu s prvim, povijesno zasvjedočenim i najvažnijim zahumskim vladarom u Stonu - knezom Mihajlom Viševićem (prije 910.- nakon 928.), kada Ston biva upravnim i crkvenim sjedištem te sklavinije. Na osnovu analize mlađeg sloja skulpture iz Sv. Mihajla (monumentalni prozorski okviri i ulomak s ljudskim licem) i zidnih oslika, moguće je pretpostaviti da je vladarska kapela bila znatnije i raskošnije opremljena oko sredine 11. stoljeća. Imajući u vidu povijesna vrela o onodobnom Stonu predloženo je da je za tu obnovu bio zaslužan Stefan Vojislav (prije 1018.-43./50.), rodonačelnik dinastije Vojislavljevića. Na tu pretpostavku bi upućivao podatak da je Vojislav, nakon pobjede nad Bizantom i njegovim saveznicima (među kojima je bio ugledni zahumski knez Ljutovit), osvojio prijestolnicu zahumskih vladara. Da je u njoj neko vrijeme i boravio potvrđuje vijest koju donosi bizantski pisac Kekavmen - da je bio toparh u Stonu i da je zarobio dubrovačkoga stratega. Stoga osvajanje Stona, kao i slavna pobjeda nad Bizantom, ali i Ljutovitom koji je predvodio savezničku vojsku, nameće se kao mogući razlog zašto je Stefan Vojislav obnovio stonsku crkvu, točnije zabilježio svoj vojni trijumf u vladarskoj kapeli poraženog zahumskog vladara. Spomenuta obnova stonske crkve najvjerojatnije se dogodila u razdoblju između 1042/43. i 1050. godine, odnosno nakon Vojislavove pobjede i njegove smrti. ; St Michael's church in Ston is an important monument of medieval architectural heritage within a wider area of Dubrovnik and the only positively attested monument of the so-called southern Dalmatian single-nave dome type in the area of historical Zahumlje. The church stands on the top of the Gradac hill or St Michael's Mount (107 m.a.s.l.), at the location of an earlier fortification. Based on an analysis of St Michael's architecture, as well as its stone furnishing, the author has argued that the church is pre-Romaneseque in origin. It has also been suggested that the belfry (the structure to the west) was built together with the church, since the concept of the ground plan (the width-length ratio, the slightly protruding apse), its small dimensions, as well as its vertical stratigraphy (the belfry and the dome) indicate that it was constructed as a ruler's chapel. It is most probable that the church was dedicated to Archangel Michael from the very beginning, as the cult of the heavenly host-leader as the patron saint of rulers and their military campaigns was widespread among the upper classes in the early Middle Ages. The time of construction should most probably be connected with the first historically attested and significant ruler of Ston – Duke Mihajlo Višević (before 910 – after 928), who raised Ston to an administrative and ecclesiastical centre of this Sclavinia. An analysis of the younger layer of sculpture in St Michael's (the monumental window frames and a fragment with human face), as well as its murals, has suggested that the ruler's chapel was furnished more richly around the mid-11th century. Considering the historical sources on Ston in this period, it has been suggested that its renovation took place at the initiative of Stefan Vojislav (before 1018 – 1043/1050), founder of the Vojislavljević dynasty. This hypothesis is supported by the fact that Vojislav, having defeated Byzantium and its allies (among them the distinguished Duke Ljutovit of Zahumlje) conquered the seat of Zahumlje's rulers. It may be presumed that he spent some time there as well, since the Byzantine writer Kekaumenos mentions that Vojislav was a toparch in Ston and that he captured the strategos of Dubrovnik. Thus, the conquest of Ston, as well as the glorious victory over both Byzantium and Ljutovit leading the allied army, imposes itself as the probable reason why Stefan Vojislav renovated the church in Ston, namely in order to celebrate his military triumph in the chapel of the defeated ruler of Zahumlje. The reconstruction most probably took place between 1042/43 and 1050, after Vojislav's victory and before his death.

Tijekom druge polovice dvadesetog stoljeća, a posebice tijekom posljednjih nekoliko desetljeća, naša iskustva i razumijevanje obitelji i rodnih uloga znatno su se izmijenili. Pojave nezamislive našim djedovima i bakama danas su znatno vidljivije i društveno prihvatljive: razvod, ponovno sklapanje braka nakon razvoda, izvanbračna zajednica, eksperimentalni odnosi, homoseksualni brakovi ili partnerstva sa ili bez djece, jednoroditeljske obitelji, demokratskiji odnosi između roditelja i djece, zaposlenost žena, očev dopust itd. Osim povećane varijacije u obiteljskim oblicima i promijenjenih odnosa unutar obitelji, znanstvenike u području društvenih znanosti zanimaju i druga pitanja koja utječu na svako društvo na makro-razini, kao što su na primjer broj djece u obitelji ili pitanje stopa fertiliteta i starenja društva. Dok su prije dvadeset ili trideset godina važna pitanja povezana s obiteljskim životom uključivala zaposlenost žena i posljedice zaposlenosti žena za obitelj, danas je žarište premješteno na ravnotežu između posla i privatnog života i usklađivanje posla i obiteljskog života, zajedno s rodnim ulogama u obiteljima i kućanstvima. Još uvijek važno pitanje za obitelji i istraživanja unutar društvenih znanosti, pitanje plaćenog posla žena produbljeno je pitanjima o rodnim ulogama, raspodjeli moći unutar kućanstava u odnosu na plaćeni posao, o neplaćenom kućanskom radu, odgovornosti za skrb i dodatnoj rodnoj jednakosti u obje sfere rada. Složenija analiza ovih promjena, osim što koristi opće procese modernizacije kao okvirni kontekst, trebala bi isto tako uzeti u obzir mjere socijalne politike, politiku zapošljavanja i promjenjive uvjete na tržištu rada. Znanstvenici u području društvenih znanosti posebno su zainteresirani za međukulturalne varijacije kako bi razumjeli i objasnili međusobne poveznice i promjene. Iz tog razloga tema obitelji i izmijenjenih rodnih uloga istraživana je u četiri kruga unutar Međunarodnog programa društvenih istraživanja (International Social Survey Programme - ISSP). Prvi modul pokrenut je 1988. godine, drugi 1994. i treći 2002. godine. Odabrani podatci iz posljednjeg ISSP modula (provedenog u Hrvatskoj 2013. godine) temelj su za analize u radovima koji su uključeni u ovaj tematski broj Revije. International Social Survey Programme (ISSP) International Social Survey Programme - ISSP (Međunarodni program društvenih istraživanja) najstarije je kontinuirano godišnje međunarodno istraživanje u području društvenih znanosti. Članovi istraživačkog programa su istraživačke organizacije diljem svijeta, od kojih svaka predstavlja jednu zemlju. Od 2005. godine Institut za društvena istraživanja predstavlja Republiku Hrvatsku u ovom projektu. ISSP obuhvaća niz tema koje su važne za društvene znanosti (uloga vlade, društvene nejednakosti, nacionalni identiteti, vjera, zdravstvo, radne orijentacije, državljanstvo, okoliš, društvene mreže, slobodno vrijeme i sport) i nameće stroge standarde anketnog istraživanja kako bi se riješile poteškoće koje su svojstvene međunarodnom anketnom istraživanju. Od skromnih početaka 1984. godine, ISSP se razvio te danas uključuje 48 zemalja članica, koje su odgovorne za provođenje ISSP istraživanja na svom području svake godine. Godišnje teme ISSP istraživanja razvijaju se tijekom nekoliko godina, pod nadzorom izabranog pododbora, te se unaprijed testiraju u različitim zemljama članicama. Na godišnjem plenarnom sastanku raspravlja se o upitniku koji se koristi u svim zemljama te se finalizira isti. ISSP istraživanje posebno je usmjereno na razvojna pitanja koja su: 1) smislena i relevantna za sve zemlje i 2) koja se mogu izraziti na ekvivalentan način na svim relevantnim jezicima. ISSP baza podataka, smještena u bazi podataka za društvena istraživanja GESIS Leibniz Institut u Kölnu, priprema paket podataka koji je slobodno dostupan. Mnoge navedene teme ponavljaju se u redovitim razmacima (neke od njih tri ili četiri puta), što omogućuje istraživačima proučavanje međunacionalnih varijacija i promjena tijekom vremena. ISSP označava nekoliko novosti u području međunacionalnog istraživanja. Prvo, suradnja između organizacija je rutinska i kontinuirana. Drugo, trajna suradnja istih institucija čini međunacionalno istraživanje temeljnim dijelom agende nacionalnih istraživanja svake zemlje sudionice. Treće, ISSP načela zahtijevaju da se sve institucije članice uključe u razne faze planiranja i kreiranja modula istraživanja i svaki član ima pravo glasa u odlučivanju. Četvrto, kombinirajući metodologiju ponavljanja u vremenskim razmacima i međunacionalnu perspektivu, koriste se dva moćna istraživačka alata za proučavanje društvenih procesa. Teme modula iz 2012. godine Obitelj i promjenjive rodne uloge uključuje: rodnu ideologiju; stavove prema ženskoj zaposlenosti tijekom životnog ciklusa; stavove prema braku; organizaciju dohotka u partnerskoj zajednici; rodnu podjelu kućanskih poslova; podjelu kućanskih poslova – pravičnost i sukob; moć i odlučivanje u partnerskoj vezi; sukob posao-obitelj; rod, skrb i socijalna politika; stavove prema djeci; model obitelji u vezi s favoriziranom i stvarnom podjelom plaćenog i neplaćenog rada uključujući upravljanje vremenom u kućanstvu; alternativne oblike obitelji. Pregled članaka Odabrani podatci u tri rada u ovom broju (djelomično ili isključivo) bave se četvrtim krugom ISSP istraživanja Obitelj i promjenjive rodne uloge iz 2012. godine. Iako se ne temelji na ISSP podatcima, četvrti rad s jedne strane uklapa se u temu modula i temu ovoga broja, a s druge strane nudi i međugeneracijsku usporedbu i psihosocijalnu perspektivu. Dok tri rada obrađuju nacionalnu (hrvatsku) razinu analize, Ivana Dobrotić i Tanja Vučković Juroš nude međunacionalnu (europsku) perspektivu u radu naslovljenom Tko bi trebao financirati rani predškolski odgoj i obrazovanje? Višerazinska analiza 24 zemlje. Autorice istražuju učinak čimbenika na individualnoj i državnoj razini na stavove o financiranju ranog predškolskog odgoja i obrazovanja, a posebno istražuju utječe li socijalizacija u određenom režimu socijalne države na stavove o odgovornosti države u pogledu predškolskog odgoja i obrazovanja. Autorice isto tako istražuju objašnjava li bolje tipologija socijalnih režima koja je više usmjerena na obiteljsku politiku varijacije u stavovima prema ranom predškolskom odgoju i obrazovanju u različitim državama. Njihovo najvažnije otkriće je da alternativna Leitnerova tipologija "vrsta familijalizma" bolje objašnjava varijacije u stavovima o predškolskom odgoju i obrazovanju u različitim državama nego što to čini klasična Esping-Andersenova tipologija. Stoga naglašavaju važnost programatskog pristupa u analizama stavova socijalne države koji povezuju javnu podršku specifičnim socijalnim programima s njihovim jedinstvenim značajkama. U svojem radu Uvjerenja o rodnoj podjeli roditeljskih dopusta i značajke povezane s njima Ivana Jugović istražuje stavove o roditeljskom/porodiljnom dopustu i čimbenike koji objašnjavaju takve stavove u hrvatskom kontekstu. Kao prediktore tih stavova istražuje rodne razlike, uvjerenja o rodnim