Suchergebnisse

The author compares two political parties, one from Eastern/Central Europe, and the other from Western Europe - Hungarian Jobbik and Dutch Party for Freedom of Geert Wilders - to portray some of the similarities, as well as the differences, between radical right parties in Western and Eastern European countries. The article is divided into three parts. In the first part, the author presents the contemporary radical right. Contemporary radical right, in comparison to the interwar radical right, is not necessary anti-systemic, but mainly ultra-nationalistic, xenophobic and homophobic. Although the term radical right describes one party family, this party family has significant internal differences. Therefore, there are many definitions, which are trying to grasp this political phenomenon. The second part of the article analyses the Hungarian Jobbik. The author concludes that Jobbik satisfies all the characteristics of the radical right, and therefore represents a truly radical right party. The third part of the article is devoted to the Dutch Party for Freedom. The author concludes that this party can also be regarded as a radical right party. Adapted from the source document.

The author applies a variant of the common pool resources theory to the problem of public spending under the coalition governments elected by proportional representation. The claim is that proportional representation produces cabinets with a large number of parties, and that a large number of parties brings about higher public spending (measured by budget deficit and public debt). The author constructs and deploys the concept of budgetary dilemma to the effect that, absent institutional constraints, public spending results in expansionary fiscal policy. In the second part, the author empirically tests the budgetary dilemma in two postcommunist democracies - Serbia and Croatia, which in 2000-2013 had cabinets with a large number of actors and increasing public spending. The analysis shows a statistically unreliable predictive capacity of the main independent variable - the number of parties in the cabinet. Statistical analysis is followed by several illustrations of the budgetary dilemma. Adapted from the source document.

The author applies a variant of the common pool resources theory to the problem of public spending under the coalition governments elected by proportional representation. The claim is that proportional representation produces cabinets with a large number of parties, and that a large number of parties brings about higher public spending (measured by budget deficit and public debt). The author constructs and deploys the concept of budgetary dilemma to the effect that, absent institutional constraints, public spending results in expansionary fiscal policy. In the second part, the author empirically tests the budgetary dilemma in two postcommunist democracies - Serbia and Croatia, which in 2000-2013 had cabinets with a large number of actors and increasing public spending. The analysis shows a statistically unreliable predictive capacity of the main independent variable - the number of parties in the cabinet. Statistical analysis is followed by several illustrations of the budgetary dilemma. Adapted from the source document.

Since its beginnings till the present day, Radovan Pavic has been the most frequent author in the area of Political Geography, Geopolitics and Geostrategy in Politicka misao. Although he was not the only author in this area, his work left a strong influence on the development of Political Geography and Geopolitics at the Faculty of Political Science in Zagreb and on the development of the discipline in Croatia. Having in mind the quantitative extension of his work, this paper analyzes the contribution in Politicka misao in the last fifty years (1964-2013). Besides quantitative analysis, the aim of this paper is content analysis on a geographical, thematic and theoretical basis. Adapted from the source document.

In this article, the author suggests that in recent years climate change is gravely affecting the stability of the international order. The reason is not only the recklessness of the industrial sector as a source polluter, but also the lack of political will in drafting a global blueprint for creating a unique international climate regime. Even though the effects of climate change are getting worse each year, the selfish interests of states, the realpolitik in foreign policy and anarchy dominate international relations, thus representing an obstacle to creating an international climate regime. The author examines ways to overcome these obstacles to international institutionalization of climate issues by introducing three IR theory perspectives: realist, rationalist and idealist. The synthesis of these three perspectives is that the international climate regime should be decentralized; its legal acts should be drafted from inter-state agreements on specific issues, while its principles should be incorporated to the already existing international legal acts. Adapted from the source document.

In this article, the author suggests that in recent years climate change is gravely affecting the stability of the international order. The reason is not only the recklessness of the industrial sector as a source polluter, but also the lack of political will in drafting a global blueprint for creating a unique international climate regime. Even though the effects of climate change are getting worse each year, the selfish interests of states, the realpolitik in foreign policy and anarchy dominate international relations, thus representing an obstacle to creating an international climate regime. The author examines ways to overcome these obstacles to international institutionalization of climate issues by introducing three IR theory perspectives: realist, rationalist and idealist. The synthesis of these three perspectives is that the international climate regime should be decentralized; its legal acts should be drafted from inter-state agreements on specific issues, while its principles should be incorporated to the already existing international legal acts. Adapted from the source document.

The author gives an overview of political sociology as a (sub)discipline of modern political science, with special reference to Croatia. The paper consists of three parts. In the first part the method and the development of modern political sociology is given by putting special emphasis on the eclectic nature of the (sub)discipline. The second part is dedicated to the bibliometric analysis with respect to the subject matter of political sociology of three journals relevant to political science in Croatia, namely Politicka misao, Anali Hrvatskog politoloskog drustva and Suvremene teme. The analysis results show an extremely small number of papers in the field of political sociology in all three journals, as well as the uneven distribution of topics within the subject of political sociology. The third and final part of the paper compares Croatian experiences in the field of political sociology with international trends and other political science (sub)disciplines. The author concludes that the Croatian political sociology is underdeveloped and inconsistent with the topics of political sociologies in other countries. Adapted from the source document.

