Suchergebnisse

The purpose of this dissertation is to present the significant achievements and activities of this chaplain in many areas of his life. He is not a person well known and has not gained a rightful place in the Polish historiography. The author of this dissertation attempted to analyze the role of chaplain in the functioning of the Polish Legions, the battle for Przemyśl and pastoral work in the Polish Army. Also considered the impact of the priest chaplain on the activities of the peasant movement, attempted to determine the degree of the impact of journalism Socio-political face of ideological and programmatic opposition government. The author did not omit the question of the position of chaplain in the structures of conspiracy Lvov under Soviet occupation.

The aim ot the article is to analyze the barriers that hinder the development of active civic attitudes in Poland. The author reflects on three areas, corresponding to her research hypotheses. The first area concerns trust, which has remained at similarly low levels in Poland for years. The author argues that behavior and attitudes implied by a higher level of trust can successfully regulate cooperation among people, which may replace legal provisions in many fields.The second barrier is an area of religiousness, specific to Poland, which catalyzes citizens' activity. The third area of analysis pertains to the quality of political discourse in Poland, which becomes more and more suffused with agression with the aim of attracting attention of potential constituents rather than substantive discussion.

The article refers to relations in the process of communication between teacher and students. The author uses classical literature and an expert interview with an experienced school teacher to bring her point across. The author feels that the described issues are of particular significance for beginner pedagogues. Shakespeare's genius gives a broad perspective on the subject of communication, because in both comedies and dramas we observe the importance of the communication aspect, which may be transferred to the relationship between students and the teacher. This gives a broad picture of the possible scenarios that will appear in the teacher's work and allows one to draw conclusions from the heroes' mistakes, which may be identical to those made in the relationships with students.

A Hundred Years of the Project Method in PolandThe text presents the development of the project method in Polish education throughout the last century. The project method was introduced into Poland after regaining independence, and it was implemented during the inter-war period (1918–1939) in some schools, both in urban and rural environments. Nevertheless, the method was at that time treated as a pedagogical novelty andexperiment, rather than a natural part of school life. After 1945, education, like other aspects ofsocio-political life, was influenced by the communist propaganda, and the project method, supporting autonomy, democracy and empowerment, was not promoted as a valuable educational approach. After 1989, when progressive trends appeared in Polish schools, the project method gained somepopularity but it was not until 2008 when it was granted national and formal recognition. Then, the new core curriculum was developed, and the project method became an obligatory part of school reality. The revival of the project method was connected with the alarming findings concerning social capital in Poland. In this situation, making students cooperate within projects seemed aremedy for the decreasing social capital. As the author points out, formal introduction of the method does not necessarily mean its effective accomplishment, which should be accompanied by spontaneity and authentic engagement. What is more, as the author shows, after decades of theabsence of this method in Poland, and the lack of the relevant socio-cultural background, teachers might find it difficult to implement a project so as to contribute to the increase of social capital. All these areas need further investigation. Nevertheless, the author hopes that the text will contribute tobetter understanding of contemporary challenges and opportunities related to the implementation of the idea of projects in Polish education. ; A Hundred Years of the Project Method in PolandThe text presents the development of the project method in Polish education throughout the last century. The project method was introduced into Poland after regaining independence, and it was implemented during the inter-war period (1918–1939) in some schools, both in urban and rural environments. Nevertheless, the method was at that time treated as a pedagogical novelty andexperiment, rather than a natural part of school life. After 1945, education, like other aspects of socio-political life, was influenced by the communist propaganda, and the project method, supporting autonomy, democracy and empowerment, was not promoted as a valuable educational approach.After 1989, when progressive trends appeared in Polish schools, the project method gained some popularity but it was not until 2008 when it was granted national and formal recognition. Then, the new core curriculum was developed, and the project method became an obligatory part of school reality. The revival of the project method was connected with the alarming findings concerningsocial capital in Poland. In this situation, making students cooperate within projects seemed a remedy for the decreasing social capital. As the author points out, formal introduction of the method does not necessarily mean its effective accomplishment, which should be accompanied by spontaneity and authentic engagement. What is more, as the author shows, after decades of theabsence of this method in Poland, and the lack of the relevant socio-cultural background, teachers might find it difficult to implement a project so as to contribute to the increase of social capital. All these areas need further investigation. Nevertheless, the author hopes that the text will contribute tobetter understanding of contemporary challenges and opportunities related to the implementation of the idea of projects in Polish education.