ulogama, socio-demografske podatke, pohađanje vjerskih obreda, vrstu radne organizacije i nejednakosti u dohocima partnera. Rezultati pokazuju da su stavovi o rodnim ulogama jedini statistički značajan prediktor. Što manje ispitanici vjeruju da bi rodna podjela poslova trebala biti podijeljena na tradicionalan način, to je veća vjerojatnost da će podržavati ravnomjernu podjelu dopusta između roditelja. Autorica smatra da je teorija rodne ideologije prikladnija za objašnjavanje stavova o rodnoj podjeli roditeljskog dopusta u usporedbi s teorijom vremenske alokacije. Zaključuje da do pomaka prema podržavanju korištenja dopusta na rodno ravnopravniji način vjerojatno neće doći sve dok stavovi o rodnim ulogama općenito ne postanu ravnopravniji. Napisan iz perspektive filozofije roda, treći rad U ime oca: rasprava o (novom) očinstvu, njegovim pretpostavkama i preprekama, autorice Ane Maskalan, spada u pionirske radove o očinstvu u hrvatskom kontekstu. Autorica započinje od temeljnih pojmova otac i očinstvo i njihovih doslovnih i simboličkih značenja, te daje kratki povijesni pregled kombiniran s odabranim teorijama o očinstvu. Autorica pronalazi prikladni kontekst za istraživanje modernog očinstva u povijesnoj povezanosti između očinstva, muškog identiteta i političke moći gdje tradicionalne odrednice muškosti, kao što su agresivnost i emocionalna distanciranost predstavljaju glavne prepreke ispunjavajućem i pozitivnom odnosu otac-dijete. O tom se odnosu djelomično raspravlja u okviru koncepta jednako roditeljsko partnerstvo, što ne ukazuje samo na nove oblike očinstva, nego isto tako i na nove oblike muškog identiteta. Analizirajući podatke o vrijednostima i praksama hrvatskih muškaraca i žena u pogledu skrbi o djeci iz istraživanja ISSP 2012 o obitelji i promjenjivim rodnim ulogama, autorica zaključuje da iako je došlo do brojnih pozitivnih promjena, pred hrvatskim društvom još je dugačak put do ravnopravnog roditeljstva i rodne jednakosti. Isto tako smatra da je važno uočiti da se očinstvo, kao predmet političke i pravne kontroverzije, ne može i ne smije razmatrati neovisno od širih rodnih pitanja povezanih s majčinstvom, socijalnim položajem muškaraca i žena, kao i socio-ekonomskim pretpostavkama očinstva i majčinstva. U svome radu Realizacija participatornih prava djece i psihosocijalna prilagodba djeteta: stavovi djece i roditelja Nina Pećnik, Jelena Matić i Ana Tokić Milaković nude zanimljivu međugeneracijsku perspektivu koristeći reprezentativne uzorke učenika sedmih razreda (trinaestogodišnjaka) i njihovih roditelja. Analizirale su percipiranu realizaciju prava djeteta na skrb, zaštitu i participaciju unutar modernih hrvatskih obitelji, veze između realizacije participatornih prava i dječje percepcije demokratske klime u njihovim obiteljima, kao i neke pokazatelje psihosocijalne prilagodbe djece. Autorice su koristile podatke o mjerenju realizacije prava djeteta unutar obitelji, upravljačkom stilu u obitelji, samopoštovanju, samokontroli, problematičnom ponašanju i djelotvornosti otpora. Oko polovice djece izvješćuje o potpunom poštivanju njihovih prava da slobodno izraze svoja mišljenja i ideje, kao i pravo da utječu na donošenje odluka koje utječu na njih. Procjene »upravljačkog stila« u njihovima obiteljima pokazuju da više od četvrtine djece doživljavaju svoje obitelji kao diktature, anarhije ili post-revolucionarne države. Autorice su povezale veću realizaciju participatornih prava s doživljavanjem vlastite obitelji kao demokracije, s višim samopoštovanjem djeteta i manje problematičnih ponašanja, sa češćim odupiranjem vršnjačkom pritisku da konzumiraju sredstva ovisnosti (cigarete, alkohol), kao i s roditeljskim opažanjem o većoj samokontroli djeteta. Roditelji, u usporedbi sa svojom djecom, pokazuju tendenciju precjenjivanja razine ispunjenja dječjih prava na zaštitu fizičkog integriteta, dostojanstva, sudjelovanja u odlučivanju i primanju brižne skrbi. Naposljetku, željela bih zahvaliti svim autoricama koje su doprinijele ovom tematskom broju i tako proširile naše znanje o promjenama u obitelji i rodnim ulogama u Hrvatskoj, ali i općenito. Isto tako, ovom bih prilikom željela potaknuti istraživače u Hrvatskoj da češće koriste ne samo modul Obitelj i promjenjive rodne uloge, nego i druge ISSP module u svojim analizama. Baza podataka ISSP nudi komparativne datoteke koje uključuju 33 modula za nacionalnu i međunacionalnu analizu, kao i analizu u vremenskoj perspektivi, a poveznica se može pronaći pod nazivom Archive and Data na www.issp.org. Gošća urednica tematskoga broja: Dinka Marinović Jerolimov ; During the second half of the twentieth century and especially over the past few decades our experience and understanding of family and gender roles has changed remarkably. Phenomena unthinkable to our grandparents nowadays are much more evident and socially acceptable: divorce, remarriage after divorce, cohabitation, experimental relationships, homosexual marriages or partnerships with or without children, single parent families, more democratic relations between parents and children, women's employment, paternity leave etc. Besides the increased variation in family forms and changed relationships inside the families, social scientist are interested in other issues that affect every society at the macro-level such as for instance the number of children in families or the issue of fertility rates and greying societies. While twenty or thirty years ago the important question concerning family life included women's employment and its consequences for the family, today the focus is more on work-life balance and how to reconcile the work and family life, together with gender roles in families and households. Still relevant both for the families and social science research, the question of women's paid job is widened with the gender roles, power distribution within the households with respect to paid work, unpaid household work, care responsibilities and furthermore, gender equality in both spheres of work. More complex analysis of these changes, besides using a general modernization processes as the framing context, should take into account social policies, employment policies and changing labour-market conditions as well. Social scientists are particularly interested in cross-cultural variations in order to understand and explain these interconnectedness and changes. That is the reason why the theme on family and changing gender roles has been researched in four waves within the International Social Survey Programme (ISSP). The first module was run in 1988, the second in 1994 and the third in 2002. Selected data from the last 2012 ISSP module (fielded in Croatia in 2013) are basis for analysis in articles included in this thematic issue of the journal. About the International Social Survey Programme (ISSP) The International Social Survey Programme (ISSP) is the oldest continuing annual cross-national research within the social sciences. Its members are survey organizations from around the world, each representing one nation. Since 2005 the Institute for Social Research in Zagreb has been represented Republic of Croatia in the project. The ISSP covers a range of topics important within the social sciences (the role of government, social inequality, national identities, religion, health, work orientations, citizenship, environment, social networks, leisure time and sports) and implements rigorous standards of survey research in order to address the difficulties inherent in multinational survey research. Since its modest beginning in 1984 ISSP has grown to include 48 members, each of whom are responsible for the ISSP surveys being implemented in their country each year. The annual topics for ISSP surveys are developed over several years, led by an elected sub-committee (drafting group) and pre-tested in various member countries. The annual plenary meeting then discusses and finalize the questionnaire which is fielded in all countries. The ISSP research concentrates especially on developing questions that are: 1) meaningful and relevant to all countries, and 2) can be expressed in an equivalent manner in all relevant languages. The ISSP data archive situated in GESIS Data Archive for the Social Sciences at Leibnitz Institute in Köln prepares a combined dataset that is freely available. Many listed topics are repeated at regular intervals (some of them even three or four times), allowing researchers to examine cross-national variations and changes over time. ISSP marks several new departures in the area of cross-national research. First, the collaboration between organizations is routine and continual. Second, the on-going collaboration of the same institutions makes cross-national research a basic part of the national research agenda of each participating country. Third, ISSP principles require that all member institutions be involved in various phases of planning and designing survey modules, and each member has a say in decision making. Fourth, by combining a cross-time methodology with a cross-national perspective, two powerful research designs are being used to study societal processes. Topics of the 2012 module Family and changing gender roles include: gender ideology; attitudes and behavior on female employment over the life-cycle; attitudes towards marriage; organizing income in a partnership; gendered division of household work; sharing of household work - fairness and conflict; power and decision-making within partnership; work-family conflict; gender, care, and social policy; attitudes towards children; model of families concerning preferred and actual division of paid and unpaid work including time management in household; alternative family forms. Overview of the articles Selected data presented in three articles in this volume (partially or exclusively) deal with the 2012 fourth wave of the ISSP module Family and changing gender roles. Although not based on the ISSP data, the fourth article fits into the theme of the module and the thematic issue as well, offering on the other hand intergenerational comparison and psychosocial perspective. While three articles cover national (Croatian) level of analysis, Ivana Dobrotić and Tanja Vučković Juroš offer the cross-national (European) perspective in their article Who Should Finance Childcare? Multilevel Analysis of 24 Countries. They examine the effect of the individual and country-level factors on the childcare financing attitudes, particularly whether socialization in a particular welfare regime influences attitudes about the state's responsibility related to childcare. The authors also investigate whether a more family-policy-nuanced categorisation of welfare regimes better accounts for the cross-country variations in childcare attitudes. Their most important finding is that the alternative Leitner's "Varieties of Families" typology better accounts for the cross-national variations in childcare attitudes than the classical Esping-Anderson's typology. Therefore they emphasise the importance of a programmatic approach in the welfare state attitudes analysis which links the public support for specific