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".OUR GOVERNMENT HAS BEEN SPOILED, IT REQUIRES IMPROVEMENT AND NOT ALTERATION." JÓZEF ANDRZEJ ZAŁUSKI'S CONCEPT OF THE FUNCTIONING OF CONSTITUTIONAL SYSTEM OF THE NOBILIARY REPUBLIC Józef Andrzej Załuski, bishop of Kiev and the alleged author of Opisanie krótkie niektórych interessów wewnętrznych Najjaśniejszej Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej w roku 1762 (Brief description of some internal interests of the Eminent Polish Nobiliary Republic in 1762), tried to survey a series of opinions and reflections on the constitutional system of Poland at the decline of the reign of August III of Vettin dynasty and the beginning of reign of Stanisław August Poniatowski. The major element of Załuski's analysis is his attitude toward liberum veto which was one of the most crucial elements of the Polish constitutional system. While perceiving the negative aspect of the abuse arising from the liberum veto, Załuski considered the latter to be the immanent part of the Polish constitution. He therefore regarded the liberum veto as something unavoidable and as something what produced a counterbalance vis-à-vis the voting by majority, the latter being applied in England, Sweden and Denmark. It is easy to observe that Załuski was a firm opponent of the majority vote system. What – in his opinion - was detrimental to the Polish Republic was the absence of the effective implementation of good laws. As a result he did not see any need for the introduction of new constitutional devices. The volume published by the bishop of Kiev assumed, to a large extent, also the shape of polemics conducted by him with Stanisław Konarski and with the treaty of the latter On the Effective Advice.

The essential objective of the paper is to present the German model of social policy as compared to the social solutions adopted in the European Union. The author analyzes the transformations of social policy, established by virtue of the Treaty on the European Union, The Nice Treaty and Lisbon Treaty, among other documents. The further part of the paper presents the main assumptions of the German model of the welfare state. The author concludes with a suggestion that, at a time of global financial crisis, both the European Union and Germany will need to change their social policies. ; The essential objective of the paper is to present the German model of social policy as compared to the social solutions adopted in the European Union. The author analyzes the transformations of social policy, established by virtue of the Treaty on the European Union, The Nice Treaty and Lisbon Treaty, among other documents. The further part of the paper presents the main assumptions of the German model of the welfare state. The author concludes with a suggestion that, at a time of global financial crisis, both the European Union and Germany will need to change their social policies.

In the paper the author singles out three types of social order, that is the way of a social organization from the political power point of view: 1) religious order, 2) masterful order, and 3) civil order. The basic form of the social order is the state. According to the author the main difference between, from one had, the first two types, and the third from the other, lies in different political relation between the government and the rank and fi le members of the state. In the case of the fi rst two types – religious and masterful – all members, "citizens", are subject to the state, whereas in the case of civil order – the state is subject to its citizens. Poland after demise of communism has developed apparently a civil state, but Polish civil society has been still rather weak. The author of the essay is searching for the roots of this weakness in the Polish history.

The paper attempts to present the ideas of Robert Michels, known as the author of the "iron law of oligarchy." Unfortunately, this disciple and coworker of Max Weber is relatively unpopular in Poland. His fundamental work has not been published in Polish so far, while his thoughts appear to remain both original and topical. According to Michels, the need for organization and leadership comes from the masses, which tend to be passive and require direction. In the opinion of the author of the Political Parties, the mass character of 'contemporary' social phenomena makes directly-democratic leadership impossible. Even those institutions that are the most fervent supporters of the idea of such democracy are only an 'average' reflection of this ideally-typical system. An average model illustrates to what extent decision- making practices maintain only the appearances of democratic standards whereas the whole system observes an intensifying deficit of direct democracy. Robert Michels discusses the technical and administrative conditions of leadership and its autocratic nature, which is the core of the paper.

The text is about the process of liquidation of Workers' Publishing Collective "Prasa-Książka-Ruch", which had been a particularly important element of political system in The Polish People's Republic. The author says that this subject is not widely presented in the literature. Furthermore, she claims that for proper understanding of dismantling, she had met with the former last chairman of the Collective. Those meetings had given her a chance to write about aspects which hasn't often been presented in the literature. The text presents all the aspects and ways of liquidation but also shows main disadvantages of this process. Main signifi cation has the act from 22nd March 1990 which started the liquidation. The author presents that the most important defect of this document was preparing the act in rush and lack of consciousness of the diffi culty of this process. Accordingly, it caused many negative opinions about all the process. Key words: Workers' publishing collective, liquidation, transformation, The Round Table, monopoly, Sławomir Tabkowski, Polish United Workers' Party