Der Artikel beschreibt und fasst die Auswirkungen der Wiedervereinigung auf das deutsche Parteiensystem nach 1990 zusammen. Zu den wichtigsten Konsequenzen der Vereinigung gehören: 1) die Entstehung einer neuen Partei (die PDS, seit 2007 Die Linke), welche die Interessen der Ostdeutschen Bevölkerung vertrat; 2) darauffolgende Bildung einer Fünfparteiensystem nach 1990; 3) unterschiedliche Wahlpräferenzen der West- und Ostdeutschen und die Herausbildung eines spezifischen regionalen Parteiensystems in den neuen Bundesländern (das Modell 3+, d.h. CDU, SPD, PSD/Die Linke + eventuell andere Parteien); 4) die Abschwächung beider großen Volksparteien und Verlust ihrer Dominanzposition innerhalb des deutschen Parteiensystems nach der Bundestagswahl 2009; 5) Relevanzverlust der FDP; 6) größere Veränderungsdynamik auf der deutschen politischen Szene. Das Ergebnis der Bundestagswahlen vom 22. September 2013 brachte große Veränderungen auf der politischen Szene Deutschlands. Beide Volksparteien, insbesondere CDU/CSU, gewannen zum Teil die verlorenen Positionen zurück, hauptsächlich auf Kosten der mittleren Parteien, FDP befand sich zum ersten Mal außer Bundestag und auf der deutschen politischen Szene erschien eine neue Partei – AfD. Nach der Wahl entstand das Modell 4+2 (vier Parteien: CDU/CSU, SPD, Die Linke und die Grünen, die im Bundestag vertreten sind + FDP und AfD, die knapp unter Sperrklausel waren) und die Große Koalition von CDU/CSU und SPD übernahm die Macht. Diese Konstellation schien eine Zeit lang beständig zu sein. Dennoch wurde die Position der beiden regierenden Parteien (insbesondere der CDU) seit dem Ausbruch der Migrationskrise abgeschwächt und der Einfluss der AfD, die konsequent gegen die Willkommenspolitik der Bundeskanzlerin Angela Merkel opponieren, wurde allmählich stärker.

The aim of the article is to deepen the discussion on the conceptualisation of migration policy as a specific public policy. The author analyzes the definitions of this policy formulated by Polish researchers and points out that their characteristic features are: the concentration on activities of state institutions and the reference to the functional and technical level of policy appropriate for public policy. At the same time, she observes that particular areas of public activity, including immigration, emigration and often also integration policies, are included in the scope of migration policy. The author proposes her own definition of migration policy as the totality of instruments, political actions and decisions designed and/or undertaken by the state authorities in relation to migration processes and their participants. She argues that migration policy should be distinguished from migration management, the term which was coined in order to name the (ostensibly) depoliticized, global migration control system.

The aim of presented article is to examine regularities in the geographical distribution of support for the new political parties in Poland, Czech Republic and Slovakia. At the beginning of the study, nationwide results of analyzed parties were compared with results achieved in territorial units. On this basis, the author created an indicator showing the average profit (or loss) of a new grouping in relation to the share of votes at the national level. Subsequently, the author calculated the Pearson's correlation coefficients to evaluate the relationship between results of new political parties in the first elections they gained parliamentary seats. The results of the analysis show that only in case of Czech Republic, it is possible to distinct the territorial units where citizens are more likely to vote for new parties. Nevertheless, most of differences in the geographical distribution of support for new parties in analyzed countries arise from three interrelated factors: the specificity of the territorial unit, ideological autoidentification of population inhabiting a particular territorial unit and popularity of party leaders.

The article is part of the introductory chapter of a monograph on the subject: The Word of Jahwe about Nations in the Books of the Prophetic Writers. The author gives a review of the opinion of the exegetes of our century, on the question of whether the prophets were interested, and to what a degres, in political metters especially in those which concerned the relationship of the chosen people to its neighbours. The opinions of the exegetes in this matter are of a very wide range, from the extremity (the prophets are agents of foreign powers or they are utopians) — to level — hea ded opinions generally prevailling today, according to which the prophets were men of God engaged in political affairs in so far as the necessity of taking an interest in those problems was dictated by their mission and calling. The author considers that this statement is of great importance for further studies, because it should facilitate the correct interpretation of the prophecies of those men of God as to foreign nations.

The author focuses on the analysis of the participatory budgeting issue. He presents the outcomes of its three-year implementation in Warsaw's Ursynów District. He emphasises more the conclusions drawn from practice than from the confrontation of the reality with the assumptions of participatory budgeting. The participatory budget is defined as a process aimed at enabling the community to directly influence the decision to allocate part of the public budget. Within its scope the inhabitants report proposals for projects worth funding. It is a way of including them in the planning of spending public funds that have been given by the authorities at their disposal. The author formulates the thesis that the practice of the participatory budget functioning in Poland is subject to numerous procedural defects. Local governments do not always produce the right patterns for its implementation. They struggle to match these budgets to their realities and often duplicate mistakes. It is a challenge for self-government councils to use their democratic mandate to more actively shape public spending processes.