social programs to its unique characteristics. In her article Beliefs about the Gender Division of Parental Leave and Characteristics Associated with Them Ivana Jugović explores attitudes about paternal/maternity leave and factors explaining these attitudes in Croatian context. As predictors of these attitudes she examines gender difference, gender-role beliefs, socio-demographics, church attendance, type of working organization and partners' income disparity. Results show the gender-role attitude as the only statistically significant predictor. The less the respondents believe that the gender division of labour should be traditionally divided, the more likely they are to support equally shared leave between parents. Author finds the gender ideology theory more applicable in the explanation of attitudes about the gender division of parental leave compared to time-allocation theory. She concludes that shifts towards supporting gender egalitarian leave take-up will most likely not occur until attitudes towards gender roles in general become more egalitarian. Written through a philosophy of gender perspective the third article In the Name of the Father: A Discussion on (New)Fatherhood, its Assumptions and Obstacles by Ana Maskalan is among pioneer works on fatherhood in Croatian context. Author starts with the basic concepts of father and fatherhood and their literal and symbolic meanings, together with a short historical overview combined with selected theories of fatherhood. The appropriate context to examine the modern fatherhood author finds in historical interdependence of fatherhood, masculine identity and political power where traditional determinants of masculinity, such as aggressiveness and emotional detachment represent a major obstacle to a fulfilling and positive father-child relationship. That relationship is partially discussed in relation to the concept of equal parental partnership, implying not only the new forms of fatherhood, but the new forms of masculine identity as well. Analysing the data on values and practices of Croatian men and women regarding childcare from ISSP 2012 survey on family and changing gender roles, author concludes that, although many positive changes have been made, Croatian society has got a long way to go to reach both equal parenting and gender equality. Also, she finds important to note that as a subject of political and legal controversy fatherhood cannot and must not be considered independently of the wider gender issues regarding motherhood, social status of men and women, as well as socio-economic assumptions of both fatherhood and motherhood. Ninoslava Pećnik, Jelena Matić and Ana Tokić Milaković in their article Fulfilment of the Child's Participation Rights in the Family and the Child's Psychosocial Adjustment: Children's and Parents' Views offer an interesting intergenerational perspective using the representative samples of seventh grade students (thirteen-year-olds) and their parents. They examined perceived fulfilment of the provision, protection and participation rights of the child within contemporary Croatian families, the links between participation rights fulfilment and children's perception of a democratic climate in their families, as well as some indicators of children's psychosocial adjustment. Authors used data on measures of the child's rights fulfilment in the family, family governing style, self-esteem, self-control, behaviour problem, and resistance efficacy. Approximately half of the children reported full respect of their right to freely express their opinions and ideas, and to influence decision making that affects them. Assessments of the 'governing style' in their families reveal that, over a quarter of children see their families as dictatorships, anarchies, or post-revolutionary states. Higher participation rights fulfilment Pećnik et al. find linked with perceiving own family as a democracy, child's report of higher self-esteem and fewer behaviour problems, more frequently resisting peer pressure to use substances (cigarettes, alcohol), as well as with parent's report of greater child's self-control. Parents, in comparison to their children, tend to overestimate the level of fulfilment of children's rights to protection of physical integrity, dignity, participation in decision-making and to receiving loving care. Finally, I wish to thank all authors who contributed to this thematic issue and widened our knowledge on changes in family and gender roles in Croatia but in general as well. Also, I encourage social scientist in Croatia to use in their analysis not only the module Family and changing gender roles but other ISSP modules as well more frequently. ISSP data base offers comparative files that include 33 modules for national, cross-national and cross-time analysis link to which can be found under Archive and Data at www.issp.org. Guest editor of the thematic issue: Dinka Marinović Jerolimov

Biti suvremenik stvaranja novoga novčanog sustava privilegij je malo generacija. Taj naš privilegij još je i veći zato što su se te aktivnosti u Hrvatskoj odvijale u iznimnim i osobito složenim uvjetima (raspad jedne državne zajednice u kojoj se Hrvatska nalazila, okupacija dijela hrvatskoga državnoga teritorija, agresija na nju i rat te sve posljedice koje te okolnosti donose). Složenost takvih prilika znatno je utjecala na novčarstvo i načine uređenja novčarskih pitanja. U relativno kratkom razdoblju (od prosinca 1991. do rujna 1997.) na teritoriju Hrvatske egzistirala su četiri novčana sustava koja su se dijelom vremenski poklapala (dva novčana sustava suverene države te dva novčana sustava okupatorske vlasti). Kao rezultat aktivnosti monetarnih vlasti (legalnih i okupacijskih) u optjecaju na području Hrvatske kao zakonsko sredstvo plaćanja u promatranome razdoblju bile su četiri novčane jedinice (hrvatski dinar /HRD/ i hrvatska kuna /HRK/ – na teritoriju pod hrvatskom vlašću, i to u slijedu, te tzv. krajinski dinar i jugoslavenski dinar /YUD/ na okupiranim dijelovima Hrvatske također u slijedu uz djelomično vremensko preklapanje tih novčanih sustava s novčanim sustavom suverene Hrvatske). Dvije novčane jedinice imale su podjelu na stote dijelove (hrvatska kuna te jugoslavenski dinar). Dvije novčane jedinice u istraživanome razdoblju nisu realizirane: hrvatska kruna s podjelom na stote dijelove – banice, opredmećena samo u obliku idejnih rješenja i dijelom u obliku probnih otisaka, te jedna novčana jedinica bez odabranog imena samo u pokušaju nametanja zakonskog rješenja kojim bi ona postala zakonsko sredstvo plaćanja na dijelu okupiranoga područja Republike Hrvatske pod srpskom vlašću – na području tzv. Srpske Krajine. Oslobađanjem okupiranih dijelova hrvatskoga teritorija tijekom 1991., 1992. i 1993. godine na tim prostorno i brojem stanovnika nevelikim područjima hrvatski dinar postaje zakonsko sredstvo plaćanja. Područja koja su oslobođena vojnim akcijama 1995. godine – zapadna Slavonija (vojna akcija Bljesak) te sjeverna Dalmacija, Lika, Kordun i Banija (vojna akcija Oluja) i uspostavom hrvatskog suvereniteta na tim područjima uspostavlja se i hrvatska monetarna vlast i hrvatska kuna postaje jedino zakonsko sredstvo plaćanja i na tim dijelovima hrvatskoga teritorija. Konačno, mirnom reintegracijom i preostalih područja Republike Hrvatske - istočne Slavonije, Baranje i zapadnog Srijema - kuna postaje jedino zakonsko sredstvo plaćanja na njezinom cjelokupnom teritoriju 1997. godine. Emisija vlastitoga optjecajnoga kovinskog novca osobito je zahtjevna djelatnost i ima dugoročne posljedice. Kreacija tih novčanih artefakata treba udovoljiti, osim potrebama novčanoga prometa, i ekonomskim zahtjevima, prvenstveno glede troškova njihove izrade, te estetskim zahtjevima njihovih korisnika. U radu se uspoređuju emisije hrvatskog optjecajnoga kovinskog novca s emisijama toga novčanog oblika u tri države u navedenom razdoblju u kontekstu njegovih obilježja, aterijala izrade i pojedinih elemenata vezanih za gospodarenje tim novčanim oblikom. ; Few generations are privileged to witness the creation of a new monetary system. In Croatia the privilege is even greater because this took place under exceptional and extremely complex conditions (the dissolution of a state of which Croatia had been a part, the occupation of part of Croatian state territory, aggression against it and war, with all the consequences that these circumstances bring). The complexity of this situation had a great influence on the monetary sphere and on the way in which this issue was arranged. Four partly overlapping monetary systems existed on the territory of Croatia in a relatively short time (from December 1991 to September 1997), two monetary systems of the sovereign state and two systems of the occupying entities. As a result of the activities undertaken by the monetary authorities (legal and occupational) four monetary units were used as legal tender in circulation in Croatia in the period observed (Croatian dinar /HRD/ and Croatian kuna /HRK/ - in succession on the territory under Croatian rule, and the so-called Krajina dinar and Yugoslav dinar /YUD/ in the occupied parts of Croatia, also used in succession, with the partial overlapping in time of those monetary systems with the monetary system of sovereign Croatia). Two of the monetary units were divided in hundredths (the Croatian kuna and Yugoslav dinar). In that period there were also two monetary units that were never used: the Croatian kruna divided into one hundred banicas, which only got as far as the conceptual stage and partly took the form of trial prints, and a monetary unit that was never even named and was only planned as a way to find a solution for legal tender in the parts of occupied Croatia under Serb rule – on the territory of so-called Serb Krajina. When some of the occupied parts of Croatia were liberated during 1991, 1992 and 1993, the Croatian dinar became legal tender in these areas, as well, but they were not large either in territory or in number of inhabitants. In 1995 some areas were liberated by military action – western Slavonia (military operation Flash) and northern Dalmatia, Lika, Kordun and Banija (military operation Storm), and with the establishment of Croatian sovereignty there, Croatian monetary authority was also introduced and the Croatian kuna became the only legal tender there, as well. Finally, the remaining areas of the Republic of Croatia – eastern Slavonia, Baranja and western Srijem – were peacefully reintegrated and the kuna became the only legal tender in all of Croatia in 1997. The circulation of coins is an especially demanding task and has long-lasting repercussions. The creation of new money must satisfy the needs of monetary traffic and economic demands, in the first place regarding the costs of its coinage, but also meet the aesthetic demands of their users. In the article the author compares the issue of Croatian coins with issues of coins in three states in the given period, from the aspect of their characteristics, material of production and certain elements connected with managing this monetary form.