The author discusses EU military missions in Africa carried out within the framework of the Common Foreign and Security Policy. Making reference to five African missions he analyzes the experience generated by these operations and tries to explain to what extent they might have been conducive to further commitment of the EU in crisis management in Africa. In his opinion, in the future the EU will continue to be present in Africa, yet it is hardly to be expected that its missions will qualitatively differ from present operations. ; The author discusses EU military missions in Africa carried out within the framework of the Common Foreign and Security Policy. Making reference to five African missions he analyzes the experience generated by these operations and tries to explain to what extent they might have been conducive to further commitment of the EU in crisis management in Africa. In his opinion, in the future the EU will continue to be present in Africa, yet it is hardly to be expected that its missions will qualitatively differ from present operations.

One of the fields of interest of modern political science involves the process of transformation of political systems, understood as the transition from nondemocratic to democratic systems. One of the countries undergoing such a political transformation is the Russian Federation, which in the nineteen-nineties faced the need to reject the model of the socio-political system of the Soviet Union, and to adjust to the emerging global civilization dominated by the models originating in West European countries. The paper emphasizes that, on account of the difficulties related to the process of political transformation, at the beginning of the new millennium West European models began to be supplanted by the models of Asian countries enjoying impressive economic growth while maintaining paternalist and authoritarian mechanisms of power. The author of the paper stresses that the political system of the modern Russian Federation is a particular mix of European and Asian models. Its functioning does not resemble the political regimes of polyarchy as much as those described as 'Asian democracies'. The author indicates that given the present developmental stage of the Russian Federation, this models appears to be more practical and adequate in the political and cultural reality of modern Russia. ; One of the fields of interest of modern political science involves the process of transformation of political systems, understood as the transition from nondemocratic to democratic systems. One of the countries undergoing such a political transformation is the Russian Federation, which in the nineteen-nineties faced the need to reject the model of the socio-political system of the Soviet Union, and to adjust to the emerging global civilization dominated by the models originating in West European countries. The paper emphasizes that, on account of the difficulties related to the process of political transformation, at the beginning of the new millennium West European models began to be supplanted by the models of Asian countries enjoying impressive economic growth while maintaining paternalist and authoritarian mechanisms of power. The author of the paper stresses that the political system of the modern Russian Federation is a particular mix of European and Asian models. Its functioning does not resemble the political regimes of polyarchy as much as those described as 'Asian democracies'. The author indicates that given the present developmental stage of the Russian Federation, this models appears to be more practical and adequate in the political and cultural reality of modern Russia.

One of the fields of interest of modern political science involves the process of transformation of political systems, understood as the transition from nondemocratic to democratic systems. One of the countries undergoing such a political transformation is the Russian Federation, which in the nineteen-nineties faced the need to reject the model of the socio-political system of the Soviet Union, and to adjust to the emerging global civilization dominated by the models originating in West European countries. The paper emphasizes that, on account of the difficulties related to the process of political transformation, at the beginning of the new millennium West European models began to be supplanted by the models of Asian countries enjoying impressive economic growth while maintaining paternalist and authoritarian mechanisms of power. The author of the paper stresses that the political system of the modern Russian Federation is a particular mix of European and Asian models. Its functioning does not resemble the political regimes of polyarchy as much as those described as 'Asian democracies'. The author indicates that given the present developmental stage of the Russian Federation, this models appears to be more practical and adequate in the political and cultural reality of modern Russia.

Present article concerns the provisions about the security and order during the election of the king in Both Nations Commonwealth, which were designed to ensure the safe and lawful carrying out election conventions. The purpose of these provisions was guaranteeing: proper organization of the meeting of Legislature (known as The Circle of Knights), correct adoption of foreign envoys and lawful conduct of monarch election. These regulations were prepared to fi ght with the criminal off ences and assurance the legal instruments to cope with problems concerning with functioning security services, building infrastructural facilities and supplying food. The author points at heterogenic nature of provisions of the security and order during the election of the polish kings, which included both procedural as well as substantive rules. Furthermore, substantive rules were related not merely with the criminal provisions, but also the others, similar to present-day regulations, which secure the mass events. The author tries to present the process of preparation and implementation of the provisions about the security and order during the election of the polish kings as one of the main tasks in the process of organization of the election conventions.