In this article the traditional and modern elements of the identity of Serbs in Croatia are analysed. The author identifies the following key elements or markers of this identity: Christian Orthodox faith, use of Cyrillic alphabet, social and political preferences and values, concern for the status of their ethnic community, loyalty to specific organisations that represent their community, and memories of the Second World War, i.e. loyalty to Partisans. This article presents results of in-depth interviewing of a large number of ethnic Serbs from different regions of Croatia. The author concludes that following the disintegration of Yugoslavia, Serb identity in Croatia has been through an ambivalent process. On one hand, there is a process of re-traditionalisation and 'reviving of identity', which had been neglected in the times of Yugoslavia. On the other hand, due to the war of the 1990s, Serb ethnic community in Croatia has been significantly reduced, and there are new fears - especially of the trend of assimilation. Many Serbs have left Croatia and will not return. Thus, it is possible that the Serb community is facing disappearance. Adapted from the source document.

The article presents the history of public policy, understood as one of political science subfields, as it has manifested itself in the journal Politicka misao, in the period from 1964 to 2013. On the basis of analyzed texts on the subject of public policy, the author constructs three periods of the history of the subdiscipline in the journal. The first period can be labeled the prehistory of the subdiscipline, when public policies were relatively rarely researched and without distinctive metavocabulary which later defined that area of research. The constitution of the subdiscipline and (post)war calm, which can partially be attributed to 'natural' domination of other research interests in transitional restructuring of political order, are placed in the second period of the development of the discipline (2000-2013). The last period (2000-2013) is characterized by further development of the subdiscipline, proliferation of research themes, theoretical approaches and researched policy areas. However, the author contends that it is also marked by the lack of consolidation. Besides discussing various methodological caveats that come as necessary in the task of writing a 'Whig' history of the subdiscipline, the article also tackles its future: in concluding normative projections, it surges out of the text into the social and political context of policy studies and analysis in Croatia. Adapted from the source document.

The author is deconstructing the logics and the consequences of 'structural adaptation' to the laws of the market and profit in Serbia from the 1960s until today. The paper consists of three systematic parts. The first one is a description of the period from 1965 to 1991. It is shown that the roots of capitalist restoration can be found in economical reforms undertaken within nominal socialism, which opened the way for a more free action of the market mechanisms. The second part of the paper is dedicated to the so-called 'Milosevic period' (1991 - 2001) during which, under the auspices of degenerated political capitalism and in a blocked context, the process of structural adaptation continues, in favour of the continuative nomenclature of the former collective owners, or the new class of lumpenbourgeoisie information. The third part is an analysis of the neoliberal period after the 'democratic' changes in 2001 and the character of its own comprador political capitalism, which enters the final phase of the structural adaptation and redistribution of wealth towards the higher classes. Based on the results of the analysis, the author concludes that the process of a decade of destruction of Serbian society was conditioned by an agenda, i.e. it was conditioned by class interests. Adapted from the source document.

Austerity has in recent years become established as the European response to crisis. The necessity of fiscal consolidation is often expressed with a vocabulary evocative of guilt and imagined pleasure. It should therefore not surprise us that austerity recently became subject to Lacanian psychoanalysis, building on Todd McGowan's thesis on the transition from the society of prohibition to the society of commanded enjoyment. The current literature recognizes the dichotomy of spirits of capitalism: the first, ascetic and thrifty spirit demanding private sacrifice and the second, consumer spirit demanding specifically private enjoyment in the name of social duty. These spirits of capitalism are strategies for dealing with the loss of jouissance necessitated by the acceptance of symbolic order through socialization. The Phallic fantasy of full, uncastrated enjoyment is channelled through the strategy of deferral, aiming for full enjoyment in undetermined future (first spirit) or the repetitive attempt of immediate fulfilment (second spirit). Author supplements the existing argument in two crucial ways. Firstly, he traces the ways in which spirits of capitalism are mirrored in the changing positions of the political-economic mainstream. Secondly, using Arrighi's analysis of systemic cycles of accumulation, the author offers an additional structural component to the spirits of capitalism pendulum. Adapted from the source document.

The article presents the history of public policy, understood as one of political science subfields, as it has manifested itself in the journal Politicka misao, in the period from 1964 to 2013. On the basis of analyzed texts on the subject of public policy, the author constructs three periods of the history of the subdiscipline in the journal. The first period can be labeled the prehistory of the subdiscipline, when public policies were relatively rarely researched and without distinctive metavocabulary which later defined that area of research. The constitution of the subdiscipline and (post)war calm, which can partially be attributed to 'natural' domination of other research interests in transitional restructuring of political order, are placed in the second period of the development of the discipline (2000-2013). The last period (2000-2013) is characterized by further development of the subdiscipline, proliferation of research themes, theoretical approaches and researched policy areas. However, the author contends that it is also marked by the lack of consolidation. Besides discussing various methodological caveats that come as necessary in the task of writing a 'Whig' history of the subdiscipline, the article also tackles its future: in concluding normative projections, it surges out of the text into the social and political context of policy studies and analysis in Croatia. Adapted from the source document.

This paper explores Habermas's political philosophy of personal and collective identity and the role of constitution in building a post-national constellation in his political writings. Habermas's stances on European identity and the role that the European constitution-making process could have on the formation of aforementioned identity are reviewed, with responses to the no-demos thesis through his concept of constitutional patriotism. Author argues that constitutional patriotism and proceduralism in his political and legalistic observations seems to be the more realistic part of his discourse, while his search for European identity as pre-political viewpoint through the model of European political spheres still remains part of the idealistic vision. Adapted from the source document.

This paper explores Habermas's political philosophy of personal and collective identity and the role of constitution in building a post-national constellation in his political writings. Habermas's stances on European identity and the role that the European constitution-making process could have on the formation of aforementioned identity are reviewed, with responses to the no-demos thesis through his concept of constitutional patriotism. Author argues that constitutional patriotism and proceduralism in his political and legalistic observations seems to be the more realistic part of his discourse, while his search for European identity as pre-political viewpoint through the model of European political spheres still remains part of the idealistic vision. Adapted from the source document.