Raspravljajući o porijeklu hrvatske nacije, autor u prvom dijelu odbacuje tvrdnju da se ona razvijala kao tzv. "jezična nacija". Također osporava gledište da je u tome bitnu ulogu imalo jugoslavenstvo. Zatim pokazuje da je hrvatska nacija nastala u procesu međusobnih interakcija socijalnih i povijesnih vrijednosti, koje su napokon odredile njezinu individualnost spram svake druge zajednice na cjelokupnom prostoru Srednje i Jugoistočne Europe. Sve je to autor dokazao u drugom dijelu rasprave, gdje analizira hrvatski nacionalno-politički program, koji je nastao za revolucije 1848/49. godine. U njemu su hrvatski liberali i demokrati jasno odredili individualnost hrvatske nacije i hrvatske države (ujedinjene Trojedne Kraljevine Hrvatske), i to kao jedinstvene, samostalne i autonomne moderne države u sklopu konfederalnog političkoga i društvenog sustava Srednje Europe (austrijske konfederacije). ; In the present paper the author deals with the origin and development of Croatian nation, and creation of the modern Croatian state (Tripartite Kingdom of Croatia) in the first half of the 19th century, especially during the 1848/49 revolution, at several levels: idea about nation, ideology, political and social programmes, political actions, institutions, and political community. If considered from the point of view of new socio-political processes, when transformation of a people into a modern national-political community takes place, we can see that Slavic peoples in the middle and south-eastern Europe formed multinational states, but followed some quite clear courses: formation of individual ethnic and national communities within a plural social system. Being aware of these historical processes, at the time of formation of their own national communities, these Slavic peoples (according to the level of their social and political organizations), especially in 1848, asked for a change of traditional societies and reorganization of the existing empires, not only by the language national principle, but also by the principle of sovereignty, policy of federalism and confederalism and the principles of international law and international agreement. All this should have made possible formation of essentially new political communities: individual national states within equal and democratic multinational communities, but within a new middle-class society. However, considered from the point of view of formation of the identity and individuality of Croatian nation, which is the subject of this paper, it is indisputable that Croatian national political programme and programme of confederalism as well as legal principles compatible with them (like natural and national laws, Croatian historical and constitutional laws, international law and international agreements), which were the values Croatian politicians based their national policy on since 1848, had the essential influence on the explicit quality of Croatian national-political individuality, and thus, looking historically, on the integration of Croatian nation and creation of Croatian political and state community (the united State of Croatia). The subject and vey complex structure of that political programme had an impact onto clear definition of Croatian national-political community (the united Tripartite Kingdom of Croatia) in relation to other political communities in such a multinational state as it was the Habsburg Monarchy. And that state, in their eyes should have been formed (within the new middle-class society, and a democratic and parliamentary system) on confederal basis, by means of international agreements between quite equal ethnic/national states: within the middle European Austrian confederation. In any case, Croatian nation (if we consider its national integrative processes in terms of events, in terms of idea and ideology and/or in terms of ethnic identity) was not formed nor developed as solely the so-called "language nation", as historiography would like it. For, neither is ethnos (not even ethnic community, or people, or nation, or ethnic identity) only a language-cultural category, nor the Croatian politicians and reformers took only language and culture to determine Croatian people and nation. On the contrary, Croatian nation was formed in the process of interactions of social and historical values which defined its individuality in relation to any other community on the whole area of middle and south-eastern Europe. Also, Croatian nation was not formed only as a natural community (determined by natural conditions of work and society and genealogic structure, i. e. determined by undefined Slavic union and/or undefined Slavic ethnic identity), but, in the course of processes of modernization, it was formed first of all as a historical community, based on group institutions of its own historical community. In other words, Croatian nation was formed on its own cultural, political, state and public-law traditions. It is quite clear that in this process neither Slavism, nor Illyrism, nor Yugoslavism had any role more important that the secondary one, not even for the definition of any particular ethnic identity. Illyrism and Yugoslavism had declarative ideological meaning, expressed through the idea of still non-existing community. On the contrary, Croatianism (as a national principle, as a community and as a legal, state and political system) was an expression of existence of Croatian community as reality. Thus, if we want to discuss the integration of Croatian nation and formation of Croatian political community, i. e. the united State of Croatia, we should realize that these processes were influenced by numerous values and structures, especially spiritual-cultural, political, economic, legal and social. However, the importance of political system and all its substructures – political action, political organization of the community, political programme and formation of a modern national state — should also be noted. Formation of Croatian political and state community, which was clearly stated in the Croatian national and political programme of 1848/49, assumed: 1) associating the segments of Croatian people into one political people, within one integral Croatian political community; 2) uniting of all Croatian provinces into one united Croatian state (Tripartite Kingdom of Croatia, Dreieiniges Koenigreich Kroatien). And these were the most important determinants which led to the political homogeneity and formation of Croatian nation and Croatian modern state.

Pravo na samoodređenje naroda jedno je od najspornijih pojmova u međunarodnome javnom pravu. Jednako tako, taj je pojam ne samo pravni već i filozofski, politološki, sociološki i povlači za sobom razna pitanja i reperkusije. Zbog toga se njegovoj analizi treba pristupiti detaljno, postupno i interdisciplinarno kako bi se sagledali razni važni aspekti toga pojma koji dovode do odgovora na pitanje je li samoodređenje naroda princip ili pravo i koga se tiče, je li to pravo jus cogens de facto i de iure ili je uvjetovano i ograničeno drugim pravilima suvremenoga međunarodnopravog poretka. Tu se prije svega misli na kogentnu zabranu narušavanja teritorijalnoga integriteta postojećih država te ugrožavanja međunarodnoga mira i stabilnosti proklamiranih još u Povelji Ujedinjenih naroda. To povlači za sobom razmatranje načela uti possidetis i njegovih korijena i obveznosti primjene, jednako kao i secesije kao najčešće posljedice afirmativnoga ostvarivanja prava na samoodređenje naroda. Također se na to nadovezuje i pitanje disolucije država, najčešće federalnih, za koju se treba proanalizirati ima li ona materijalne razlike s obzirom na secesiju koja također nije izrijekom ni dopuštena ni zabranjena. Autor sve te povezane pojave i pojmove interpretira kroz nama najbliže poznat slučaj, i dalje nedavnoga, raspada bivše Jugoslavije koja je bila moderni presedan za federalne države, a ima odjeka i u aktualnim zbivanjima poput onih u Ukrajini i Španjolskoj. Da bi se imao još potpuniji dojam o povezanosti prava, politike i raznih interesa, progovara se i o konstitutivnosti naroda, manjinama i njihovim pravima na osnovi raznih dokumenata i mišljenja teoretičara te i o državotvornosti i državnom priznanju za koje jednako tako nema konsenzusa o tome je li ono konstitutivni ili deklaratorni akt trećih država i međunarodne zajednice. Da bi se izbjegao najgori mogući scenarij, a to je onaj prihvaćanja pravnoga "statusa quo", treba kroz otvoreno raspravljanje i davanje prijedloga de lege ferenda precizirati pravnu problematiku kako se ne bi političkim i javnim diverzijama ili distrakcijama prikrivali interesi koji su ili suprotni duhu Ujedinjenih naroda ili su, s druge strane, legitimno suprotstavljeni jedni drugima. ; The right to self-determination of peoples is one of the most controversial concepts in public international law. Also, this concept is not only legal, but also philosophical, and also pertains to political science, sociology and entails various issues and repercussions. Therefore, its analysis should be approached in detail, gradually and with an interdisciplinary approach in order to comprehend the various important aspects of the concept that leads toward the answer to the following question - Is the self- determination of peoples a principle or a right and what else in involved here? Is this right jus cogens de facto and de jure or is it conditioned by the organic other rules of contemporary international order? This primarily refers to the cogent ban of breaching the territorial integrity of existing states and jeopardizing international peace and stability as proclaimed in the Charter of the United Nations. This entails a consideration of the principle of uti possidetis and its roots, as well as secession, the most common consequence of the affirmative exercising of the right to self-determination of peoples. Also on the continuation and dissolution of states, mostly federal, which is necessary for an analysis whether or not there are any material differences in relation to secession, which is also neither permitted nor prohibited. The author here will interpret our closest known case (one still recent) the breakup of the former Yugoslavia, which was a modern precedent for a federal state and has reverberation in current events like those in the Ukraine. In order to have a more complete impression of law, policy and various interests will also make mention of the constitutionality of peoples, minorities and their rights through a variety of documents and the opinions of scholars and also concepts concerning the nation and state recognition. There is no consensus whether it is a constitutive or declaratory act by third countries and the international community. In order to avoid a worst case scenario, the acceptance of the legal "status quo", it should be openly debated in order to avoid political and public diversions or distractions that hide interests which are either contrary to the spirit of the United Nations or, on the other hand, legitimately opposed to each other. ; Il diritto di autodeterminazione dei popoli è uno dei termini più discussi del diritto internazionale pubblico. Inoltre, questo termine non è soltanto giuridico, ma anche filosofico, politico, sociologico e lega a sé varie polemiche e ripercussioni. È per questo che l'approccio all'analisi del termine dev'essere dettagliato, graduale ed interdisciplinare affinché si possano osservare i vari aspetti del termine che portano alla risposta del quesito se l'autodeterminazione nazionale è un principio o un diritto e relativo a chi, se è un diritto jus cogens de facto e de iure o se è condizionato e limitato da altre norme del diritto internazionale contemporaneo. Qui si parla in primis del divieto cogente di lesione dell'integrità territoriale e della pace internazionale e della stabilità proclamati persino nella Dichiarazione delle Nazioni Unite. Il tutto suppone l'osservazione del principio uti possidetis, delle sue radici e dell'obbligo d'implementazione, come anche della secessione, conseguenza più frequente della realizzazione affermativa del diritto di autodeterminazione dei popoli. Inoltre, ciò è relativo al fenomeno della dissoluzione degli stati, soprattutto federali, per i quali è doveroso analizzare la presenza di distinzioni materiali riguardanti la secessione, la quale di per sé non è esplicitamente né opzionale né vietata. L'autore interpreta i relativi fenomeni e termini per mezzo del caso a noi più vicino e più familiare, la dissoluzione dell'ex Jugoslavia, la quale è stata un precedente moderno per gli stati federali, e che ha ripercussioni anche nei casi attuali dell'Ucraina e della Catalonia in Spagna. Con lo scopo di cristalizzare il legame fra il diritto, la politica e i vari interessi, si parla anche della costitutività dei popoli, delle minoranze e dei loro diritti in base ai molti documenti e alle opinioni degli analitici, ed infine della creazione e del riconoscimento di uno stato, per i quali nemmeno prevale un consenso se si tratta di un atto costituente o declaratorio da parte di terzi e della comunità internazionale. Al fine di evitare degli esiti catastrofici, ossia l'interiorizzazione dello "status quo" a livello giuridico, è opportuno discutere in maniera aperta per precisare la problematica legislativa ed evidenziare gli interessi contrari allo spirito delle Nazione Unite o semplicemente giustificatamente opposti.