Present article concerns the provisions about the security and order during the election of the king in Both Nations Commonwealth, which were designed to ensure the safe and lawful carrying out election conventions. The purpose of these provisions was guaranteeing: proper organization of the meeting of Legislature (known as The Circle of Knights), correct adoption of foreign envoys and lawful conduct of monarch election. These regulations were prepared to fi ght with the criminal off ences and assurance the legal instruments to cope with problems concerning with functioning security services, building infrastructural facilities and supplying food. The author points at heterogenic nature of provisions of the security and order during the election of the polish kings, which included both procedural as well as substantive rules. Furthermore, substantive rules were related not merely with the criminal provisions, but also the others, similar to present-day regulations, which secure the mass events. The author tries to present the process of preparation and implementation of the provisions about the security and order during the election of the polish kings as one of the main tasks in the process of organization of the election conventions.

The Eurozone crisis, that made its presence felt especially between 2010 and 2011, illustrated that predicating the further European integration has become more difficult than it was a few years ago. Some of its consequences are already visible in a large scale; some will assuredly be noticed in a longer term. The aim of this case study is to indicate, according to the author's opinion, which are the most important and direct implications of the EU crisis for the further development of the European Union integration. In the first part of the article, the author outlined the most probable results of the presumptive dissolution of Eurozone. In the second part, he demonstrated that the Eurozone crisis would lead to wider integration of the Euroland. Nonetheless, this closer integration will not mean building the United States of Europe, since among the EU societies there is no agreement to transform the EU into this kind of federal structure. In the present case study the author shows that the EU crisis has strengthen the differentiated level of integration, stressed the role of Germany in the EU, weaken significantly the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP), strengthen the lack of democracy in the EU, contributed to slimming the welfare state and, finally, lowered attractiveness of EU model of integration.

The Eurozone crisis, that made its presence felt especially between 2010 and 2011, illustrated that predicating the further European integration has become more difficult than it was a few years ago. Some of its consequences are already visible in a large scale; some will assuredly be noticed in a longer term. The aim of this case study is to indicate, according to the author's opinion, which are the most important and direct implications of the EU crisis for the further development of the European Union integration. In the first part of the article, the author outlined the most probable results of the presumptive dissolution of Eurozone. In the second part, he demonstrated that the Eurozone crisis would lead to wider integration of the Euroland. Nonetheless, this closer integration will not mean building the United States of Europe, since among the EU societies there is no agreement to transform the EU into this kind of federal structure. In the present case study the author shows that the EU crisis has strengthen the differentiated level of integration, stressed the role of Germany in the EU, weaken significantly the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP), strengthen the lack of democracy in the EU, contributed to slimming the welfare state and, finally, lowered attractiveness of EU model of integration.

The paper tries to identify the role of specialized marketing agencies in the market activities of Polish political parties. It is based on the extensive observations the author carried out with respect to the application of marketing instruments in the political market. The purpose of the text is to demonstrate how political organizations can gain a competitive advantage by permanent cooperation with professional companies offering marketing consulting services. The starting point of these considerations is the concept of Jennifer Lees-Marshment, a researcher into political marketing from New Zealand, who assumes the total market orientation of a modern political organization (Market Oriented Party). According to her, a party should work the way a business does, ceaselessly meeting the needs of its consumer-voters. ; The paper tries to identify the role of specialized marketing agencies in the market activities of Polish political parties. It is based on the extensive observations the author carried out with respect to the application of marketing instruments in the political market. The purpose of the text is to demonstrate how political organizations can gain a competitive advantage by permanent cooperation with professional companies offering marketing consulting services. The starting point of these considerations is the concept of Jennifer Lees-Marshment, a researcher into political marketing from New Zealand, who assumes the total market orientation of a modern political organization (Market Oriented Party). According to her, a party should work the way a business does, ceaselessly meeting the needs of its consumer-voters.