W niniejszym artykule autor analizuje procesy kształtowania się politycznych systemów w państwach Kaukazu Południowego. Wskazuje przy tym na patologiczne zjawiska funkcjonujące w elitach władzy oraz w systemach politycznych tych państw. Analizie poddane zostały także konflikty w Górskim Karabachu, Abchazji i Osetii Południowej, które nadal dominują w życiu politycznym Armenii, Azerbejdżanu i Gruzji. Są podstawą ideologii i programów politycznych elit walczących o władzę, a także znacząco wpływają na styl przywództwa. W politycznej walce znaczącą rolę odgrywały elity wojskowe, które szybko awansowały na szczyt władzy. Autor próbuje wyjaśnić, jak konflikty w Górskim Karabachu, Abchazji i Osetii Południowej wpływają na proces transformacji ustrojowej państw regionu. Kolejnym aspektem analizy jest odpowiedź na pytanie, jak tradycja, kultura, psychologia, styl życia i interesy politycznych elit Armenii, Azerbejdżanu i Gruzji wpływają na rezultaty pokojowego uregulowania konfliktów. ; The Author analyses proces of the formation of political regimes in Southern Caucasus. He points to the pathological phenomena in the functioning of power elites and political regimes of those states. The Author analyses the influence of conflict in Nagorno Karabakh, Abkhazia and South Ossetia on the domestic and foreign policy of Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia. He proves that the described conflict for many years dominated in the political life of this country and was a basis of the ideology and the programs of elites struggling for power. In the struggle of the elites, the military elites played the main role, while being an important path to advancement to the peaks of power. The author tries to explain the influence of the Karabakh, Abkhazia and South Ossetia question on political transformation of the states in conflict. Another important thread of the analysis is to search answers to the question, how tradition, culture, psychology, life styles and political interests of elites in Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia affect the course and the effects of a peacemaking process aimed solving the Karabakh, Abkhazia and South Ossetia.

The aim of the article is to describe the processes of local communities mobilization in the face of (small) schools liquidation in the rural areas. The author focuses on those cases of local activism which resulted in the formalization of undertaken activities and the establishment of local associations willing to lead local schools. The article presents determinants of social mobilization processes, pointing to the important role of local authorities (executive bodies) and teachers perceived as leaders of local activism. Based on the results of qualitative research conducted in selected rural municipalities in Poland, the author identifies three models of local activism leading to the creation of local (grassroots) associations that act as school governing bodies. Two of the identified models of activism are of a cooperative nature, based on the co-action of local authorities and the local community. While third one is non-cooperative. In this case, the mobilization of the local community and the formation of the association resulted from the lack of community acceptance for the decision of the municipality related to schools liquidation. Theoretical frameworks of the article are based on the concept of local governance, assuming the active participation of nonpublic actors in the process of public tasks implementation. The author also refers to the concept of public participation and presents selected definitions of social activity. The article is based on empirical research conducted in the form of semi-structured interviews and available statistical data (GUS). The author used the following methods: the literature review method and elements of the comparative and systemic methods. ; Celem artykułu jest opis procesów aktywizacji społeczności lokalnej w obliczu likwidacji szkół na obszarach wiejskich, ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem tych, których efektem była formalizacja działań i powołanie stowarzyszeń prowadzących szkoły. Autorka koncentruje się na uwarunkowaniach procesów aktywizacji społecznej, wskazując na istotną rolę władz lokalnych (organów wykonawczych) oraz nauczycieli, jako liderów lokalnej mobilizacji. Bazując na wynikach badań jakościowych prowadzonych w wybranych gminach wiejskich, wskazuje na trzy modele aktywizacji prowadzącej do powstania oddolnych stowarzyszeń prowadzących szkoły. Dwa ze zidentyfikowanych rozwiązań mają charakter kooperatywny, oparty na współpracy władz lokalnych i społeczności lokalnej. Jeden zaś niekooperatywny, w przypadku którego władze gminy nie wspierały społeczności lokalnych w tworzeniu oddolnych stowarzyszeń, które podjęłyby się prowadzenia szkół. W tym przypadku aktywizacja społeczności lokalnej i powstanie stowarzyszenia były rezultatem braku akceptacji społeczności dla decyzji władz gminy. Ramy teoretyczne artykułu wyznacza koncepcja współrządzenia na poziomie lokalnym (local governance), zakładająca aktywny udział podmiotów niepublicznych w procesach realizacji zadań publicznych. Ponadto autorka dokonuje przeglądu definicji aktywności społecznej i partycypacji publicznej. W artykule wykorzystane zostały wyniki z badań empirycznych prowadzonych w formie wywiadów półustrukturyzowanych wśród 60 interesariuszy lokalnej polityki oświatowej oraz danych zastanych (GUS). W badaniu wykorzystano takie metody jak analiza literatury przedmiotu oraz metoda porównawcza.