RIJEČ UREDNIŠTVANa svojoj sjednici 17. srpnja 2003. godine Vlada Republike Hrvatske donijela je Nacionalnu šumarsku politiku i strategiju. S obzirom na sve očitije klimatske promjene koje traže novi odnos prema prirodi i okolišu, na manjkavosti važeće Nacinalne šumarske politike i strategije šumarstva, ali i po našoj ocjeni na neadekvatno uključivanje šumarstva u narodno gospodarstvo, je li i vrijeme za promjene u važećoj Nacionalnoj šumarskoj politici i strategiji? Imamo li uzore? Gledajući šumarske politike u relevantnim zemljama u kojima je šumarstvo značajna grana gospodarstva, razvidno je da se one ne mogu doslovno kopirati. U brošuri Šumarska politika Sabadi (1992) nakon analize Šumarske politike u Njemačkoj i Švicarskoj, navodi kako je očito "da svaka zemlja ima svoj oblik šumarske politike koji joj odgovara s obzirom na gospodarski i politički poredak, filozofiju te utjecaj pojedinaca i grupa na državnu vlast". No, nesporno je da je svaka šumarska politika integralni dio narodnog gospodarstva. Najvažnija faza u stvaranju nacionalne šumarske politike je njezino uključivanje i integracija s ostalim narodnim gospodarstvom u jednu inerakcijsku cjelinu. Isti autor kaže kako kod utvrđivanja Šumarske politike "treba prvo utvrditi ciljeve, a potom sredstva i mjere za postizanje postavljenih ciljeva. Posebnu pozornost treba posvetiti malom seljačkom šumoposjedu (oko 25 % šumske površine)" što je kod nas posebice teško, jer su šumoposjedi mali, a šumovlasnici se teško odlučuju na udruživanja putem kojih se jedino može polučiti uspjeh. Otežavajuća je okolnost da je svako ulaganje u šumu dugoročno i za ulagače premalo profitabilno, ponajprije jer šumarstvo ne sagledavaju kao integralni i vrlo utjecajni čimbenik narodnog gospodarstva. Uglavnom šuma se gleda samo kao izvor sirovine za preradu, dok se zaboravlja općekorisna uloga šuma koja traži širu podršku narodnog gospodarstva. No, ako njenu pravu vrijednost ne mogu sagledati privatni šumovlasnici i općenito poduzetnici, kojima je na prvome mjestu trenutna sirovinska vrijednost, to mora Država, posebice kada je ona, kao u našem slučaju većinski vlasnik. Opći interes treba biti ispred svih drugih interesa, a Država mora kontrolirati i privatne šumovlasnike da se ponašaju sukladno Zakonu o šumama, instrumentu Nacionalne šumarske politike i strategije, koji mora biti obvezan za sve šumovlasnike.Analizirajući da li primjenjujemo ono što je propisano u važećoj Nacionalnoj šumarskoj politici i strategiji i što bi još trebalo propisati, možemo postavljati pitanja i sami na njih odgovarati, jer bi tuđe odgovore smatrali kritikom, najčešće neopravdanom. Ponajprije: da li drvne sortimente prodajemo po tržišnim načelima; da li stvarno vjerujemo da ugovorima o isporuci sirovine pomažemo razvoju finalne prerade drva i povećanju zaposlenosti, posebice inženjera i VKV radnika, ili pak punimo privatne džepove izvoznika proizvoda primarne prerade; ako isporuku drvne sirovine ne usmjeravamo na optimalnu finalnu proizvodnju, nije li to rasipanje nacionalnog bogatstva u kojega je uložen prosječno stogodišnji trud; u isto vrijeme projekt Roswood Centra kompetencija za istočnu Europu, čitamo, daje primjere dobre prakse i inovacija koje se mogu implementirati za pametno i održivo korištenje vrijedne šumske sirovine; da li stvarno ili samo deklarativno kontroliramo sječu na privatnom šumoposjedu, posebice u šumama koje su vraćene bivšim šumovlasnicima; kojim instrumentima i koliko uspješno to radimo; osiguravamo li koristi koje bi od šumarstva trebala imati lokalna zajednica i stanovništvo ruralnih područja, što je jedno od glavnih načela Šumarske politike i strategije EU, koju načelno podržavamo; potičemo li i koliko uspješno suvremenu energetsku uporabu drvne sirovine; da li razmišljamo kako riješiti pitanje sukcesije – ruralna područja ostaju bez stanovništva, i šuma se širi čak do vrtova – nestaju pašnjaci pa i livadske površine unutar šume koje su donedavno košene za pašu i prehranu divljači; da li je istina da nam drvoprerađivači ne želeći osigurati zalihu drvne sirovine, a kada njima to pogoduje "diktiraju" izvlačenje drvnih sortimenata i kada to vremenske prilike ograničavaju (mokar teren) pa nastaju velike štete na šumskom tlu; zašto smo za sitan novac prepustili koncesionarima radnička odmarališta, posebice na moru, koja su izgrađena doprinosom radnika, kojega nisu pretočili u plaće, nego upravo u te objekte; da li smo u odnosu na druge zemlje prevelike površine uključili u Natura 2000; da li smo obavili restrukturiranje Hrvatskih šuma d.o.o. ? Sabadi kaže: "Racionalan put glede organizacije je da se svi poslovi obavljaju u šumariji, a na višoj razini samo oni poslovi koje nije moguće riješiti na šumariji ili njihovo rješenje nije racionalno. U Ministarstvu organizirati službe vrhovnog šumarskog nadzora i one za pomoć malim šumoposjednicima". Da li smo postavili sva pitanja – ne, ali čitatelje potičemo da ih i oni postave i daju odgovor na njih. Ponajprije treba odgovoriti na postavljeno pitanje u naslovu.Nadajući se da nam ova razmišljanja neće pokvariti nadolazeće blagdane, svim članovima Hrvatskoga šumarskoga društva i čitateljima Šumarskoga lista, želimo sretan Božić i uspješnu 2020. godinu.Uredništvo ; EDITORIALAt its session on July 17, 2003, the Government of the Republic of Croatia passed the National Forestry Policy and Strategy. In view of the increasingly pronounced climate change, which requires a new approach to nature and the environment, of the deficiencies of the current National Forestry Policy and Forestry Strategy, as well as, in our opinion, of the inadequate inclusion of forestry in the national economy, has the time come to introduce some changes in the valid National Forestry Policy and Strategy? Do we have any models? A review of forestry policies in relevant countries in which forestry is an important branch of economy clearly shows that they cannot be literally copied. In his brochure "Forestry Policy" Sabadi (1992) analyzed forestry policies in Germany and Switzerland and concluded that "every country has its own form of forestry policy which is in line with its economic and political system, philosophy and the influence of individuals and groups on the state government". It is, however, indisputable that every forestry policy is an integral part of the national economy. The most important stage in the creation of a national forestry policy is its inclusion into and integration with other national economies into one interactive unit. The same author goes on to say that in order to develop forestry policy, "its goals should first be determined, followed by means and measures of achieving the set goals. Particular attention should be paid to small private forest estates (about 25 % of the forested area)". This is very difficult in our country because privately owned forests are small and private forest owners are not willing to merge their estates, which is the only way in which success can be achieved. An aggravating circumstance lies in the fact that investments in forests are of long-term nature and are not sufficiently profitable for investors, chiefly because they do not perceive forestry as an integral and highly influential factor in the national economy. Forests are mainly viewed as a source of raw material for processing, while the non-market forest role, which requires a broader support by the national economy, is overlooked. If the real value of forests is not understood by private forest owners and entrepreneurs in general, whose primary goal is the current value of raw material, then it is the State which should understand it, especially when the State is the major owner as in Croatia. Collective interest should be above all other interests. The State should also make sure that private forest owners adhere to the regulations of the Forest Act, the instrument of the National Forestry Policy and Strategy which is binding for all forest owners.In our analysis of whether we apply the regulations set down in the valid National Forestry Policy and Strategy and what additional items should be incorporated, we should ask questions and answer them ourselves, since we would consider answers by other parties as mostly unjustified criticism. These questions involve the following: do we sell wood assortments according to market principles; do we really believe that with contracts on the delivery of raw material we contribute to the development of final wood processing and increased employment of engineers and qualified workers in the first place, or do we fill the pockets of private exporters of primary processing products; if raw wood material is not directed towards optimal final production, does not this mean that we squander the national wealth in which a hundred-year-long effort has been invested; at the same time we find that the Rosewood Competence Centre for Eastern Europe provides examples of good practice and innovations to be implemented into wise and sustainable use of valuable wood material; do we control felling in private forest estates in practice or only declaratively, particularly in forests which have been returned to their original owners; which instruments do we use and how successfully to accomplish this; do we ensure benefits which forestry should provide for the local community and the population of rural areas, which is one of the main principles of the EU Forestry Policy and Strategy, which we support in principle; do we stimulate and to what extent modern energy use of wood material; do we think about how to solve the question of succession - rural areas are increasingly being abandoned and forests are spreading as far as the people's gardens - pastures and grassland areas within forest, which were until recently mowed or grazed by wildlife, are disappearing; is it true that wood processors do not want to ensure stocks of wood material, and when it suits them "dictate" the extraction of wood assortments even when weather conditions are unfavourable (wet terrain), thus inflicting vast damage on forest soil; why did we allow workers' resort centres, especially those at the seaside, to be taken over by concessionaires for petty cash (these resorts were built with the money which workers allocated from their salaries for exactly this purpose); in relation to other countries, did we allocate too large areas to Natura 2000; did we restructure the company "Croatian Forests Ltd"? Sabadi says: " Rational organisation presupposes that all jobs are accomplished in a forest office, and only those jobs which cannot be performed in a forest office or their solution is not rational should be performed at a higher level. Forest monitoring services and services aimed at assisting small forest owners should be set up in the Ministry". Have we covered all the relevant questions? No, we have not, but we urge the readers to ask questions and give the answers themselves. The first question to be answered is the one mentioned in the headline.Hoping that these thoughts will not spoil the upcoming holidays, we wish Merry Christmas and a Very Successful New Year 2020 to all members of the Croatian Forestry Association and readers of the Forestry Journal.Editorial Board