Unia Europejska ulega ewolucji, rozszerzając się o nowe obszary, obejmując swym zasięgiem także państwa Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej. Stosownie do tych zmian i nowych wyzwań ewolucji ulegała także Polityka Bezpieczeństwa i Obrony UE, a szczególne znaczenie dla jej tworzenia miała deklaracja brytyjsko-francuska z Saint- Malo (1998 r.) oraz szczyt przywódców Unii w Kolonii w 1999 r. Autor omawia poszczególne etapy ewolucji EPBiO, budowanie jej zdolności obronnych oraz podejmowane w ramach Polityki Bezpieczeństwa i Obrony operacje wojskowe i misje stabilizacyjne UE. Omówione są też zmiany, jakie w zakresie tej polityki i sytuacji prawnomiędzynarodowej UE wprowadził traktat lizboński. Autor formułuje wniosek końcowy, że mimo kryzysu w strefie euro Unia Europejska jest w coraz większym stopniu "producentem bezpieczeństwa" w stosunkach międzynarodowych. ; The European Union is undergoing a process of evolution, expanding into new areas, covering the countries of Central and Eastern Europe. Pursuant to these changes and new challenges the evolution is gradually concerning security and defense policy of European Union, with the Anglo-French declaration of Saint-Malo (1998) and Union leaders summit in Cologne in 1999 being very important for its development. The author describes the various stages of the evolution of the ESDP, establishing and developing its defense capabilities, as well as military operations and stabilization missions of the European Union taken under the Security and Defense Policy. Also, the author presents the changes that have been introduced as a result of the Lisbon Treaty as far as the policy and the international legal situation of the EU are concerned. The author draws the final conclusion that despite the crisis in the euro zone, the European Union is increasingly "a manufacturer of safety" in international relations. ; Европейский Союз эволюирует, охватывает новые территории, а в зону его действия входят также государства Центрально-Восточной Европы. В связи с этими изменениями и новыми вызовами эволюирует также Политика безопасности и обороны ЕС (ПБиО), в создании которой особенное значение имела британско-французская декларация подписанная в Сен-Мало (1998 г.) и саммит руководителей ЕС в Кёльне в 1999 г. Автор рассматривает отдельные этапы эволюции ПБиО, её оборонные способности и проводимые в рамках этой политики военные и миротворческие операции ЕС. Анализирует также происходящие изменения в сфере этой политики и международной юридической ситуации ЕС после ввода в действие Лиссабонского договора. Подытоживая исследование автор высказывает предложение, что вопреки кризису еврозоны, Европейский Союз является «производителем безопасности» в международных отношениях.

The paper discusses the issue of the legitimacy of power as one of the key factors to ensure the stability of government and the entire socio-political system of state. The starting point for the analysis is provided by the "neofunctional elitist paradigm" (as named by its creator) that has been developed for over thirty years by John Higley and his collaborators. According to this paradigm, an opportunity for efficient communication between the government elite and the most important opposition elite is one of the methods for creating a "consolidated democracy", which, in the opinion of the authors of the paradigm, is the most desirable model of modern system of representative democracy. Further on in the paper, the history of the main issues related to the legitimacy and legitimization of power are presented using selected examples, primarily with reference to the main theoretical concepts of power and its legitimacy. The main part of the analysis concerns Poland and selected countries in this region, and the issue of whether it is justified to classify them as consolidated democracies. The author reminds of J. Higley's opinion that Poland and Hungary witnessed negotiations between the representatives of the former, socialist elite and members of the opposition at the beginning of the process of political transformation. Owing to that, "consensual elites" emerged in both countries. The author also notes that the process of transformation in this part of Europe (and in particular in Poland) is, in a way, 'traditionally' assessed much more positively by political scientists and sociologists from the West than by the academics (let alone journalists and politicians) in Poland. This favorable assessment is exemplified by their including Poland in a group of a few countries with a "consolidated democracy". ; The paper discusses the issue of the legitimacy of power as one of the key factors to ensure the stability of government and the entire socio-political system of state. The starting point for the analysis is provided by the "neofunctional elitist paradigm" (as named by its creator) that has been developed for over thirty years by John Higley and his collaborators. According to this paradigm, an opportunity for efficient communication between the government elite and the most important opposition elite is one of the methods for creating a "consolidated democracy", which, in the opinion of the authors of the paradigm, is the most desirable model of modern system of representative democracy. Further on in the paper, the history of the main issues related to the legitimacy and legitimization of power are presented using selected examples, primarily with reference to the main theoretical concepts of power and its legitimacy. The main part of the analysis concerns Poland and selected countries in this region, and the issue of whether it is justified to classify them as consolidated democracies. The author reminds of J. Higley's opinion that Poland and Hungary witnessed negotiations between the representatives of the former, socialist elite and members of the opposition at the beginning of the process of political transformation. Owing to that, "consensual elites" emerged in both countries. The author also notes that the process of transformation in this part of Europe (and in particular in Poland) is, in a way, 'traditionally' assessed much more positively by political scientists and sociologists from the West than by the academics (let alone journalists and politicians) in Poland. This favorable assessment is exemplified by their including Poland in a group of a few countries with a "consolidated democracy".