The author has made an attempt to theoretically - by referring to empirical evidence - formulate the necessary conditions that allow participatory processes to happen. In this perspective, participation is not only an ethical requirement but primarily a mechanism that supports taking up the challenges posed by the increasing complexity of the social world. The examples presented in the article show that participation has a very strong 'competitor': clientelism. In the spaces where the latter forms the base of the relations between the government and society, it is difficult to find a well-rooted and sustainable presence of participatory processes. The author thus presents a hypothesis that the logic of clientelism, together with the lack of the ability to recognise the importance of resource interdependence, has the ability to weaken participation, or in other words, wash it out in a specific way. Clientelism strives to maximise the control over resources. This can, in some cases, support the realisation of development goals or be effective in particular governmental arrangements (e.g. the transformation in Poland in the 90s of the 20th century), however, it also deepens the passivity and in the long run can lead to a decrease in the value of some resources or even their loss. In this context, participation is thus understood mainly as an expression of caring for the owned and acquired resources and as the recognition of their interdependence.

In his book author explains social and political phenomena that are connected with political change in local conditions in Poland in 1989. As yet there has been no empirical study that would consider first partly free election to the last parliament of People's Republic of Poland in local conditions. In 1989 there were 108 electoral constituencies in Poland to the Sejm elections, and free election to the Senate were conducted in 49 provinces of Poland. Chojnice was a capital city of election constituency no. 14 to the Sejm and a part of election to the Senate conducted in Bydgoszcz Province. As over the time social issues are perceived through stereotypes and tend to be mythologized, it seems important to author to show such events and phenomena on firm basis. It is worth emphasizing that results from 1989 elections in local conditions are generally unknown. Poles do not know results in their local constituencies because nearly thirty years after the elections official results from local constituencies still have not been not published anywhere. Thus, this study is based on primary sources, newspapers from that time, literature of this particular issue. The analysis and synthesis is based on a number of theoretical perspectives: behaviorism to describe interaction between political actors – electoral system – party systems; political process and political change; Joseph Schumpeter's assumption that political competition is of fundamental importance for the democracy; Samuel Huntington's theory of third wave of democratization. All the data is analyzed in quantitative perspective. There is no hypothesis as the study is a descriptive and explanatory one. Its main goal is to highlight earlier unknown phenomena. This study is about local politics in a one-party state during the time of political change, so author refers to the politics on state level from that time. The most important questions refer to: continuity of activity of new social movement members from the time of the carnival of Chojnice "Solidarity" in the years 1980-1981 and their involvement in 1989; political negotiations and emergence of political leaders during that time; political will of citizens to take part in political change and their will to change the political system; attitudes of political actors from PUWP and "Solidarity"; individual nature of facts from that time taken under consideration from the perspective of local reality; attitudes of local regime members towards political change; results of elections in Chojnice constituency on 4th and 18th June 1989; differentiation of political behavior in Chojnice constituency; picture of society of that time; influence of cultural and ethnical identity as well as people's ties (mainly with Catholic Church) and roots on their political choices. Political behavior is one of the main category of this study. Author highlights not only electoral system but also describes process of political leaders' emergence on local scale. In this perspective election campaign is portrayed as a political fight between candidates of Citizen Committee of "Solidarity" and candidates of Polish United Worker's Party (PUWP) and its political satellites. As a matter of fact, author stresses the importance of category of the legitimization and shows that members of PUWP (in Poland known as PZPR) were not totally delegitimized by citizens in 1989 election in Chojnice constituency. In fact, PUWP was mostly legitimized by Poles in the northern part of Bydgoszcz Province during that election. The study consists of the following parts: introduction, 8 chapters, summary, bibliography, index and appendix. The first chapter describes electoral system and law that was enforced in 1989. The second one analyzes political climate and political situation around elections to the Sejm and the Senate. The third chapter is also mostly analytical one. Author describes local communists apparatchiks' attitude towards political change. The fourth chapter shows the process of political leaders emergence from both sides of the political conflict. The fifth chapter describes personal features of candidates to the Sejm and the Senate. The sixth chapter shows election campaign. The seventh one shows election results. The eighth chapter describes political attitudes and behavior of citizens in Chojnice constituency. In the appendix readers may find results from constituency districts of Chojnice town, and Chojnice country. As a result of this study some unexpected conclusions emerged after empirical study, for example: one of the most prominent one is that citizens of People's Republic of Poland do not reject totally PUWP and its monopoly for power and authority; paradoxically candidates from "Solidarity" movement were not selected as democratically as candidates from PUWP ; deep differences in political attitudes in Chojnice constituency depended on the scale of people's religiousness and the tradition of political opposition in town, as well as on ethnic groups; the highest support for political change was among Kashubians, whereas the lowest in the groups called Krajniacy and Borowiacy.