Vlada demokratskog jedinstva nastala je u početcima otvorene velikosrpske agresije na Hrvatsku, ali i usred krize strateško-obrambene koncepcije. Tuđmanova politika čekanja i kupovanja vremena te izbjegavanja frontalnog i općeg sukoba s JNA, doveli su do javnog kritiziranja njegove obrambene politike od strane oporbe i dijela HDZ-a. U okolnostima sveobuhvatne agresije i, prema nekim navodima, očekivanja raskola u hrvatskoj politici, sredinom srpnja počela je rekonstrukcija postojeće Vlade. Novi mandatar Franjo Gregurić okupljao je kadrove za sastavljanje Vlade, a u tom razdoblju javila se ideja o potrebi proširenja Vlade i nekim nestranačkim kandidatima pa i predstavnicima oporbe. U samo dva-tri dana pregovora postignut je nacionalni konsenzus i potpisan Sporazum saborskih stranaka, čime je stvorena Vlada demokratskog jedinstva. Vlada se sastojala od devet parlamentarnih stranaka, od kojih je osam imalo svoje predstavnike u Vladi. Unatoč činjenici da je 1990-ih godina u Hrvatskoj na snazi bio polupredsjednički sustav koji je predsjedniku Republike davao prilično široke ovlasti, Vlada je na području obrambene i vanjske politike pokazivala određeni stupanj samostalnosti. Prema nekim tvrdnjama Vrhovno državno vijeće je ograničavalo slobodu djelovanja Vlade tako da se za svog jednogodišnjeg mandata Vlada trebala često boriti za veću samostalnost i slobodu djelovanja. S druge strane, Vlada je imala potpunu slobodu u unutarnjim poslovima, primjerice u njezinoj politici prema prognanicima i izbjeglicama, kao i u gospodarskoj politici. Unatoč tvrdnjama o "nestanku" oporbe u vrijeme te višestranačke vlade, s obzirom na to da su potpisivanjem Sporazuma o Vladi demokratskog jedinstva saborske stranke od oporbenih formalno postale koalicijske, dostupni izvori navode na drukčiji zaključak. Naime, predstavnici pojedinih oporbenih i ujedno koalicijskih stranaka od listopada 1991. godine često su kritizirali neke odluke vlasti, koje su se posebno odnosile na vanjsku politiku. Predmet njihovih kritika bile su ujedno Vladine i Tuđmanove uredbe sa zakonskom snagom. Vlada je posljednjih šest mjeseci svog mandata bila izložena pritiscima oporbe i dijela HDZ-a. Međunarodno priznanje Hrvatske i priprema za nove parlamentarne i predsjedničke izbore uzrokovali su pritiske na Vladu demokratskog jedinstva, što se prije svega očitovalo u odlascima određenih nestranačkih i oporbenih ministara, a kasnije dovelo i do velike travanjske rekonstrukcije Vlade u kojoj je u znatnoj mjeri promijenjen njezin sastav u korist HDZ-a. Vlada demokratskog jedinstva nastavila je djelovati do kolovoza, kad je nakon novih parlamentarnih izbora formirana nova, jednostranačka HDZ-ova vlada. ; After the democratic elections in Croatia in the spring of 1990 and the victory of Croatian Democratic Union (HDZ), the new Croatian Government faced the Serbian insurgency which expressed approval for the Milošević's Greater-Serbian policy. The insurgency was supported by the Yugoslav People's Army (JNA) that had disarmed Croatia just after the elections in May 1990. In the summer of 1991, the Yugoslav crisis aggravated. Previous occasional and sporadic conflicts between Croatian police forces and the Serbian insurgents escalated into the open aggression of Serbia, Montenegro and JNA against Croatia. In such conditions, Croatian leadership was conflicted about the defense policy. The disagreement caused the appearance of some fractions in the parliament parties, especially in HDZ. Some participants of Croatian politics in the early 1990s today assert that there were at least two main fractions in HDZ – the "moderate" one that supported Tuđman's policy based on avoiding head-on conflict with JNA, and the "radical" one that wanted to declare JNA and Serbia the aggressors on Croatia and to fight back. Some claim that the "radical" fraction even wanted to bring down Tuđman and replace him with someone else. There isn't enough evidence to verify such statements. It probably was the case of dissatisfaction with the situation on the battlefield. Some write about wide discontent and criticism of Tuđman regarding his defense policy, which was evident at the meetings of the main Board of HDZ in the middle of July, Supreme State Council in the end of July and parliamentary session in the beginning of August 1991. Regarding the attitude towards Tuđman, there is a widespread and simplified opinion that his party turned its back on him and that the opposition expressed him support. Exactly the opposite, the opposition, especially heads of the parties Croatian Social-Liberal Party (HSLS), Croatian democratic party (HDS), and Croatian People's party (HNS) expressed equal, or even more severe, criticism of Tuđman's defense policy. In that kind of atmosphere, the reconstruction of the Government resulted in the national consensus – Democratic Unity Government was formed. It was the third democratic Government and the first multiparty Government after the democratic elections. It is an example of a Grand coalition formed during the war in many countries. The main goal of the new Government was to create more effective defense policy that would gather all the necessary political and military structures and establish the unified command structure. That resulted in entering of the Crisis Staff into the Government and forming of the General Staff of the Croatian Army. In the first two months of its mandate, the Government proposed and adopted measures for emergency readiness in order to organize life in the crisis areas. One of those measures included the blockade of the JNA barracks which Tuđman approved September 13 1991. With the blockade, the previous measured and careful attitude of the Croatian leadership towards JNA shifted from passive to active. One part of the research discussed the role of the Government in defense of the cities of Vukovar and Dubrovnik. Regarding Vukovar, there are some controversies embodied in widespread claims that Croatian leadership "betrayed" and "sacrificed" Vukovar by not sending enough weaponry and ammunition. However, available sources, primarily transcripts and records of the Government sessions, suggest that Vukovar was the priority in the supply of weaponry and ammunition. Furthermore, some members of the Government and other representatives of the Croatian leadership visited Vukovar and Eastern-Slavonian battlefield. In the context of all the crisis areas on the Croatian battlefield, Vukovar was the most dominant topic at the Government sessions. At the session held November 17, the Government adopted a series of decisions pertaining to the protection of Vukovar civilians. In the appeals to the international organizations, Vukovar and Dubrovnik were the two most mentioned cities. As was the case with Vukovar, the Government sent weaponry and other military equipment, transported humanitarian aid to Dubrovnik and appealed for help. It is worth mentioning convoy "Libertas" which supplied humanitarian aid to the surrounded Dubrovnik and broke the naval blockade. Also, some Government members came by the convoy to Dubrovnik to show their support. At the end of November 1991, Government sent three of its ministers to Dubrovnik where they had to represent the Government and facilitate its operation in Southern Dalmatia, maintain contacts with the international organizations, negotiate with the JNA representatives and maintain communication with the Croatian Army. The three ministers Davorin Rudolf, Petar Kriste and Ivan Cifrić were situated in Dubrovnik during its heaviest attack and the day after they agreed to a truce with the JNA representatives. The Government supported the negotiations between the city military and civil representatives and JNA because it wanted to procrastinate with the attacks and buy some time to strengthen the military and international position of Croatia. On the other hand, the Government and Tuđman strongly opposed to intentions of "demilitarization" of Dubrovnik which would surrender its arms to the JNA under the supervision of representatives of the international community, i.e. surrender of the city to the aggressor. Second most important task of the Government was the struggle for international recognition. The establishment of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs showed all the problems of the political structures that young democratic state had to face. Such problems refer to lack of experience as well as technical and financial resources. The Government cooperated with the European Community and the United Nations. Although, Tuđman was the designer of the Forreign Affairs and the Government often had to put into action his decisions, during the Conference of peace in Hague it showed some differentiation, such as declaring it would abort the attending of the Conference unless JNA left Croatia. After the arms embargo in September 1991, the Croatian Government deprived of the right of representation of Croatia in the UN Budimir Lončar and Darko Šilović, due to their role in instigating the decision of the UN regarding embargo. The Government Memorandum, addressed to ministerial Council of the EC in November 22, stated that economic sanctions of the Roman declaration of November 8 would affect mostly Croatia. Such view showed a certain degree of independence of the Democratic Unity Government. The Government accepted the Vance plan but argued the methods of its implementation. The activity of the Government in Forreign Affairs reflects in numerous official and unofficial meetings and encounters with various politicians and statesmen. The main task of the Government members was to appeal to stop the war and recognize Croatia, but they also had to struggle against Serbian propaganda which spread lies about rehabilitation of Ustasha and Independent State of Croatia (NDH) and portrayed president Tuđman and the Croatian Government as anti-Semitic. In that context, some think that the Croatian Government and leadership in general, provided insufficient to the international public. In this research, I also analyzed social politics of the Democratic Unity Government, that is, politics towards Croatian displaced persons and refugees as well as Bosnian-Herzegovinian refugees during 1991 and 1992. At the very beginning of the aggression against Croatia, new Croatian Government had to face refugee crisis. Forcible relocations of the Croatian civilians, among which some moved into safe areas in Croatia, while others left the country, induced Government to, with the term "refugee", which refers to those persons who had to emigrate their own country, introduce another one – "displaced persons", which referred to those civilians who hadn't left Croatia, only were displaced to some other territory within the country. Government also adopted some measures to secure accommodation for the displaced persons and refugees by emptying hotels and resorts and founding of the Office for the displaced persons and refugees in November 1991. Funds for the displaced persons and refugees Government secured mostly from the state budget, while all requests for financial help from the international community were unsuccessful. Consequently, in that period Croatia funded also Bosnian-Herzegovinian refugees from its budget, while the international community helped only with humanitarian help. In this chapter the Government activity in prevention of persecution of the civilian population was discussed through several examples. In that aspect, its activities were mostly limited to addressing the international community. In the case of Ilok, from where in October 1991 approximately 10.000 people were banished, Government founded the Commission of the Parliament and Government to try to stop the persecution, but it failed to achieve its goal, since the persecution had already begun. After the fall and occupation of Vukovar in November 1991, the Government organized evacuation of approximately 15.000 