Suchergebnisse

After a brief account of the origin of the Kosovo crisis & of the attempts made by the international community to bring it to a solution, in the present work, the Author starts analyzing the stands taken by States in relation to the declaration of independence issued on the 17 February 2008 by the Assembly of Kosovo. By weighing the validity of the arguments advanced in favour or against the independence of Kosovo, the Author first highlights the violation of the terms of the UN Security Council resolution 1244/99 by the unilateral declaration of independence & the contradictions & omissions inherent in the claim of uniqueness about Kosovo advanced by most of the States which have decided to recognize the new entity. The Author then claims that the independence of Kosovo cannot be characterized neither as an exercise of a (dubious) right to a remedial secession nor as a fait accompli. He therefore concludes that Kosovo does not qualify yet as a subject of international law, that the acts of recognition of the new entity adopted by several States are premature and, as such, illegitimate & that, notwithstanding it is resolutely denied in any official statement, the conduct of abovementioned States seems to be permeated by the philosophy of the remedial secession. Adapted from the source document.

The idea of self-ownership is often used by libertarians to deny that the state is morally authorized to modify free market transactions coercively by means of taxation &, more generally, redistributive policies. From this perspective, if I am the owner of myself, I also own, according to Lockean teaching, the outcomes of my labor. Thus, there is no room for distributive justice without violating self-ownership. In this essay, the author argues against this idea. The author demonstrates some problems with the Lockean theory of labor mixing. He criticizes the Lockean theory as it has been recently reformulated by Robert Nozick. He explains why the supposed conflict between self-ownership & distributive justice can be accommodated & why it is possible & necessary to continue to elaborate theories of justice compatible with the idea of self-ownership. Adapted from the source document.

In this essay the author chooses to develop the stimulating & intricate theme of liberal socialism from the perspective of cultural-political reviews. After a short reference to the forerunners, like John Stuart Mill & Leonard Hobhouse, the author illustrates the rebirth of a meeting proposal between liberalism & socialism in the middle of the twenties of the last century. With regard to this, beside Carlo Rosselli's notes, the contributions of Arturo Labriola & Guido De Ruggiero come out respectively in "Critica Sociale" & "La Rivoluzione Liberale." The author underlines the newness of these attitudes starting from Labriola's theories. Labriola thinks that the right time has come for the socialism to deliver its teaching from what he calls the "asiatic heritage," which exerted its influence on socialist doctrine by a choking & centralizing collectivism conditioning the individual to coercive institutions as "clan," "caste," "State," &, after 1917, the "one party system." The Italian scholar opposes to this heritage, belonging to the Eastern culture & society, the Western political tradition based on man's rights & freedom. Guido De Ruggiero's contribution -- though almost unknown to scholars -- originates from British political situation & develops in a meaning of liberty that trespasses on territory of equality creating the fundamental concept of his proposal: the "equality of opportunity." However the "equality of opportunity," needs a particular version of liberalism & socialism because it can be carried out only if liberalism is open to social action, a "new liberalism" as De Ruggiero calls it. By this way socialism cannot be Marxist & collectivist, because of freedom requirements. 20 References. Adapted from the source document.

A history of the sort of impact Bruno Leoni & his publication, Il Politico, had on the study of political science, economics, & other subjects due to Leoni's personality & beliefs. The author also discusses the changes under the leadership of the other chief editor, Scaramozzino, & why Leoni's contributions will not be forgotten. E. Miller

The author analyzes the form of government of premiership with reference to the parliamentary system taking GB as a model, being "mother" of both forms of government. However, the British premiership, as it is expressed in the English Constitution, is not applicable to other situations; this is true also if we tried to reproduce exactly all the characteristics of the British system, starting from a non-written constitution. The author proves that the premiership is the evolution of the parliamentary government, that is a specification of the latter, since it maintains the trust between the government & the parliament. The premiership is characterized by having the Prime Minister, indicated (not elected!) by the electoral body, as head together with its majority; in consequence, he has a double trust, electoral & parliamentary. The Prime Minister's role becomes stronger since he holds personal & particular powers, as the appointment & the reversal of his ministers & the early dissolution of the Chambers; in this way the Prime Minister can choose when to return to his electors. In this context it is necessary to emphasize the role of the Parliament, of the parliamentary opposition & of the political parties. Adapted from the source document.

This article assesses the legal status of the INCE by comparing its characteristics with determining factors set forth by other international agencies to see if it meets the proper requirements. The author then goes on to criticize these general requirements of all international organizations as being too ambiguous or difficult to apply. The article then describes the organization & decides if by its analysis, it should be subject to international rights & laws. E. Miller

The article begins with a discussion of the transition of Europe after the fall of the Berlin Wall & how this affected the post of the President of the European Council. The author highlights 3 major accomplishments during the six-month term of the Italian President: the invitation of Yugoslav President Kostunica; approval of the declaration against the death penalty in Europe; & conditional acceptance of Armenia & Azerbaijan to the Council. Under the direction of the Italian president, the Council also sponsored several programs on racism & human rights around the world.

A recently established field of political studies aims at explaining historical events through models drawn from Rational Choice & Game Theory. This blend between history & theory is now generally indicated as Analytic Narratives, which is the name of an influent book published a few years ago. In this essay the author applies the approach of analytic narratives to the period immediately after WWII when the anti-Fascist parties alliance was superseded by majority governments between the Christian Democratic Party & its smaller moderate allies & the Socialist & the Communist parties were excluded from government. The paper maintains that that passage can be analyzed through the debates in the constitutional assembly elected in June 1946. It focuses on the question of the relations between the Italian Republic & the Vatican State. The Communist Party, contrary to general expectations, voted in favor of the Catholic position that eventually prevailed. The paper makes use of well-known historical documents to plot parties' positions in the political space. Then the author explains the unexpected Communist choice considering its unwillingness to face religious confrontation, & its hope to be accepted as a long-term government partner by the Catholic Party. On the basis of the spatial theory of rational voting, the paper shows that both hypotheses are consistent with the preferences of the parties & their view of the political situation. This choice reveals the disregard of the Communist Party toward the Socialist & the other Left parties, a theoretical finding confirmed by historical research. 2 Tables, 6 Figures, 45 References. Adapted from the source document.

In this paper the author examines the theme of research of the stability of government in the Italian Constituent Assembly with reference at Switzerland government model between parliamentarism and presidentialism system. The stability of Italian government is very problem in the news constitutionals rules: in the different parties there are fluctuation between parliamentarism and presidentialism but in the cultural background of Italians deputies there are also proposals of directorial Swiss model. Nevertheless the different political and social italian habitat with strong radicalisation is opposite at research of the stability of government: result is parliamentarism without rationalisation with frequents crisis. Adapted from the source document.