people, but it was carried out only partially. The Government didn't have control over the war zone, which means that its opportunities for safe and efficient evacuation were highly limited. One of the main plans for the displaced persons and refugees was Government's Return Program, which began its realization only after the end of the war and peaceful reintegration of Podunavlje in 1998. Economic politics of the Democratic Unity Government was reflected in its independence from Serbia. Following measures and decisions of the previous Croatian Government, on the day of its establishment, Democratic Unity Government broke off economic relations with Serbia, however only partially. Those companies with strong business ties with some companies in Serbia, had liberty to continue their cooperation. The export to Serbia and Montenegro was limited only to some "strategic" raw materials and products, such as petroleum. The Government also introduced its own currency, hrvatski dinar (HRD). One of the main achievements of the Government was that it avoided the transit to "war economy", in spite of the increased military spending. Since priority of the Croatian Government was determined by war, its activities gravitated towards repair of the enormous war damage in transport, utility and residential infrastructure. In the end of 1991 the Government established the Ministry of Reconstruction, while in the first half of 1992 the Government composed the Reconstruction Program and its Financial Plan that was adopted by the Croatian Parliament in June 1992. Nevertheless, because of the status quo imposed by the UNPROFOR, located on the occupied territories in Croatia, the reconstruction of the country began after the war had ended in 1995. Analyzed activities of the Government in the Defense policy, Foreign Affairs, as well as its Social and Economic policy raise the question of the Government's independence regarding Tuđman and Croatian Parliament. Considering the semi-presidential system, the Government was the executive authority of the president of the Republic and Croatian Parliament. Government also had legislative powers authorized by the Parliament, because in the wartime a great number of important decisions had to be made in a very short amount of time. The Government was not only the executive body of the President, but it also functioned as his close associate. That manifests mostly through the measures for emergency readiness in August and September 1991. Sometimes, the Government had to step out of its Constitutional powers if developments on the battlefield required it to, for example regarding the decisions about Vukovar, November 17 1991. Regarding activities of the Government in the researched areas, it can be concluded that Democratic Unity Government had a high level of autonomy, taking into account the existing semi-presidential system. Nevertheless, the powers of the Government were limited in the Defense policy and Forregin Affairs, while on the other hand, it had complete autonomy in Internal Affairs, in this case, in its Social and Economic politics. An issue that requires special consideration in this research regards the opposition in Croatia during the mandate of the Democratic Unity Government. Some claim that with forming of the multiparty Government, the opposition in Croatia "disappeared". The remark is understandable considering that all the parliament parties signed the Agreement of Democratic Unity Government, which marked their transition from the opposition to coalition partners. But, did the opposition really "disappeared" form Croatian political life? Numerous public appearances of various representatives of opposition parties and parties in general, indicate otherwise. Activity of the opposition at the Parliament sessions from October 1991 to May and June 1992 shows agility of the opposition life in Croatia. From the beginning of the Democratic Unity Government in August till October, the opposition parties didn't raise any questions in public about some decisions of the Croatian leadership, but from October began severe criticism towards Tuđman and the Government. Discontent was expressed primarily to the acceptance of the Carrington's arrangement in Hague. Criticism of Foreign Affairs arose also after the acceptance of the Vance plan. In the last six months of its mandate, the Government was exposed to various pressures from the opposition and from one part of the HDZ, which reinforced especially after the international recognition at the beginning of 1992. Some opposition and nonpartisan ministers left the Government, whereas in April 1992 there was the reconstruction of the Government which changed significantly the personnel composition of the Government, resulting in the increase of the HDZ members. It was obvious that it was not the exact same Government from the beginning of August 1991 and that its end was near. In the new elections held August 2 1992, the HDZ defeated its opponents and ten days later, new, One-party Government was formed. Establishment and presented activities of the Democratic Unity Government is the proof of the democratic system in Republic of Croatia at the beginning of 1990s and counter-argument for theses about Tuđman's authoritarian style of rule. A multiparty Government, whose prominent members were opposition representatives, couldn't have been formed in an undemocratic or authoritarian system. Forming of the Grand Coalition merely one year after HDZ had won the elections, provides a valuable contribution to the study of Tuđman's policy, shows larger picture of the Croatian leadership and opens the door for further research of Croatian political life in the early 1990s.

U studiji se, nasuprot uvriježenim mišljenjima, dokazuje da su blokovi sjevernog dijela Dioklecijanove palače bili izvorno projektirani i izvedeni za potrebe gineceja kojemu se u Notitia Dignitatum spominje nadstojnik (Procurator gynaecii lovensis Dalmatiae -Aspalato). Opskrbljivao ga je akvedukt kapaciteta 1500 1/sec. = 129.600 m3 na dan. Problem obilnog ispiranja riješen je odgovarajucim kanalizacijskim sistemom koji je postojao samo duž ulica sjevernog dijela Palače u kojem su se nalazili pogoni carskih tkaonica. Tehnologija je (uz sustav bazena arheološki uočenih u prizemlju Papalićeve palače) ukljucivala sumporavanje, za što su bili na raspolaganju brojni izvori sumporne vode uz samu Palaču. Čitava građevina savršeno se uklapa u dugački niz tetrarhijskih javnih radova. Bila bi to izvorna, osnovna funkcija građevine u koju se Dioklecijan povukao nakon što je 305. g. bio prisiljen na abdikaciju. ; In scholarly literature, the term "city" was first mentioned by Lj. Karaman, talking of the beginnings of medieval Split in Diocletian's Palace, and then by Andre Grabar in his Martyrium (I: 232-233).2 Noel Duval, in a series of studies he wrote, asks whether Diocletian's residence should be classified as palatium, villa, castrum, urban settlement or some special type of architecture, considering that in comparison with genuine imperial palaces like those in Constantinople, Antioch, Philippopolis and Ravenna, it was wanting a number of "attributes": proposed the term "chateau".3 -5 The term was thoroughly investigated by Slobodan Čurčić, discussing late antique palatine architecture, showing convincingly that the urban character of these residences was undoubted (of Antioch , Nicomedia, Salona, Constantinople, Split) - although the miniature municipal quarters in them had an only slightly more than symbolic significance.6 Diocletian's building in Split really does not have the external look of a Roman imperial villa. In Split, in particular with respect to the two architectural masses in the northern part of the building, we note, its innate anti-landscape character, both the internal and the external disposition of the architectural elements, which is almost inorganically formalised. Not even in the narrow residential area, within which the halls are interconnected only via the "cryptoportico" having no direct contacts with the surrounding landscape, we do not find any of the characteristics that in the nature of things we would expect in a residence in which, it was always considered, the emperor intended to while away his final years. The Split edifice is really primarily an example of fortification. But here too we can be surprised. The sentry patrol corridor should be on the top of the walls and should be protected with a parapet, while here it is on the first floor, perforated with hardly defensible apertures (3 x 2m). The building was clearly primarily motivated by the desire to impress the surroundings, with its emphatic delineation of military presence and power. The Golden and Silver Gates and the great apertures of the sentry corridor on the three sides of the walls onto the mainland must have been walled up before the Byzantine-Gothic wars of the 530s.7 But it would seem that we can understand its form - so very particular that it evades the usual, in some sense fossilized, terminology – only through some new reading of the original meaning and purpose of the building itself. In author's opinion, this is proffered by a very simple question. The aqueduct that brought water into the palace from the source of the river Jadro was, in the design and execution of the imperial architects, undoubtedly related to the construction of his final dwelling place. Although it is a rare specimen of a Roman monument of this kind that is still being used today (reconstructed in 1878), in the literature and in research it has been almost entirely neglected, and has certainly never been interpreted in the original context. The aqueduct provided 1500 l/ sec. (129.600 m3 a day), which in terms of our standards would be enough for a population of 173,000. 8,9 The sheer amount of water inevitably leads to the question of what it was meant for, because it far exceeded the needs of the relatively modest bath complexes in the Palace. The answer might be hidden in an almost neglected item of information from Notitia Dignitatum OC XI 48 (ed. 0 . Seeck, 150) where there is a mention of the Procurator genaecii Iovensis Dalmatiae - Aspalato- warden of the imperial weaving shop for the production of woollen clothing for the army that worked in Split, under the title of Jupiter. So far it has always been thought, on the rare occasions when this fact has been mentioned at all (and then only by-the-bye) that this gynaeceum was only after Diocletian's death "inscribed" into the Palace, which was for the whole of the 5th century a kind of pensiopolis of dethroned emperors or pretenders to the throne. It has been considered that the northern part of the Palace was reserved for the Imperial Guard, for stables and the like. 10,11 Notitia Dignitatum, a long list of all the senior offices in the Empire, civilian and military, is certainly of a composite character. The basic text was created probably in about 408 (in partibus Occidentis changes were recorded up to 420), but it conceals a lot of information about the periods before the revision of the basic copy, mirroring the order that Diocletian had brought into the state, which certainly relates to the Split gynaeceum, which alone of the 14 such complexes located in the most important cities of the empire bears the characteristic predicate Iovense: it must in itself constitute a terminus post quem non to do with the origin of the factory of military uniforms of wool in the building in Split. 12,13,15 Although the gynaecea were never mentioned in the context of Diocletian's reforms, it is generally accepted that they were created at the time of the first Tetrarchy. The concentration of the labour force, the range of specialised jobs, the degree of organisation and their connection with urban centres makes them, in the judgement of historians, the closest to the modern industrial factory. State factories (fabricae) were set up in the late Empire to eliminate or at least to alleviate the difficulties concerning the supply of the state and the army with certain products. It was necessary to clothe the approximately half a million soldiers that Diocletian 's army reforms had raised, as well as no small number of clerks. Archaeology, however, has never made any direct contribution to the understanding of their internal organisation, except in the case of the otherwise well documented gynaeceum in Carthage, which lay in the heart of the city, on the edge of the celebrated Circular Harbour. 16,17 The state operated, through the comes sacrarum largitionum, a number of weaving mills, both for woolen and linen fabrics, and dyeworks 18 The Split gynaeceum should have probably been in some kind of complementary relationship with the gynaeceum moved to Salona, perhaps for security reasons, from Bassiana (Donji Petrovci, Pannonia Inferior) also noted by Notitia Dignitatum, XI, 46 (Procurator gynaecii Bassanensis Pannoniae Secundae translati Salonis). In Salona, thus, there was a large cloth dyeworks (In Not. dign. the Procurator bafii Salonitani Dalmatiae was also mentioned) and weaving mill. At Five Bridges in Salona artisan workshops were actually found, probably a dyer's workshop, and fulling mills for cloth and the dyeing of cloth. Also to be seen is the reservoir from which the water to drive the mills ran, and a building for the habitation of the workers. 19 In one inscription in Salona, a magister conquilarius is mentioned (CIL III 2115 + 8572), clearly the head of the state workshops in which purple was extracted from shellfish, perhaps for the gynaeceum in Aspalathos. 22 Another inscription found in Salona mentions a certain Hilarus, who was the purpurarius, dyer of red garments or, perhaps, negotiator artis purpurae. 23 That the Salona baffeum and the Split gynaeceum were mentioned only in the Notitia Dignitatum, says that their production was a strictly channelled state monopoly, and that the products from them did not make their way to the general market as other goods did. The army was supplied directly, without the agency of merchants. Although not all the technological details of the gynaeceum, the fullonica and the baffeum have been revealed, we can conjure up in the northern half of the Palace an image of the whole system of pools in which the fabrics were washed, softened and finished by being trampled on with bare feet in a solution of potash , fuller's earth, human and animal urine. Here then there was a very large demand for water.28 Garments were rubbed with chalk, and fumigated with sulphur. It is particularly important to remember that the technology included, among other things, sulphur treatment (sulfure sulfire ), for which there were the many springs of sulphurous water alongside the Palace itself, which were used for the washing and bleaching of cloth right up to the first half of the 20th century, by St Francis church on the Shore.29 The problem of copious rinsing was solved by the extraordinarily handled sewage system that existed only along the the cardo and decumanus and the perimeter streets of the northern part of the Palace , in which the mentioned plant was located. Among other things, the extreme western part of the sewer under the decumanus, at the exit from the Palace, has been explored. It passed under the western gate (Porta ferrea), and moved in a gentle arc towards the south-west, finishing some forty metres further in a stone portal (below the kitchen of today's Hotel Central). Thence in an open channel all this water flowed into the bay of the sea, in the immediate vicinity of the grandest corner of the Palace.30 The monumental cross-section of this sewage system corresponds perfectly to the cross-section of the aqueduct. We should underscore the fact that the sewage system was located only along the streets of the northern part of the Palace, while we might expect it to be primarily in the residential southern part, which also shows that it was constructed for the purpose of the production inside the gynaeceum. Unfortunately, there are practically no archaeological records of the small finds from investigations of the northern part of the Split building. But, during excavations of the crossing place of the cardo and decumanus (in order to establish the original level of the street and the Peristyle) M. Suić in 1974 did observe, "a very thick layer of fine sediment of a markedly red colour of non-organic origin", which had been deposited in the cloaca, and which had retained its intensity for centuries. This must prove the existence of fullonica, which must have been located within the gynaeceum.31, 32, 55, 56 Gynaeciarii, like other craftsmen, were associated into corporations or collegia, but were not able to leave their work, being nexu sanguinis ad divinas largitiones perlinenles, which makes the construction of the northern part of the Palace, in which they lived alongside their workshops even more logical. 36 - 4 0 Their patron saint in 5th c. might have been, as I have already speculated, St Martin - patron of soldiers and weavers -to whom the little church in the sentries' walk over the Golden Gate, walled-in very early on, was dedicated. 41 All this also suggests that Christianity was alive in the Palace from day one. Along with the bishop and the praetorians, the weavers were probably that industrial revolutionary guard of the time. It is not at all surprising that a martyr like St. Anastasius - a fullo, the co-patron of Split, should have come precisely from the milieu of the fullers, probably working in the baffeum in Salona. In Split, Diocletian's gynaeceum was probably reliant upon a manufacture that already existed, one linked with the sulphurous water and perhaps on the broom, genisla acanlhoclada, from which a colouring agent for dying the cloth was obtained, and according to which, it is believed, Aspalathos actually obtained its name.43 There was raw material in Dalmatia within reach. Immediately following the Second World War there were about one million sheep in the central hinterland of the Adriatic coast. Delm or Dalm in Old Illyrian means shepherd, herder, flock, and hence Delminium means the place of pasture, and delme- dalme still today in Albanian means sheep.44 - 49 Evidence of the organised weaving industry in Roman Dalmatia can be seen in the form of the weaving industry around Split, which all the way through the Middle Ages and until quite recently was different from that in the other regions. 51 The Gynaeceum iovense might have been special precisely in the fact that this was not a remodelled and expanded production area already in existence, the expropriation of some extant minor complexes (as is assumed to have happened in Carthage), but a green field project, an exemplarily constructed industrial unit. And for this reason, of all such establishments, it was the only one to have such a flowery dedication and name. At the end one should also draw attention to an almost neglected reference concerning the palace, that is, the first description of it, uttered by the most authoritative mouth of all. In the Oralio ad Sanclorum coelum which he delivered in Antioch in 325, Emperor Constantine said that the colossal pile of the palace was a "loathed dwelling" in which the Emperor Diocletian shut himself up after this abdication: "After the massacre in the persecutions, after he had condemned himself by depriving himself of power, as a man of no utility, acknowledging the damage he had done with his imprudence, he remained hidden in his really contemptible dwelling place". 61 This surprising statement of Constantine might be an allusion to the fact that Diocletian had to spend his last days in a building that in spite of all the sumptuousness of its centre and the residential quarters looking onto the sea- must also have had the features of a military factory, to which the form of the castrum must have been in all respects much more suitable than to a charming imperial residence. The whole of the building fits perfectly in with the long series of tetrarchic public works. It is important to stress the autonomy of the cardo and the decumanus (12 metres broad) with their own lastricatus and their own porticatus, independent of the blocks that they hid. I would even say that the form of the castrum is more logical for a gynaeceum than it is for a palace. What should be actually highlighted is the surprising pragmatism, as well as the great social focus of the lllyrian emperors, who really did want to renew the "fervent patriotism and iron duty in the evil days" (Syme). Probus in Egypt worked on an important improvement of the navigation of the Nile; temples, bridges, porticoes, palaces, all were put up by the army. Galerius himself was a devotee of public works, and undertook an operation worth of a monarch, says Gibbon, diverting the excess of water from Lake Pelso (Balaton) to the Danube, at the border with Noricum. He had the endless woods all around cleared, and gave the whole reclaimed area between the Drava and the Danube to his Panonian subjects to be cultivated, naming it Valeria after his wife. 65, 66 Most of the buildings that Diocletian put up were of a utilitarian purpose, such as mints and the factories that Lactantius mentions, or border forts, roads and bridges. Dozens of extant inscriptions tell us of the dedications of new and restored temples, aqueducts, nymphea and public buildings - "vetustatu con lapsum" or "Ionge incuria neglectum"- dilapidated from age and long neglect. 67 According to Lactantius's writing, Diocletian had an infinitam cupiditatem aedificandi, an infinite desire to build. 68 Today we are apt to count mostly the imperial palaces in connection with this statement, and to forget the whole framework of comprehensive public works that were undertaken during the first tetrarchy. Twenty years of relaxation from civil wars and barbarian invasions, and the gradual suppression of local unrest, led to the renovation of the prosperity in cities all round the Empire, hence the major number of public dedications, the revival of overall construction activity. The Tetrarchan New Deal - with Diocletian as the Roosevelt of the ancient world - is often understood in a formalist way, as a series of legislative and political attempts to halt inflation, overlooking exploits like Galerius's round Balaton, or this one in Split. The construction of the Split Palace, then, no kind of imperial Xanadu, as it is often held to be, justified its investment. More than that: its existence enabled antiquity in Dalmatia, even after the 7th century catastrophe, not to be extinguished with a sudden death, but over long centuries to be merged into the modern age, remaining until this day a lesson in and criterion for every creative architectural operation into the tissue of the city, which developed organically within the precise, almost dry geometry of the Emperor's palace-cumfactory. * The article was published in English, in: Das Imperium zwischen Zentralisierung und Regionalisierung: Palaste- Regionen- Volker (ed. A. Demand, A. Goltz und H. Schlange-Schoningen), Berlin - New York 2004: 141-162.